American    Who    Was    Ones 

Havana  Editor  Says  He  Sent 

Facts  to  Washington. 


MERIDIAN  (Conn.),  November  8.— r 
Former  State  Senator  Francis  Atwater 
of  this  city,  who  was  publishing  a 
newspaper  at  Havana,  Cuba,  at  the 
time  the  Maine  was  blown  up,  com- 
menting on  the  statement  of  Colonel 
Brady  yesterday  at  Kansas  City  to  the 
effect  that  the  ship  had  been  blown 
up  from  the  outside  and  that  the  Gov- 
ernment knew  the  details  of  the  hap- 
penings years  ago,  today  affirmed  th« 
story. 

Mr.  Atwater  says  he  sent  a  cable-* 
gram  to  this  country  on  November  4, 
1899,  telling  of  Zalvado's  destruction  of 
the  warship  and  his  accomplice's,  tha 
information,  according  to  Mr.  Atwater, 
having  been  given  him  by  a  detective, 
who  told  him  also  that  Zalvadp  had 
been  poisoned  and  that  one  of  his  ac- 
complices stood  ready  to  confess  the 
details  of  the  plot. 

At  that  time  all  the  information  ob- 
tainable, Atwater  said,  was  sent  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  but  while  the  letter 
was  acknowledged,  no  further  notice 
Avas  taken  of  it  so  far  as  Atwatei! 


THE    RISE 


x 

OF 


THE    KEPUBLIC 


OF 


THE    UNITED    STATES 


BY 


RICHARD   FROTHINGHAM^    (  S"  I  2  - 


FOURTH  EDITION 


BOSTON: 
LITTLE,   BROWN,   AND    COMPANY. 

1886. 


(o 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  tlie  year  1872,  by 

RICHARD    FROTHINGHAM, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress  at  Washingtor 


CAMBRIDGE: 
PRESS  OF  JOHN  WILSON  AND  SON. 


ol 

9  a 

II 

o  u 


TO 

MY   WIFE, 

I     DEDICATE     THIS     WORK. 


PREFACE. 


THIRTY-FIVE  years  ago  I  prepared,  con  amore,  a 
series  of  papers  on  "  The  History  of  .Charlestown," 
my  native  place,  designed  for  the  local  newspaper ; 
but  they  were  published  in  pamphlet  form.  The 
first  number  appeared  in  1845,  and  six  additional 
numbers  brought  the  history  down  to  the  period  of 
the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill. 

In  the  same  spirit  I  then  made  collections  relative 
to  the  opening  scenes  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution  ; 
and,  as  there  was  no  complete  narrative  of  these 
events,  I  published  in  1849  the  "History  of  the  Siege 
of  Boston,  and  of  the  Battles  of  Lexington,  Concord, 
and  Bunker  Hill." 

In  these  researches  I  became  familiar  with  the  po- 
litical career  of  Joseph  Warren,  and  began  to  frame 
a  narrative  of  the  transactions  in  which  he  figured  as 
a  political  leader  ;  and  this  was  the  occasion  of  the 
preparation  of  "The  Life  and  Times  of  Joseph  War- 
ren," published  in  1865. 

I  also  furnished  articles  more  or  less  elaborate  to  a 
Boston  daily  newspaper,  on  points  of  American  his- 
tory, as  an  occasional  contributor  from  1838  to  1852, 


VI  PREFACE. 

and  for  the  succeeding  thirteen  years  as  one  of  the 
proprietors  and  editors.  An  article  on  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  dealing  with  principles,  printed 
on  the  Fourth  of  July,  1842,  —  another,  on  the  suc- 
ceeding anniversary  relating  facts,  —  and  a  third  on 
the  2d  of  March,  1854,  on  the  first  covenant  of  the 
country,  —  fill  several  columns,  and  would  make  a 
considerable  pamphlet.  These  papers,  to  say  nothing 
of  others,  relate  to  the  formative  process  of  the  na- 
tion.1 

These  circumstances,  with  others  not  necessary  to 
be  stated,  led  me  to  historical  research  having  in  view 
the  one  clear  and  distinct  object  of  tracing  the  de- 
velopment of  the  national  life;  a  theme  separate  from 
the  ordinary  course  of  civil  and  military  transactions, 
and  requiring  events  to  be  selected  from  their  rela- 
tion to  principles,  and  to  be  traced  to  their  causes. 
The  theme,  as  I  went  on,  seemed  to  grow  beyond  my 
reach.  I  well  knew  that  it  was  only  by  patient  labor, 
that  I  could  hope  to  justify  the  attempt  to  deal  with  it. 
I  tried  to  form  in  my  mind  a  picture  of  the  many 
streams  that  met  and  united  in  the  current  which  ter- 

1  It  is  said  that  there  has  not  been  a  single  writer  "  who  has  attempted  to 
^distinguish  between  the  History  of  the  United  States  and  the  Political  Literature  of 
the  country;  that  is,  in  giving  an  account  of  the  facts,  of  a  public  or  private  nature, 
that  controlled  the  events  of  any  era  or  epoch,  almost  all  have  altogether  failed  to 
look  to  the  inner  influence,  so  to  speak,  of  the  writings,  the  proceedings  of  public 
bodies,  the  state  papers,  that  in  each  case  preceded  and  moulded  and  accompanied 
every  important  occurrence  of  the  different  phases  of  our  national  existence.  They 
have  confined  their  attention  too  much  to  the  effect  of  the  development  of  both  the 
political  and  social  progress  of  our  earlier  existence,  and  have  paid  too  little  heed  to 
the  causes  of  the  gradual  expansion  of  political  opinions  and  the  origin  of  our  steady 
and  successful  advance  to  independence  and  constitutional  government." — T//e 
Penn  Monthly,  for  August,  1871,  vol.  ii.  379. 


PREFACE.  vii 

minated  in  the  broad  expanse  of  a  nation.  I  also 
endeavored  to  form  an  idea  of  the  spirit  of  the  men 
of  the  past,  from  their  own  words  uttered  in  the  midst 
of  their  labors,  and  wet  as  it  were  with  the  sweat  of 
their  brows, — of  the  conservatives  who  tried  to  stay 
the  current,  as  well  as  of  the  men  of  progress  who 
recognized  it  and  were  borne  onward  by  it.  Yet  the 
attainment  of  the  ideal  is  but  the  commencement  of 
the  work.  The  difficulty  is  to  make  the  page  alive 
with  the  moving  waters.  I  feel  conscious  that  this  is 
but  imperfectly  done. 

I  am  indebted  to  Rev.  EDWIN  H.  CHAPIN,  D.D.,  for 
files  of  Philadelphia  newspapers  during  the  Revolu- 
tionary period;  and  to  Hon.  CHARLES  H.  WARREN,  for 
the  original  letter  of  John  Adams,  printed  in  the  Ap- 
pendix. For  valuable  aid  in  preparing  the  work  for 
the  press,  I  express  grateful  acknowledgments  to  WIL- 
LIAM F.  POOLE,  Esq.,  Rev.  CHANDLER  ROBBINS,  D.D., 
and  Rev.  ANDREW  P.  PEABODY.  D.D. 

RICHARD    FROTH1NGHAM. 

CHARLESTOWN,  MASS., 
Sept.  12,  1872. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   I. 

INTRODUCTION.  —  IDEAS  OF  LOCAL  SELF-GOVEBNMENT  AND  or  NATIONAL 

UNION. 


PAGE 

Introduction 1 

Territory  which  became  the  United 

States 1 

Designed  by  Providence  to  be  the 

Abode  of  a  Great  Nation  ...  2 
Growth  of  the  Population ....  3 
Their  Relation  of  Union  ....  4 
Character  of  the  Aborigines  ...  4 
The  Land  awaiting  a  New  Civiliza- 
tion    5 

Preparation  in  the  Old  World  for 

Colonization 5 

Pagan  Idea  of  Man 6 

Christian  Idea  of  Man 6 

Transformation  of  Society  effected 

by  Christianity 6 

Its  Political  Consequences ....  7 
Pioneers  of  the  Republican  School:  — 

George  Buchanan 7 

Hubert  Lanquet 8 

John  Milton 8 

John  Locke 8 

Algernon  Sidney 9 

International  Law  respecting  Rights 

to  the  Soil 9 

Migrations,  Individual 10 

Ancestry  of  the  American  Race  .    .  10 
Motives  of  the  Colonists    ....  11 
Their  Boldness  in  applying  Prin- 
ciples   11 


PAGB 

Polity  of  the  United  States  peculiar  11 

"EPluribusUnurn" 11 

Circumstances  that  created  Diver- 
sity       12 

Ideas  that  produced  Union    ...  12 
Local  Self-government  and  Union 
the  Elements  of  the  Polity  of  the 

United  States 1? 

Local  Self-government 14 

Among  the  Germans  ....  14 

Among  the  Saxons     ....  14 

Undermined  by  the  Crown  .    .  15 

Applied  by  the  Colonists     .    .  !•' 

In  Municipal  Government  .    .  16 

In  Representation 17 

The  Formation  of  Assemblies     .    .  18 

The  Formation  of  Municipalities     .  19 

The  Elective  Franchise      ....  25 

The  Public  Meeting 27 

Product  of  Local  Self-government  .  28 

Idea  of  National  Union     ....  28 

Early  Conception  of  Union    .    .  •  .  28 
Embodiments  of  Union  during  the 

Colonial  Period 29 

Urged  in  a  Spirit  of  Allegiance  to 

the  Crown 30 

Union  at  the  Revolution  urged  in 
the  view  of  forming  an  Independ- 
ent Nation  30 

Foundations  of  the  Republic  ...  31 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTEE    H. 

THE    COMBINATION  OF  LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT   AND   UNION   is   THB 
NEW  ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY. 

1643  TO  1684. 


PAGE 

Society  in  the  Colonies,  developed 

first  imder  the  Law  of  Diversity  .  33 
Settlements  in   North  America  in 

1643 33 

Maps  of  the  Country 34 

Progress  of  Colonization   ....  34 

How  directed  by  England ....  35 

General  Assault  by  the  Indians  .    .  36 

New  England  in  1643 36 

Charged    with    aiming    at    Sover- 
eignty        37 

Protestations  of  Loyalty    ....  38 

Appeal  of  Edward  Winslow  for  Aid  38 

The  Colonies  cast  on  themselves      .  38 

They  aim  at  Union 39 

Confederation  of  1643 39 

Congratulation  of  Thomas  Hooker  .  40 
Articles  of  the  Confederation ...  40 
Character  of  the  Confederation  .     .  42 
Qualification  of   Church    Member- 
ship       43 

Benefits  of  the  Confederation     .     .  44 

Long  Parliament  and  New  England  44 

Jealousy  of  New  England      ...  45 

Lords  of  Trade  and  Plantations  .    .  45 

Appeals  to  this  Board 45 

Answer  of  Massachusetts  ....  46 

Magna  Charta  cited 46 

Charge  of  aiming  at  Sovereignty    .  46 

Answer  of  Edward  Winslow ...  47 

Appeals  disallowed 47 

The  Colonies  and  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment    47 

The  Colonies  and  Cromwell   ...  48 
New  England  Confederation  pros- 
perous       48 

Eliot's  Christian  Commonwealth     .  49 

Restoration  of  Charles  II.  ....  49 

Clarendon  and  Republicanism    .     ,  49 

Council  for  Foreign  Plantations  .    ,  50 


TAGB 

Complaints  against  New  England  .  51 

The  Colonies  and  the  Sovereignty  .  51 

Charge  of  aiming  at  Independence  .  51 

Charters  of  Charles  II 52 

Subordination  to  the  Sovereignty  .  53 
Grant  to  the  Duke  of  York  ...  53 
Creation  of  a  Special  Commission  .  54 
Empowered  to  regulate  the  Inter- 
nal Affairs  of  New  England  .  .  54 
Commissioners'  Arrival  in  Boston  .  54 
Reduction  of  New  Netherland  .  .  55 

Geographical  Unity 55 

Massachusetts  and  the  Commission  55 
The  Commissioners  and  Three  Colo- 
nies      55 

In  Massachusetts 56 

Aid  the  General  Election     .    .  57 
Confer  with  the  General  Court  57 
The  Commission  asserts  its  Author- 
ity        58 

The  General  Court  nullifies  its  Acts  59 
The  Commissioners  charge  the  Gen- 
eral Court  with  denying  the  Sov- 
ereignty .    .    ., 59 

Answer  of  the  General  Court ...  60 
Illegality  of  the  Commission ...  62 
Decline  of  the  Confederacy  ...  63 
Meetings  of  the  Commissioners  .  .  63 
Public  Mind  not  ripe  for  Union  .  .  64 
Loyalty  of  New  England  ....  65 
Views  of  the  Confederacy  ...  66 
Absurdity  of  the  Charge  of  Inde- 
pendence    66 

Affection  for  England 67 

Prophecies  concerning  America  .    .  68 

Seneca's  Venient  Annis     ....  68 

Lines  on  America  by  Pulci     ...  70 

Herbert 70 

Cowley 71 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    III. 

How  AGGRESSION  ON  T*.E  PRINCIPLE  OP  LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT  LED 
TO  REVOLUTION  AND  INTERCOLONIAL  CORRESPONDENCE,  AND  HOW  A 
COMMON  PERIL  OCCASIONED  A  CONGRESS. 

1684  TO  1690. 


PAGE 

PieparatJDn  for  a  Congress     ...  72 

North  America  in  1688 72 

Maps  of  the  Country 73 

Numbers  of  the  French  and  English  73 
The  Twelve  English  Colonies  .  .  73 
Their  General  Characteristics  .  .  75 
Spirit  of  the  Local  Governments  .  76 
Privy  Council  order  American  Af- 
fairs    77 

Debates  in  this  Board 78 

Consolidation  of  the  Colonial  Gov- 
ernments resolved  on      ....  78 

Accession  of  James  II 79 

Question  of  American  Taxation  .     .  79 

Edward  Randolph 79 

Reign  of  Despotic  Power  ....  80 

Opposition  roused  in  the  Colonies  .  81 

Overthrow  of  Andros 81 

Results  of  Popular  Action  ....  82 

Accession  of  William  and  Mary .    .  83 

Rise  of  Jacob  Liesler 83 

Opposition  to  his  Authority    ...  84 


PAGE 

.  84 
.  85 
.  86 


Intercolonial  Correspondence  . 
Designs  of  France  in  America 
The  Five  Nations  desire  Peace 
Conference  of  Four  Colonies  at  Al- 
bany   . 86 

Increasing  Danger  from  France  .     .  87 
Call  for  the  New  England  Confeder- 
acy    87 

Factions  in  New  York  ......  88 

Burning  of  Schenectady    ....  88 

Massachusetts  invites  a  Congress    .  89 

Replies  of  the  Colonies 90 

Meeting  of  Commissioners  ....  91 

Agreement  to  raise  a  Military  Force  92 

Result  of  Military  Operations     .    .  93 

Execution  of  Jacob  Liesler    ...  93 

Career  of  Simon  Bradstreet    ...  95 

Enthusiasm  for  William  and  Mary  .  96 

Charge  of  Independence    ....  97 

Absurdity  of  this  Charge  ....  98 

Prosperity  of  the  English  Colonies .  99 

Prophecy  of  Thomas  Browne     .    .  99 


CHAPTER    IV. 

THE  IDEAS  OF  LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT  AND  OF  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY 
YEARS,  AND  THEIR  COMBINATION  IN  THE  PLAN  ADOPTED  BY  THB 
ALBANY  CONVENTION. 

1690  TO  1760. 


The  Law  of  Diversity  paramount 

for  Seventy  Years 101 

North  America  in  1760  ....  101 

General  Maps 102 

Races  of  the  Colonists  ....  103 

Governments  of  Thirteen  Colonies  104 
Their  Population  and  Political 

Weight 104 

Characteristics  of  the  New-Eng- 

landers 105 

The  Colonies  a  Great  American 

Asylum 106 

Traits  of  an  American  ....  107 


Spirit  of  British  Administrations  .  107 
The  Lords  of  Trade  and  Planta- 
tions    108 

French  and  Indian  W  us  .     .    .     .  108 

Common  Danger  suggested  Union  109 

Need  of  an  American  Constitution  110 

Plan  of  Union,  by  William  Penn  .  110 

By  Charles  Davenant    .     .     .  Ill 
Contemporary  Criticism  on    these 

Plans 112 

Plan  of  Union  by  Daniel  Coxe  .     .  113 

The  Popular  Party  and  Union  .     .  114 

The  Prerogative  Party  and  Union  114 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Scheme  of  Robert  Livingston   .     .  115 
Of  Archibald  Kennedy  ...  116 
Proposal  of  Governor  Dinwiddie  .  136 
Objects  of  the  Two  Parties  com- 
pared    117 

Congresses  and  Conventions     .     .  118 

Congresses  from  1684  to  1751    .     .  118 

Speech  of  Governor  Clinton .     .     .  120 

Intercolonial  Correspondence     .     .  121 
Jealousy  by  the  Crown  of  American 

Action 121 

Development  of  Self-government  .  121 
Fidelity  to  its  Principles  ....  123 
The  Crown  regarded  as  a  Protector  123 
Royal  Governors  and  Self-govern- 
ment    124 

The  Privy  Council  and  Local  Gov- 
ernment    125 

The  Lords  of  Trade  and  the  Pre- 
rogative    125 

Illegal  Exercise  of  the  Prerogative  125 

Resisted  by  the  Assemblies  .     .    .  125 

Claims  of  the  Prerogative     .     .     .  127 
State    Papers    circulated    by    the 


128 

The  Newspaper  in  America  .     .    .  129 

Encroachments  of  the  French   .     .  130 

Inefficiency  of  the  Lords  of  Trade  .  131 

Views  of  Halifax  and  Townshend  .  131 

The  Crown  decide  to  resist  France  131 

Call  of  a  Convention  at  Albany     .  132 

The  Colonists  and  the  French   .    .  133 


the 


PAGB 

133 

134 

136 
137 
138 
139 
139 
140 
140 

Franklin's  Plan 141 

142 
142 
144 
145 
146 
146 
148 
148 


Speech  of  Washington    .    . 
Royal    Governors    commend 

Convention 

Condition  of  the  Colonies .  .  . 
Meeting  of  the  Convention  .  . 
Character  of  its  Members  .  . 
Nature  of  the  Commissions  .  . 
Conferences  with  the  Indians  . 
Resolve  that  Union  is  a  Necessity 
The  Committee  to  report  a  Plan 


Report  of  the  Committee  .... 

Albany  Plan  of  Union 

Referred  to  the  Assemblies    .     .    . 
Commended  in  the  Press  .... 
Recommended  by  Royal  Governors 
Rejected  by  the  Assemblies  .     .     . 
Neglected  by  Lords  of  Trade    .    . 
Character  of  the  Albany  Plan  .     . 
Franklin's  Conception  of  a  Self-sus- 
taining Government      ....    14£ 
Fatal  Objection  to  the  Plan  .     .    .    15C 
Discussion  of  Plans  of  Union     .    .    151 
Predictions  that  Union  was  Im- 
possible   151 

Conquest  of  Canada 152 

General  Rejoicing 153 

Charge  of  aiming  at  Independence  153 
Prophecies  of  the  Future  ....  155 
Description  of  America  ....  156 
Love  of  Liberty 157 


CHAPTER    V. 

How  THE  ASSERTION  BY  PARLIAMENT  OF  A  RIGHT  TO  TAX  THE  COLONIES 
BY  THE  STAMP  ACT  EVOKED  A  SENTIMENT  OF  UNION,  AND  OCCA- 
SIONED A  GENERAL  CONGRESS. 


1760  TO  1766. 


An  Epoch  in  History  .  .  . 
The  American  Revolution  . 
The  Thirteen  Colonies  .  .  . 
George  III.  and  Lord  Bute  . 
Policy  respecting  America  . 
Embodied  in  Instructions  on 

Acts  of  Trade 

In  the  Declaratory  Resolves . 
Formation  of  Parties  . 


the 


158 
158 
159 
160 
161 

162 
163 
164 


Whigs  based  on  the  Christian  Idea 
of  Man 165 

Tories  based  on  the  Supremacy  of 


Law 


Effect  of  the  Declaratory  Resol-res 
Boston  and  Samuel  Adams  .     .    . 
Instructions  enjoining  United  Ef- 
fort  

The  General  Court  and  James  Otis 


165 
16ti 
167 

168 
168 


CONTENTS. 


Xlii 


PAGE 

His  Rights  of  the  British  Colonies  169 

Committees  of  Correspondence  .     .  171 

Petitions  of  the  Assemblies  .     .    .  172 

Tone  of  the  Press 174 

Passage  of  the  Stamp,  Act    ...  175 

Speech  of  Isaac  Barre" 176 

Resistance  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty .  177 

James  Otis  on  Union 177 

Call  by  Massachusetts  of  a  Con- 

.  178 

.  178 

.  179 

.  180 


Response  of  the  Colonies  .    . 

Virginia  and  Patrick  Henry 

Resolves  on  the  Stamp  Act  . 

Fame  of  the  Resolves 181 

Response  of  Providence  to  Massa- 
chusetts and  Virginia  ....  181 

South  Carolina  and  Christopher 
Gadsden 182 

Thirteen  Colonies  express  Sym- 
pathy with  a  Congress  ....  182 

Associations  to  resist  the  Stamp 
Act 183 


PAGE 

Popular  Uprisings  and  Outrages  .  183 

Political  Excitement  in  New  York  184 

The  Stamp-act  Congress  ....  185 

Declaration  of  Rights 186 

Resolves  and  Petition       ....  187 

Sentiments  of  its  Members  .     .    .  188 

Speech  of  Christopher  Gadsden     .  188 

Signing  of  the  Petition    .     .    .    .  188 

Reception  of  the  Proceedings     .    .  189 

Sentiment  of  Union 189 

Embodied  by  the  Assemblies    .     .  190 

The  Prerogative  Party  and  Union  191 

The  Popular  Party  and  Union  .     .  192 

Terms  America  and  Country     .     .  192 

Assertion  of  the  Rights  of  Labor  .  193 

Growth  of  Union 195 

Joy  on  the  Repeal  of  the  Stamp 


Act 


Tory  Charge  of  Independence  .    . 
Whig  Resolve  to  defend  American 

Liberty 

Prophecies  concerning  America     . 


196 
197 

198 
199 


CHAPTER    VI. 

How  THE  ASSERTION  BY  PARLIAMENT,  IN  THE  TOWNSHEND  REVENUE 
ACTS,  OP  ABSOLUTE  POWER  OVER  THE  COLONIES,  WAS  MET  BY  A 
CONSTITUTIONAL  OPPOSITION,  AND  HOW  AN  ARBITRARY  ROYAL  ORDER 

ELICITED   ACTION   IN  A   SIMILAR    SPIRIT   BY    THIRTEEN  ASSEMBLIES,   IN 

DEFENCE  OF  THEIR  LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 


1766  TO  1770. 


A  Constitutional    Opposition  and 

Public  Opinion 201 

Repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  — 

In  America 201 

In  England 202 

Charles  Townshend  on  America    .  203 

The  Townshend  Revenue  Acts .     .  204 

Their  Object  political 204 

Their  Aggression  on  the  Right  to 

make  the  Local  Law     ....  205 

Death  of  Townshend 206 

Lord  North  and  Lord  Hillsborough  206 
A  New  Political  Movement  on  the 

Basis  of  Social  Order    ....  206 

James  Otis  on  Mobs 206 

Jonathan  Mayhew  on  Union    .     .  207 

The  Farmers'  Letters 208 


208 


The  Non-importation  Agreement  . 
Meeting  of  the  Assembly  of  Massa- 

chusetts .........    209 

Their  Letter  to  their  Agent  in  Lon- 

don   ..........    210 

Their  Petition  to  the  King    ...     211 
Their  Circular  Letter  suggesting 

Concurrent  Action    .....    212 
Reply  of  the  Assembly  of  New 

Hampshire  ........    213 

Of  Virginia.     ......     213 

Of  New  Jersey     .....    214 

Of  Connecticut     .....    214 

Royal  Order  to  rescind  the  Circu- 

lar Letter    ........    214 

Communicated  by  Governor  Ber- 

nard .  .    .    216 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Denunciation  by  James  Otis     .     .  217 
The   Assembly   refuses  to  rescind 

the  Letter 218 

The  Vote  of  Ninety-two  ....  219 

Bernard  dissolves  the  Assembly     .  220 

Profound  Sensation  in  the  Colonies  221 
Royal  Order  to  treat  the  Circular 

Letter  with  Contempt  ....  221 

The  Press  on  this  Order   ....  222 

Question  of  the  Circular  Letter  and 

Royal  Order  in  Maryland .     .     .  223 

In  South  Carolina      ....  223 

In  Georgia   . 224 

In  Rhode  Island 225 

In  Pennsylvania 225 

In  Delaware 226 

In  New  York 226 

In  North  Carolina      ....  227 
Popular  Approval  of  the  Assem- 
blies     227 

The  Action  new  in  the  Political 

World 228 

"Ninety -two"  and  "Forty-five"  229 
The  Prayer  of  the  Colonies  to  the 

Sovereignty 230 

Fate  of  the  Petitions 231 

The    Arraignment    of   Massachu- 
setts  . 231 

The  Colonists  charged  with  Trea- 
son       232 

Decision  to  transport  the  Popular 

Leaders  to  England 232 

Attitude  of  Virginia 233 

Lord  Botetourt 233 

Meeting  of  the  Burgesses      ...  234 


PAGE 

Thomas  Jefferson 234 

Resolves  of  the  Burgesses     .     .     .  235 
Their  Reception  in  the  Colonies     .  237 
Their  Endorsement  by  the  Assem- 
blies  .     .     .     .9 238 

Virginia  gives  an  Impulse  to  the 

Non-importation  Agreement  .     .  238 

Rise  of  an  American  Spirit  .     .     .  240 
Partial  Repeal  of  the  Townshend 

Acts 2iO 

Effect  of  the  Attempt  to  check  Re- 
publicanism       241 

Progress  in  Political  Science      .    .  2il 
Disclaimer  of  the  Aim  of  Independ- 
ence      212 

Propositions  for  a  Union  ....  242 
Union  Movement  of  the  Presby- 
terians      243 

Prophec3r  of  Thomas  Hutchinson  .  244 
Of  William   Livingston  of  an 

American  Constitution    .     .  244 
Prophecies  of  Independence :  — 

Of  Samuel  Adams    ....  245 

Of  the  French  Agents   .     .     .  245 

Of  Chatelet 245 

Of  Turgot 245 

Of  Choiseul 245 

The  Embodiment  of  Public  Opin- 
ion elicited  by  the  Townshend 

Acts 246 

European  Sympathy  with  the  Am- 
erican Cause 246 

The  Cause  of  Humanity  ....  247 

The  Rising  Glory  of  America   .    .  248 


CHAPTER    VII. 

How  THE  PATRIOTS  ADVANCED  FROM  AN  EMBODIMENT  OF  PUBLIC  OPIN- 
ION TO  A  PARTY  ORGANIZATION,  BY  FORMING  COMMITTEES  OF  COR- 
RESPONDENCE. 

MARCH,  1770,  TO  AUGUST,  1773. 


From  an  Embodiment  of  Public 

Opinion  to  Organization    .     .     .     249 
The  Tory  Party  attain  Power   .     .     249 
Its  aim  to  check  Republicanism     .     250 
Its  Ideas  embodied  in  the  Declara- 
tory Act 250 

Its  Design  to  undermine  the  Local 
Governments 251 


By  the  Method  of  Royal  Instruc- 
tions   251 

Law  accepted  by  the  Whigs  .     .     .     251 
Instructions  under  the  King's  Sign- 
manual  claimed  to  have  the  Force 

of  Law 252 

Effectually  resisted  by  the  Whigs  .     253 
Ability  of  their  Argument     .     .     .     254 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


PAGE 

Reliance  on  the  Non-importation 

Agreement 256 

Failure  of  this  Agreement    .    .     .  257 
Dissension  and  War  between  the 

Colonies 258 

Political  Agitation  subsides  .  .  .  259 
Fidelity  of  Samuel  Adams  ...  261 
Proposes  Union  and  Organization  262 
By  the  Method  of  Municipal  Com- 
mittees of  Correspondence  .  .  263 
Lcrd  Dartmouth  the  Head  of  the 

American  Department ....  264 

Issues  fresh  Royal  Instructions  .    .  265 
The  Occasion  selected  by  Adams 

to  effect  Organization   ....  265 
Boston  chooses  a  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence      266 

Character  of  the  Committee .    .    .  267 
Their    Report    on    the    American 

Cause 268 

Faith  of  its  Authors 270 

The  Response  of  the  Towns  ...  271 

Passionate  Appeal  for  Union          .  272 
Condemnation  of  the  Movement  by 

Governor  Hutchinson    ....  274 
General  Apathy  outsjde  of  Massa- 
chusetts    275 

A  bold  Royal  Instruction      .     .     .  276 

Spontaneous  Burst  of  Indignation  277 
The   Commission    relative  to  the 

Destroyers  of  the  Gaspee  ...  278 


PAGH 

Tameness  of  the  Rhode  Island  As- 
sembly   279 

Resolution  of  the  Virginia  House 
of  Burgesses 279 

The}'  choose  a  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence   280 

Dabney  Carr  and  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son   281 

Response  to  the  Virginia  Action    .    281 

Five  Assemblies  adopt  the  Vir- 
ginia Plan 283 

Call  for  Union  and  a  Congress  .     .    284 

Failure  of  the  Rhode  Island  Com- 
mission   286 

Design  of  transporting  the  Popular 
Leaders  abandoned 286 

Political  Agitation  subsides  .     .    .    287 

Massachusetts  and  Virginia  ...    288 

Inactivity  of  the  Six  Legislative 
Committees 288 

Activity  of  the  Municipal  Com- 
mittees   289 

Speculation  on  the  Future  of  Am- 
erica   290 

Dawning  of  a  Sentiment  of  Na- 
tionality   291 

Determined  Spirit  of  the  Ameri- 
cans    ...  292 

Urged  to  prepare  for  a  Grand  Am- 
erican Commonwealth  ....  292 


CHAPTER    VIH. 

How  EVENTS  DEVELOPED  THE  AMERICAN  UNION,  AND  HOW  THE  DB- 
MAND  FOR  A  GENERAL  CONGRESS  WAS  ACCOMPANIED  BY  PLEDGES  TO 
ABIDE  BY  ITS  DECISIONS. 

AUGUST,  1773,  TO  AUGUST,  1774. 


From  Organization  to  Union     .     .  294 
Public  Sentiment  in  Favor  of  a  Con- 
nection with  Great  Britain     .     .  294 
The  Popular  Leaders  and   Sover- 
eignty      295 

George  III.  and  his  Advisers    .     .  295 

They  devise  the  Tea  Act .     .     .     .  296 

Character  of  this  Act 296 

Designed  to  establish  the  Principle 

of  the  Declaratory  Act ....  297 

Teas  consigned  to  Four  Ports   .     .  298 


Reception  of  the  News  in  the  Colo- 
nies   298 

Nature  of  the  Resistance  contem- 
plated by  the  Patriots  ....  299 

Their  General  Organization  defec- 
tive .  .  .  .  : 300 

Their  Organization  in  Massachu- 
setts Efficient 300 

The  Act  met  by  an  Intelligent  Pub- 
lic Opinion 301 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


Action  of  the  Patriots  of  Philadel- 
phia   

Its  Endorsement  in  Boston,  New 
York,  and  Charleston  .... 

Refusal  of  the  Consignees  in  Boston 
to  resign 

Circulars  of  Legislative  Committees 

Public  Meetings  in  Boston    .     .     . 

Arrival  of  Three  Ships  with  Teas  . 


302 
302 

303 
303 
304 
304 

Spirit  of  the  People 305 

Meeting  of  the  Sixteenth  of  De- 
cember    306 

Speech  of  Josiah  Quincy      ...  306 

The  Boston  Tea  Party     .     .     .     .  30T 

Destruction  of  the  Tea    ....  308 

The  General  Joy  and  Exultation  .  309 

Judgment  of  Gordon  and  Ramsay  310 

The  Nature  of  Popular  Movements  311 
Six  Assemblies  choose  Committees 

of  Correspondence 311 

Inaction  of  the  Twelve  Legislative 

Committees 312 

Extension  of  Municipal  Committees  313 
The  Nullification  of  the  Tea  Act 

thorough 314 

Revival  of  a  Spirit  of  Union      .    .  314 
Hopes  indulged  of  a  Congress  .     .  314 
Suggestion  of  an  American  Com- 
monwealth    314 

Political  Agitation  not  general  .     .  315 
Four  Months  of  Suspense      .     .    .  315 
Insight  and  Faith  of  Samuel  Ad- 
ams      316 

Feeling  roused  in  England  by  the 

Destruction  of  the  Tea  ....  317 
Ministers  judge  Real  Union  of  the 

Colonies  impossible 318 


PAOB 

The  King's  Speech  foreshadowing 

Penal  Measures 319 

The  Boston  Port  Act 319 

Its  Reception  in  the  Colonies  .  .  320 
Circulars  of  the  Massachusetts  Com- 
mittees of  Correspondence  .  .  321 
Response  to  these  Circulars  .  .  .  322 
Spectacle  on  the  First  of  June  .  .  324 
Boston  in  its  Hour  of  Trial  ...  325 
Contributions  for  its  Poor  .  .  .  325 
Letters  embodying  the  Fraternal 

Spirit 326 

The  Whigs  complete  their  Organ- 
ization      327 

Tory  View  of  this  Organization     .  328 
The  Demand  for  a  Congress ...  329 
Arrival  of  General  Gage  from  Eng- 
land     329 

His  Dealing  with  the  Massachusetts 

Assembly 330 

The  Call  for  the  Congress  of  1774  331 
Town  Meeting  in  Boston  ....  332 
John  Adams  enters  Political  Life  .  334 
Acquiescence  in  the  Call  for  a  Con- 
gress    335 

Pledges  to  abide  by  its  Decisions  .  336 

The  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  336 
The  Determination  that  the  Recom- 
mendations of  Congress  should 

have  the  Force  of  Laws     .    .     .  337 

The  Tories  denounce  this  Action  .  339 

Union  and  Liberty 340 

History  presented  in  this  Develop- 
ment    342 

Enthusiasm  created  by  Union  .    .  342 
Ezra  Stiles  predicts  a  Runnymede 

hi  America 343 


CHAPTER    IX. 

How  A  GENERAL  CONGRESS  FORMED  THE  ASSOCIATION  OF  THE  UNITED 
COLONIES,  AND  HOW  SUPPORT  WAS  PLEDGED  TO  THE  INHABITANTS  OF 
MASSACHUSETTS  IN  RESISTING  THE  ALTERATION  OF  THEIR  CHARTER. 

AUGUST,  1774,  TO  1775. 


Union  from  Sentiment  to  Associa- 
tion   344 

The  King  proposes  to  alter  the 
Massachusetts  Charter  ....  344 


Speeches  of  Lords  North  and  Ger- 
main   344 

Passage  of  the  Regulating  Acts     .  346 

Their  Character  and  Reach  ...  347 


CONTENTS. 


xvii 


PAGE 

Known  first  through  the  Bills  .  .  348 
Samuel  Adams  disclaims  a  Spirit 

of  Rebellion 349 

Condemnation  of  the  Acts  .  .  .  349 
Massachusetts  enjoined  to  refuse 

Obedience  to  them 350 

The  Crisis  of  August,  1774  ...  353 
Hutchinson's  Conversation  with 

the  King 353 

Lord  Dartmouth's  Instructions  to 

execute  the  Acts 354 

General  Gage    proceeds  to  carry 

them  into  Effect 355 

The  Uprising  against  them  ...    356 
Their  Nullification  thorough      .    .    357 
Words  of  Joseph  Warren ....    357 
Presentiment  that  Anns  must  de- 
cide the  Question 358 

The  Congress  of  1774 359 

Character  of  the  Members  .  .  .  360 
The  Communities  represented  .  .  361 
Organization  of  the  Congress  .  .  364 
Reception  of  the  Suffolk  Resolves .  366 
Approval  of  the  Attitude  of  the 

People  of  Massachusetts    ...    366 
Opposition  of  Joseph  Galloway     .    367 

His  Scheme  of  Union 367 

Application  for  Advice  from  Mas- 
sachusetts    368 

Congress   state   to  Gage  that  the 
Approbation  of  the    People    of 
Massachusetts  was  universal .     .    368 
And  pledge  them  the  Support  of  all 

America 369 

Washington  disclaims  Independ- 
ence   369 

Advice  to  Massachusetts  on  Gov- 
ernment       370 

Declaration  of  Rights 371 

Association  of  the  United  Colonies  372 
Address  to  the  People  of  Great 

Britain 374 

Address  to  the  People  of  the  Colo- 
nies     375 

Addresses   to   the  Unrepresented 
Colonies 375 


PAGB 

Petition  to  the  King; 376 

Eulogy  on  Congress  by  the  Whigs  377 
Denunciation  of  Congress  by  the 

Tories 378 

Judgment  on  it  of  History   .    .    .  379 
Praise  awarded  to  its  Papers     .     .  380 
Its  Pledge   to    Massachusetts  re- 
flected Public  Opinion .    .     .    .  -381 
As  embodied  in  Letters  accompany- 
ing Donations  for  the  Poor  of 

Boston 381 

Extracts  from  Letters  from  — 

New  Hampshire 382 

Connecticut 383 

Rhode  Island 385 

New  York 386 

New  Jersey 386 

Pennsylvania 387 

Delaware 387 

Maryland 387 

Virginia .388 

North  Carolina 389 

South  Carolina 390 

Georgia 390 

Characteristics  of  this  Record  .     .  391 
Massachusetts  conforms  to  the  Ad- 
vice of  Congress 391 

Military  Preparation  in  Massachu- 
setts    398 

Appeal  of  its  Provincial  Congress 

in  behalf  of  Order 393 

Military  Preparation  in  other  Colo- 
nies   .    . 393 

Letter  of  Charles  Lee 394 

Ratification  and  Execution  of  the 

Association 395 

Unity  of  Sentiment 395 

Union  attains  the  Strength  of  Law  397 

Importance  of  this  Result     ...  398 
View  of  Union  by  Galloway  and 

Henry 399 

Just  Estimate  of  Union   by  the 

Popular  Leaders 400 

Prophecies  concerning  America     .  401 

An  American  urges  Independence  401 


xvm 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER    X. 

WHEN  THE  POPULAR  LEADERS  RECOGNIZED  THE  FACT  OP  REVOLUTION, 
AND  BEGAN  TO  AIM  AT  INDEPENDENCE,  AND  HOW  THEY  MET  THE 
QUESTION  OF  SOVEREIGNTY. 

1775. — JANUARY  TO  NOVEMBER. 


PAGE 

From  Association  to  Revolution    .    403 
Population  of  the  United  Colonies     403 
The  Legal  Relations  of  the  People     404 
Development  in  Thirteen  Commu- 
nities       405 

In  the  Relation  of  Union  ....  405 
And  growing  into  Independent 

States  in  Union 406 

Their  Plea  to  the  Sovereign ...  406 
George  III.  and  America  .  .  .  407 
His  Speech  to  Parliament  .  .  .  408 
His  Reception  of  the  Petition  of 

Congress 408 

The  Privy  Council  decide  to  issue 
a  Proclamation  declaring  a  Re- 
bellion   409 

The  Petition  in  Parliament  .     .     .     409 
Declaration  of  both  Houses  .    .     .    410 
The  Coercive  Measures  popular     .    410 
Lord  North  proposes  a  Plan  of  Con- 
ciliation       411 

His  Ultimatum  addressed  to  Frank- 
lin   412 

Remarkable  Words  sent  by  Frank- 
lin to  Lord  North 413 

The   Popular  Party  on  receiving 

the  Warlike  News 413 

Hostilities  at  Lexington  and  Con- 
cord   414 

Their  Effect  in  the  Colonies  ...     415 
Reception  of  Lord  North's  Plan     .    417 
Answer  of  the  Assembly  of  Penn- 
sylvania      417 

Of  New  Jersey 418 

Of  Virginia 418 

All  the  Assemblies  defer  to  Con- 
gress Questions  of  War  and  Peace    419 
The  Congress  of  1775      ....     419 
Applications   from   Massachusetts, 
New  York,  New  Hampshire,  and 
Mecklenburg  County,  N.  C.       .    422 
The  alleged  Mecklenburg  Declara- 
tion of  Independence   ....     422 


PAGE 

The  Applications  force  on  Congress 

the  Issue  of  Sovereignty  .  .  .  424 
American  Solution  of  the  Question 

of  Sovereignty 424 

Public  Mind    not    ripe  for  Inde- 
pendence     427 

Congress  decline  to  deal  with  the 
Point  of  Sovereignty    ....     428 
Assume  the  Army  before  Bos- 
ton   429 

Washington  chosen  Commander- 
in-chief  429 

Thomas  Jefferson  enters  Congress  .    431 
Congress  aim  at  a  Redress  of  Griev- 
ances      432 

Its  Papers 432 

Franklin  submits  a  Plan  of  Con- 
federation   433 

Congress    answer    Lord    North's 

Plan 434 

Second  Petition  to  the  King     .     .    435 
Work  of  Congress  to  the  Adjourn- 
ment in  August 437 

Examination    of    the    Charge    of 

Hypocrisy 437 

Situation  of  the  Colonies  .  .  .  439 
Submission  of  Massachusetts  to  the 

Advice  of  Congress 440 

Congress  re-assemble 441 

Thirteen  Colonies  represented  .  .  441 
State  of  Public  Opinion  ....  442 
Congress  hesitate  to  advise  the 

Formation  of  Local  Governments  443 
The  Second  Petition  in  England  .  444 
The  King's  Proclamation  declaring 

a  Rebellion  in  the  Colonies  .  .  445 
No  Answer  given  to  the  Second 

Petition 446 

Effect  of  the  Intelligence  in  Congress    447 
It    advises  New  Hampshire  and 
South  Carolina  to  form  Govern- 
ments             448 

Samuel  Adams  on  this  Action  .          449 


CONTENTS. 


XIX 


PAGE 

Popular  Leaders  of  Insight  accept 

the  Work  of  Revolution    ...    450 
Altered  Tone  of  Congress     .     .     .    450 
Effect  of  the  Proclamation  on  the 
People 451 


PAGE 

Independence  urged    .    ..•  .    ...  452 

The  Sentiment  of  Nationality  .    .  452 

Idea  of  founding  a  Republic     .    .  453 

Magnitude  of  the  Work  ....  454 


CHAPTER    XI. 

How  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED  COLONIES  BY  THE  DECLARATION  OP 
INDEPENDENCE  DECREED  THEIR  EXISTENCE  AS  A  NATION  COMPOSED 
OF  FREE  AND  INDEPENDENT  STATES. 

NOVEMBER  AND  DECEMBER,  1775,  AND  TO  JULY,  1776. 


The  United  Colonies  from  Revolu- 
tion to  National  Power  .  .  .  456 

Firmness  of  the  King  and  the  Par- 
liament   456 

Appointment  of  Lord  George  Ger- 
main   457 

Resolution  of  the  Colonies  in  de- 
manding a  Redress  of  Grievances  457 

The  Popular  Party  a  Unit  in  Armed 
Resistance 459 

And  in  regarding  Congress  as  the 
Head  of  the  Union 459 

The  Scene  of  War  from  November 
to  July 460 

Popular  Leaders  of  Clear  Vision 
urge  the  Step  of  Independence  .  460 

And  that  the  United  Colonies 
should  become  a  Nation  and  a 
Republic 461 

Until  the  Sentiment  of  Nationality 
became  the  Passion  of  the  Party  461 

Growth  of  Public  Opinion    ...    463 

The  Popular  Party  divided  on  the 
Question  of  Independence  .  .  463 

Also  on  the  Question  of  forming 
Governments 464 

Samuel  Adams  and  Independence      464 

John  Dickinson  and  Independence    465 

He  arrays  the  Middle  Colonies  by 
Instructions  against  Independ- 
ence   465 

Declarations  of  New  York,  North 
Carolina, and  Portsmouth  against 
Independence 466 

Idea  general  that  the  Party  were 
only  opposing  an  Administration  467 

Growth  of  Opinion  for  Independ- 
ence steady 467 


The  Question  on  the  Opening  of 

1776 468 

Labors  of  Samuel  Adams  for  Inde- 
pendence      469 

Popular  Leaders  earliest  identified 

with  the  Movement 469 

Benjamin  Rush  and  Thomas  Paine  471 

Publication  of  "  Common  Sense  "  472 

Account  of  this  Pamphlet    ...  472 

Its  Popularity 476 

General  Agitation  of  the  Question  477 
Formation  of  Parties  on  it    .     .     .  478 
The  Whigs  aim  to  form  One  Nation  479 
Nationality  and  Republicanism  cor- 
relative in  Development    .     .     .  483 
Parties  in  Congress  on  Independ- 
ence    483 

Action  tending  to  Independence  — 

In  widening  the  Union  .  .  .  485 
In  disarming  the  Tories  .  .  485 
In  the  Equipment  of  Privateers  486 
In  opening  the  Ports  .  .  .  486 
In  dealing  with  Foreign  Pow- 
ers    487 

In  the  Proclamation  for  a  Fast  489 

Franklin  and  Samuel  Adams    .     .  489 
The  Recommendation  to  form  Local 
Governments  on   the   Power  of 

the  People 491 

Advice  of  Congress   followed  by 

Massachusetts 491 

By  New  Hampshire  ....  492 
By  South  Carolina    .     .     .    .  •  493 
Character  of  this  Action  ....  495 
Welcomed  by  the  Patriots    ...  495 
Motion  by  John  Adams  to  advise 
all  the  Colonies  to  form  Govern- 
ments    . 496 


XX 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Debates  on  tais  Motion    ....    496 
Resolution  of  May  Fifteenth      .    .     498 
Becomes  the  Platfmn  of  the  Popu- 
lar Party    498 

Popular  Movement  to  promote  In- 
dependence       499 

Proposal   to  collect  the   Sense   of 

the  People  on  Independence  .     .     499 
Commended  by  Members  of  Con- 
gress   500 

Independence  in  North  Carolina :  — 
Effect  of  the  Battle  of  Moore's 

Creek  Bridge 502 

Meeting  of  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress     503 

Power  given  to  Vote  for  Inde- 
pendence   503 

Independence  in  Rhode  Island :  — 

Request  of  Hopkins  ....    504 
Power  given  to  Vote  for  Inde- 
pendence   505 

Act  relating  to  Civil  Processes    505 
Independence  in  Massachusetts :  — 
Feeling  represented  by  Haw- 
ley  505 

Act  relating  to  Civil  Processes    506 
Resolution  on  Independence   .     506 
Votes  of  the  Towns  ....    507 
Independence  in  Virginia:  — 

State  of  Public  Opinion      .     .     509 
Character  of  the  Convention  .     510 
Instructions  to  propose  Inde- 
pendence in  Congress      .     .    511 
Received  with  Enthusiasm      .    511 
Four  Colonies  on  the  Fifteenth  of 

May  on  Independence  ....    512 
"  The  whole  United  Colonies  upon 

the  Verge  of  Revolution  "     .    .    513 
Motion  submitted  on  the  Seventh 
of  June  in  Congress  on  Inde- 
pendence     513 

Debate  on  this  Motion      ....    515 
Postponed  for  Three  Weeks  ...    516 
Committee  to  prepare  a  Declara- 
tion     517 

Spectacle  of  Imminent  Peril   and 

High-toned  Politics 517 

Independence  in  Pennsylvania :  — 

Strength  of  the  Opposition  .  519 
Activity  of  the  Popular  Party  519 
Resolution  of  May  Fifteenth  .  520 
Great  Public  Meeting  ...  521 


PAGH 

Declare  the  Union  paramount     521 
Conference  of  Committees      .    521 
Authorize  Independence     .    .    522 
Independence  in  Delaware:  — 
Assembly  adverse  to  Revolu- 
tion  523 

Resolution  of  May  Fifteenth  .     523 
Independence  Authorized  .     .    523 
Independence  in  New  Jersey:  — 

The  General  Assembly  ...  524 
The  Provincial  Congress  .  .  524 
The  Governor  violates  the 

Resolution  of  May  Fifteenth     525 
His  imprisonment     ....     525 
Independence  authorized   .     .     525 
Independence  in  Maryland :  — 
Instructions  against  a  Separa- 
tion reiterated 526 

Popular  Party  adopt  the  Reso- 
lution of  May  Fifteenth  .    .    526 
County  Instructions  ....     526 
Independence  authorized   .    .    527 
Independence  in  Georgia:  — 

Opposition  Powerful  ....    528 
Action  of  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress     528 

Independence  in  South  Carolina:  — 
Opposed  by  Large  Numbers   .     528 
Authorized     by    the    Govern- 
ment     528 

Independence  in  New  York:  — 

Strength  of  the  Opposition  .  529 
The  Provincial  Congress  .  .  529 
Its  Action  on  the  Resolution  of 

May  Fifteenth 529 

Its  Declination  to  authorize  In- 
dependence     529 

Independence  in  Connecticut:  — 

Act  passed  on  Civil  Processes      529 

Reply  to  Virginia 530 

Independence  authorized    .     .    530 
Independence  authorized  in  New 

Hampshire 530 

Twelve  Colonies  designated  Con- 
gress to  declare  Independence    .     530 
Union  and  Local  Self-government 

recognized  in  this  Political  action  531 
Embodiment  of  Public  Opinion  .  531 
The  Committee  report  the  Draft  of  a 

Declaration 532 

Congress  on  the  First  of  July  .    .     532 
Debate  on  Independence  ....    533 


CONTENTS. 


Xil 


PAGK 

Speech  of  John  Adams    ....  534 

Of  John  Dickinson   ....  535 
Vote  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 

the  Resolution  for  Independence  537 
Congress  on  the  Second  of  July    .  538 
Resolution    on  Independence  ad- 
opted        538 

Debate  on  the  Draft  of  the  Decla- 
ration       539 

Declaration  of  Independence    .    .  539 

Authenticated  and  circulated    .     .  544 

Adopted  by  New  York     ....  544 

Signature  of  the  Declaration    .     .  544 

Service  of  the  Members  ....  546 

John  Adams .  547 

Thomas  Jefferson 547 

Welcome  by  the  People  of  the  Dec- 
laration    548 


PAGK 

Fledges  of  the  Asssemblies  to  main- 
tain it 651 

Received  with  Enthusiasm  by  the 

Army 552 

Independence  a  Joint  Act     .    .    .    553 
Contemporary    Estimate    of    the 

Greatness  of  the  Step    ....    554 
The  Declaration  of  Independence 

the  Organic  Law  of  Union    .    .     555 
And  the  Embodiment  of  the  Senti- 
ment of  Nationality     ....     556 
It  announced  the  Fact  of  the  Exist- 
ence of  the  United  States  as  a 

Nation 557 

And  the  Theory  of  its  Government    558 
Its  Beneficial  Effect  on  the  Amer- 
ican Cause 558 


CHAPTER    XII. 

How  THE  PEOPLE  BY  ORDAINING   THE   CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES  INSTITUTED  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT. 

1776  TO  1790. 


From  Nationality  to    Republican 

Government 561 

Sovereignty  passed  from  the  Crown 
to    the   People  as  formed  into 

States 562 

Conviction  of  the  Necessity  of  Am- 
erican Law 562 

The  Governments  of  Six  States     .  563 
Formation  of  Government  in  New 

Jersey 564 

Delaware 564 

Maryland 564 

Pennsylvania 565 

North  Carolina 566 

Georgia 566 

New  York 566 

The  Constitutions  provide  only  for 

Domestic  Affairs 567 

Eclat  of  the  New  Governments      .  568 

John  Adams  on  their  Effect  abroad  568 
Formation  of  a  Government  for  the 

United  States 569 

Preparation  of  Articles  of  Confed- 
eration     569 

Discussion  on  them  in  Congress    ._569 


Their  Adoption  and  Transmission 

to  the  Legislatures 570 

Letter  of  Congress 571 

Ratification  by  Nine  Legislatures  .  571 
Appeal  of  Congress  to  complete  the 

Confederation 572 

Period  of  Political  Languor  ...  572 
The  Failure  to  ratify  the  Articles 

injurious  to  the  Cause  ....  573 

Question  of  Western  Lands .     .     .  574 

Action  of  Virginia 575 

Final  Ratification  of  the  Articles   .  575 
Their  Recognition  of  Union  and 

Local  Self-government      .     .     .  576 
Official    Announcement  that    the 

Confederation  was  the  Law  .  .  577 
Flag  of  the  United  States  ...  578 
Defects  of  the  Confederation  .  .  578 
Salutary  Effects  of  the  Establish- 
ment of  Government  ....  578 
Robert  R.  Livingston  on  settling 

Disputes  between  States    ...  578 
The  Confederation  regarded  a  Step 

towards  a  Better  System  .    .    .  579 

Proclamation  of  Place     ....  580 


XX11 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Resignation  by  Washington  of  his 
Commission 581 

Public  Sentiment  on  the  Peace      .     582 

Inadequac}'  of  the  Confederation  to 
protect  American  Rights  .  .  .  584 

The  Fact  lamented  by  Patriotic 
Americans 584 

Alexander  Hamilton 584 

James  Madison 585 

Washington's  Statement  of  the 
National  Want 586 

Method  of  a  Convention  to  mature 
a  System  Historical  ....  586 

Proposed  by  Virginia  under  the 
lead  of  Madison 587 

The  Annapolis  Convention   .     .     .    587 

Its  recommendation  of  a  Conven- 
tion to  meet  in  Philadelphia  .  .  587 

Usurpation  by  Local  Officials  of  Na 
tional  Functions 587 

This  Lawless  Spirit  breaks  out  in 
Shays' s  Rebellion 588 

The  Virginia  Legislature  adopts 
the  Recommendation  of  a  Con- 
vention   589 

Congress  recommend  the  Legis- 
latures to  appoint  Delegates  .  .  589 

Delegates  meet  in  Independence 
Hall 589 

Character  of  the  Convention    .    .     590 

Records  of  its  Four  Months  of 
Labor 590 

Plans  submitted  for  a  National 
Government 591 

The  Determination  to  frame  a  New 
System 592 


FAOB 

Franklin's  Speech  on  Compromise  592 
Question  of  the  Spheres  of  Power 

of  the  Local  and  the  General      .  593 
The  Convention  agree  on  the  Basis 

of  a  Constitution 593 

Franklin  on  the  Constitution     .     .  594 

Washington  on  Representation      .  595 

The  Signing  of  the  Constitution    .  595 

Letter  of  the  Convention      .     .     .  597 
The  Constitution  referred  to   the 

People 597 

The  General  Welcome      ....  598 
Formation  of  Parties  on  the  Ques- 
tion of  its  Adoption      ....  599 
The    Constitution    ordained    and 

established 599 

This  an  Act  of  the  Sovereign  Power  600 
Recognition  and  Guarantee  — 

Of  the  State 601 

Of  the  Union 601 

Establishment  of  the  Government  603 

Inaugural  Address  of  Washington  603 
Welcome  by  the  Liberal  World  of 

a  Republican  Government     .    .  605 

Foundations  of  its  Success    .    .     .  606 

Spectacle  of  Stability  and  Progress  607 
Tribute  to  its  Operation  for  Seventy 

Years 607 

The  Ordeal  of  the  Civil  War    .     .  608 

Verdict  of  the  Struggle    ....  608 
Process    of  the  Multiplication  of 

States 608 

Prophecy  of  Nathaniel  Ames    .     .  609 
Injunction  of  the  Founders  of  the 

Republic  to  cherish  the  Union   .  610 


THE    RISE 


REPUBLIC  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


/7 


THE   KISE 


OP  THE 


KEPUBLIO    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 


CHAPTER   I. 

INTRODUCTION. — IDEAS   OP  LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT  AND  OP  NA- 
TIONAL UNION. 

I  PURPOSE  in  these  pages  to  sketch  the  political  history  of 
the  Rise  of  the  Republic  of  the  United  States.  I  shall 
endeavor  to  frame  a  narrative  of  events,  with  their  causes 
and  relations,  which  derive  interest  and  importance  from 
their  connection  with  the  formation  and  direction  of  public 
opinion,  the  development  of  fundamental  principles,  and  the 
embodiment  of  these  principles  into  institutions  and  laws. 
I  shall  aim  to  show  how  the  European  emigrant,  imbued 
with  the  spirit  of  a  new  civilization,  organized  self-governing 
communities,  and  to  follow  the  stages  of  their  growth  into  a 
Union.  I  shall  then  trace  the  origin  and  rise  of  a  senti- 
ment of  nationality,  and  the  effort  by  which  it  became  em- 
bodied in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  which  was  the 
first  covenant  of  our  country ;  and  in  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion, which  is  the  supreme  law  of  the  land. 

The  thirteen  colonies,  destined  to  become  the  United 
States,  were  planted  on  that  portion  of  the  territory  of 
North  America  which  lies  between  the  Alleghany  Mountains 
and  the  Atlantic  coast.  This  region,  of  a  mean  breadth  of 

1 


2  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

about  one  hundred  miles,  and  nine  hundred  miles  in  length, 
is  characterized  as  a  long  ridge  of  rock  and  sand,  presenting 
obstacles,  rather  than  offering  temptations,  to  the  husband- 
man. It  had,  however,  no  wastes  like  the  deserts  of  Africa, 
and  no  impassable  barriers  between  the  north  and  the 
south,  while  parts  of  it  were  enriched  by  nature  with  the 
almost  luxurious  fruitfulness  of  the  torrid  zone.  Its  coasts 
were  admirably  adapted  to  foster  the  growth  of  a  commer- 
cial marine ;  and  its  long,  wide,  and  deep  rivers  invited 
intercommunication.  To  the  rear  of  this  region  was  the 
valley  of  the  Mississippi,  u  the  most  magnificent  dwelling- 
place  prepared  by  God  for  man's  abode."1  The  whole  con- 
tinent seemed  to  be  fashioned  by  Providence  for  the  uses 
of  a  great  nation.2 

At  the  period  of  the  formation  of  the  Republic,  pioneers 
had  penetrated  the  forests  beyond  the  Atlantic  slope,  and  had 
commenced  settlements  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio  and  the 
Mississippi  Rivers ;  but  the  growth  of  population  and  wealth 
in  the  vast  valley  between  the  Alleghanies  and  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  and  the  extension  of  the  national  domain  on- 
ward to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  have  taken  place  mainly  in  the 
nineteenth  century.3  The  original  limits  of  the  United 
States  embraced  an  area  of  about  eight  hundred  thousand 
square  miles.  Additions  of  territory  extended  the  bounda- 

1  De  Tocqueville,  Democracy  in  America,  i.  22.    Bowen's  edition. 

2  De  Tocqueville,  in  chap.  i.  of  his  "  Democracy  in  America,"  in  dwelling  on  the 
physical  characteristics  of  the  continent,  says,  p.  24,  that  North  America  seemed 
created  to  be  the  domain  of  intelligence.    It  is  urged  in  No.  2  of  the  "  Federalist " 
(1787),  that  the  one,  connected,  fertile,  wide- spreading  country  indicated  the  design 
of  Providence  that  it  should  be  under  one  political  sovereignty.    The  thought  was 
common  in  the  newspapers  from  1765  to  1775.      Franklin  (Sparks's   Works  of 
Franklin,  vii.  334)  wrote,  in  1766,  to  Lord  Kames, "  America,  an  immense  territory, 
favored  by  nature  with  all  advantages  of  climate,  soils,  great  navigable  rivers  and 
lakes,  &c.,  must  become  a  great  country,  populous  and  mighty." 

8  Gallagher  (Address  before  the  Ohio  Hist.  Soc.,  cited  by  Webster,  Works,  ii. 
607)  states,  that,  prior  to  the  year  1800,  eight  or  ten  keel-boats,  of  about  twenty-five 
tons  each,  performed  all  the  carrying  trade  between  Cincinnati  and  Pittsburg. 
The  first  Government  vessel  appeared  on  Lake  Erie  in  1802;  the  first  steamboat 
was  launched  at  Pittsburg  in  1811 ;  the  first  on  Lake  Michigan  in  1826 ;  and  the  first 
appeared  at  Chicago  in  1832. 


LOCAL   SELF-GOVERNMENT   AND   NATIONAL   UNION.  3 

ries,  until,  on  the  east  with  an  Atlantic  front  looking  on 
Europe,  and  on  the  west  with  a  Pacific  coast  stretching 
towards  Asia,  they  have  become  as  broad  as  the  continent, 
and  hence  have  reached  the  ideal  of  the  men  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary age.  But  they  are  yet  bounded  on  the  north  by  the 
British  Possessions,  and  on  the  south  by  Mexico  and  the 
Gulf  which  bears  its  name.  They  now  embrace  an  area  of 
three  million  four  hundred  and  sixty-six  thousand  square 
miles.1  The  population  has  increased  from  about  two  mil- 
lions and  a  half,  at  the  period  of  the  Revolution,  to  thirty- 
nine  millions.  And,  although  society  everywhere  presented 
on  its  surface  the  aspect  of  development  into  the  form  of  dis- 
tinct communities  or  colonies,  and  independent  States,  in 
which  the  people  of  each  were  units,  yet  beneath  this  diver- 
sity are  ever  found  affinities  of  race,  language,  religion, 
and,  more  than  all,  of  political  ideas  and  institutions,  and 
common  memories,  which  form  the  groundwork  of  a  power- 
ful nationality.2  This  element  of  Union  has  met  trium- 
phantly every  trial.  Its  greatest  crisis  by  far  was  the  late 
appeal  in  the  only  tribunal  having  full  jurisdiction  between 


1  The  area  of  the  United  States  was  estimated  in  1783  at  820,680  square  miles; 
In  1854,  at  2,936,166;  in  1868,  at  about  3,466,000.  The  following  are  the  statistics 
of  the  area :  — 

Square  Miles 

Original  limits  of  the  Thirteen  States 820,680 

Louisiana,  purchased  of  France,  in  1803,  for  $15,000,000 899,579 

Florida,  purchased  of  Spain,  in  1809,  for  $3,000,000 66,900 

Territory  confirmed  by  the  Oregon  Treaty  in  1842  and  1846 .    .  308,052 

Texas,  annexed  in  1846  (Texas  debt),  $7,500,000 318,000 

New  Mexico  and  California  in  1847  (cost  of  the  war),  $15,000,000 522,955 

Arizona,  purchased  of  Mexico,  in  1854,  for  $10.000,000 30,000 

Alaska,  purchased  of  Russia,  in  1867,  for  $7,200,000 500,000 


The  statistics  of  the  area,  with  the  exception  of  those  of  Arizona  and  Alaska,  are 
taken  from  the  Compendium  of  the  Census  of  1850.  Gibbon,  distrusting  the  author- 
ity he  cites  (vol.  i.  164),  gives  the  area  of  the  Roman  Empire  at  1,600,000  square 
miles. 

2  Mill  (Considerations  on  Representative  Government,  p.  308),  in  remarking  on 
the  causes  of  a  feeling  of  nationality,  says,  "  The  strongest  of  all  is  identity  of 
political  antecedents,  the  possession  of  a  national  history,  and  consequent  community 
of  recollections. 


4  THE  RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

nations  and  fragments  of  nations,  the  ultima  ratio  regum, — 
the  tribunal  of  force.  The  judgment  then  rendered,1  after 
a  field  of  war  unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  domestic  strife, 
is,  that  these  States  and  communities  are  associated  in  a 
bond  of  union  that  is  indissoluble  ;  that  the  supreme  law 
of  the  land  ordained  in  the  Constitution  is  paramount ;  that 
the  Government,  acting  under  this  law,  has  the  right  and 
power  to  vindicate  its  authority  by  force  ;  and  that  itself  is 
the  judge  of  the  nature  and  extent  of  its  own  powers. 
This  nation  has  in  its  keeping  "  the  last  word  in  human 
political  institutions,"  —  the  Republican  form  of  Govern- 
ment.2 

The  vast  region  which  the  flag  of  the  United  States  pro- 
tects was,  two  centuries  and  a  half  ago,  the  roaming  ground 
of  tribes  of  Indians.  They  presented  everywhere  the  copper- 
colored  complexion  and  common  traits  of  character.  They 
were  cold,  stoical,  and  melancholy;  mild  and  hospitable 
when  at  peace,  ferocious  and  treacherous  when  at  war  ;  chil- 
dren of  the  forest,  living  in  the  hunter  stage  of  civilization. 
They  transmit  no  story  of  the  play  of  their  feelings  in  the 
quiet  of  domestic  life,  or  in  the  passion  and  the  storm  of 
war.  They  were  peoples  without  annals.  They  had  man- 
ners rather  than  laws.3  They  exhibited,  from  one  extremity 
to  the  other  of  the  territory  now  the  United  States,  the 
same  melancholy  spectacle  of  the  absence  of  culture,  prog- 
ress, and  aspiration.  Neither  the  minute  nor  the  grand 
in  nature  incited  them  to  study  her  laws  or  to  employ  her 


1  Letter  of  Hon.  Isaac  F.  Redfield,  Sept.  30, 1865. 

2  Draper,  in  remarking  on  the  late  civil  war  (Civil  Policy  in  America,  p.  85), 
says,  "  The  history  of  the  world  cannot  furnish  a  more  splendid  example  of  un- 
wavering fortitude,  unshrinking  self-sacrifice,  in  vindication  of  national  life;  "  and 
(p.  239)  American  history  illustrates  the  political  force  of  the  idea,  "  that  there  shall 
exist  on  this  continent  one  Republic,  great  and  indivisible."     In  the  volume  of 
Essays,  entitled  "International  Policy"  (London,  1866),  it  is  said,  p.  41,  "Republi- 
can government,  with  all  its  noble  associations  and  inherent  advantages,  is,  as  we 
believe,  the  last,  word  in  human  political  institutions.     Without  any  need  for  impa- 
tience, Europe  is  moving  towards  it." 

8  Monfesquieu,  book  xviii.  chap.  13. 


LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT  AND  NATIONAL  UNION.  0 

forces.  The  implements  they  used  were  made  of  bones  and 
stone  instead  of  iron  and  steel.  Neither  the  exuberance  of 
the  soil,  nor  the  magnificence  of  the  rivers,  nor  the  influ- 
ence of  climate,  nor  the  geographical  conditions  that  stimu- 
late commerce,  roused  in  them  the  capacity  to  develop  the 
resources  of  this  splendid  country ;  and  it  is  a  just  inference, 
that  their  successive  generations  passed  away  with  hardly 
more  heed  to  any  divine  command  to  subdue  and  replenish 
the  earth  than  is  evinced  in  the  falling  of  the  autumnal 
leaves.  The  wonderful  riches  of  the  land  which  they  pom- 
pously called  their  own  were  an  untouched  treasury.  It 
was  virtually  a  waste,  awaiting,  in  the  order  of  Providence, 
the  magic  influence  of  an  incoming  race,  imbued  with  the 
spirit  of  a  new  civilization.1 

The  period  referred  to  was  an  epoch  in  which  there  had 
been  a  providential  preparation  for  great  events  in  the  Old 
World.  It  was  an  era  of  wonderful  discovery  in  the  heavens 
and  the  earth.2  It  was  also  the  period  of  the  Reformation. 
This,  in  its  essence,  was  the  assertion  of  the  principle  of 
individuality,  or  of  true  spiritual  freedom ; 3  and  in  the 
beginning,  not  by  Protestants  alone,  of  whom  Luther  was 
the  great  exponent,  but  by  Catholics  also,  represented  in  the 
polished  and  profound  Reuchlin.4  Though  first  occupied 
with  subjects  not  connected  with  political  speculation,  yet 
it  was  natural  and  inevitable,  that  inquiry  should  widen  out 
from  the  realm  of  the  Church  into  that  of  the  State.  Then 


1  Guyot  (Earth  and  Man,  p.  217)  says  of  the  Indian,  that  the  exuberance  of  the 
soil  has  never  been  of  value  to  him,  and  that  he  never  ascended  to  the  rank  of  the 
pastoral  man.     De  Tocqueville  (Democracy  in  America,  i.  29)  states  of  the  coun- 
try, "It  maybe  justly  said,  at  the  time  of  its  discovery  by  Europeans,  to  have 
formed  one  great  desert.     The  Indians  occupied  without  possessing  it." 

2  Humboldt  (Cosmos,  vol.  ii.  681)  says,  "  The  period  of  the  greatest  discov- 
eries in  space  over  the  surface  of  our  planet  was  immediately  succeeded  by  the 
revelations  of  the  telescope,  through  which  man  may  be  said  to  have  taken  posses- 
sion of  a  considerable  portion  of  the  heavens." 

8  Bryce,  Holy  Roman  Empire,  359. 

4  Frederick  Schlegel  (Lectures  on  Modem  History,  162)  considers  Reuchlin  as 
the  profoundest  philosopher  of  his  age,  and  one  of  the  originators  of  the  Reforma- 
tion 


6  THE  EISE  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

a  fresh  impetus  was  given  to  that  transformation  of  society, 
which  began  when  Christianity  —  the  basis  of  the  good,  per- 
manent, and  progressive  in  modern  civilization  —  first  ap- 
peared in  the  world.  At  that  time,  social  order  rested  on 
the  assumed  natural  inequality  of  men.  The  individual 
was  regarded  as  of  value  only  as  he  formed  a  part  of  the 
political  fabric,  and  was  able  to  contribute  to  its  uses,  as 
though  it  were  the  end  of  his  being  to  aggrandize  the  State.1 
This  was  the  pagan  idea  of  man.  The  wisest  philosophers 
of  antiquity  could  not  rise  above  it.  Its  influence  imbued 
the  pagan  world.  The  State  regarded  as  of  paramount  im- 
portance, not  the  man,  but  the  citizen  whose  physical  and 
intellectual  forces  it  absorbed.  If  this  tended  to  foster 
lofty  civic  virtues  and  splendid  individual  culture  in  the 
classes  whom  the  State  selected  as  the  recipients  of  its 
favors,  it  bore  hard  on  those  whom  the  State  virtually 
ignored,  —  on  laboring  men,  mechanics,  the  poor,  captives 
in  war,  slaves,  and  woman.  This  low  view  of  man  was 
exerting  its  full  influence  when  Rome  was  at  the  height 
of  its  power  and  glory.  Christianity  then  appeared  with  its 
central  doctrine,  that  man  was  created  in  the  Divine  image, 
and  destined  for  immortality ;  pronouncing,  that,  in  the 
eye  of  God,  all  men  are  equal.  This  asserted  for  the  indi- 
vidual an  independent  value.  It  occasioned  the  great  in- 
ference, that  man  is  superior  to  the  State,  which  ought  to 
be  fashioned  for  his  use.  This  was  the  advent  of  a  new 
spirit  and  a  new  power  in  the  world.  Tbe  struggle  between 
the  pagan  and  Christian  elements  was  severe.  In  four  cen- 
turies, civil  society  was  transformed  from  the  pagan  basis  to 
that  of  Christianity.2  But,  long  after  Rome  had  crumbled, 


1  Draper  (Intellectual  Development  in  Europe,  198)  remarks,  that  "  Rome  never 
considered  man  as  an  individual,  but  only  as  a  thing."    He  says  (117), ic  Plato 
insists,  that  men  are  to  be  considered,  not  as  men,  but  as  elements  of  the  State,  — 
a  perfect  subject,  differing  from  a  slave  only  in  this,  that  he  has  the  State  for  his 
master." 

2  Essai  Historique  sur  la   Societe"   Civile  dans  le  Monde  Remain  et  sur  sa 
Transformation  par  le  Christianisme,  par  C.  Schmidt.      Strasbourg,  1853.     The 


LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT  AND  NATIONAL  UNION.  7 

the  influence  of  Paganism,  under  various  forms,  continued 
to  operate  ;  and  especially  the  idea,  that  man  was  made  for 
the  State,  the  office  of  which,  or  of  a  divine  right  vested 
in  one,  or  in  a  privileged  few,  was  to  fashion  the  thought 
and  control  the  action  of  the  many.  Its  embodiment  in 
arbitrary  power,  both  in  ecclesiastical  and  political  affairs, 
continued  to  oppress  and  benumb  the  human  intellect,  until 
the  Reformation  roused  a  spirit  of  activity  in  the  bosom 
of  the  Church. 

The  new  life  thus  started  in  the  domain  of  religion  soon 
communicated  itself  to  other  provinces.  The  new  powers 
then  called  into  exercise  reached  forth  to  other  and  wider 
fields.  The  horizon  was  expanded  in  every  direction ; 
and,  as  inquiry  extended,  whatever  bore  on  civil  society, 
its  constitution  and  improvement,  became  the  subject  of 
universal  attention.1  There  then  rose,  above  the  low  level 
of  a  corrupt  political  world,  a  class  of  thinkers  who  grasped 
the  idea  that  the  State  ought  to  exist  for  man ;  that  justice, 
protection,  and  the  common  good,  ought  to  be  the  aim 
of  government.  George  Buchanan,  of  Scotland,  of  noble 
personal  character,  renowned  for  profound  learning,  and  of 
large  capacity  for  affairs  of  state,  in  his  "  De  Jure  Regni," 
held  that  kings  derived  their  power  from  the  people,  who 
had  an  inherent  right  to  reclaim  the  power  which  they  dele- 


statements  in  this  paragraph  relating  to  Paganism  and  Christianity  are  made  on 
this  authority.  This  work  is  divided  into  three  parts  or  books.  Book  i.  is  entitled 
"  La  Societe  Civile  Palenne."  Its  presents  an  elaborate  view  of  the  morale  of  ancient 
society,  in  which  social  order  rested  on  the  assumed  natural  inequality  of  man.  and 
his  subserviency  to  the  State ;  and  the  effects  of  this  pagan  idea  of  man  are  traced 
on  the  family,  the  laboring  classes,  the  poor,  the  unfortunate,  presenting  a  picture 
of  the  terrible  social  condition  of  the  pagan  world.  Book  ii.  is  entitled  "  La  Socie'te' 
Religieuse  Chre'tienne,"  which  states  the  fundamental  doctrine  of  Christianity,  and 
the  effect  of  the  application  of  the  Christian  spirit  of  love  on  the  various  relations  of 
life,  or  on  the  classes  described  under  the  influence  of  the  pagan  spirit.  Book  iii.  is 
entitled  "  Transformation  de  la  Socie'te  Civile  par  PInfluence  de  1'Esprit  Chretien." 
It  describes  the  nature  of  the  struggles,  during  the  first  four  centuries  of  the  Christian 
era,  between  the  Christian  and  the  pagan  ideas;  showing  how  the  ancient  maxims 
and  Roman  laws  were  transformed,  and  society  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  the  new 
religion.  The  work  is  entirely  historical. 

1  Heeren's  Political  Consequences  of  the  Reformation,  283. 


8  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

gated ;  and  he  enforced  the  principles  of  liberty  and  the 
maxims  of  a  free  government  with  an  energy  and  fidelity 
which  had  been  equalled  in  no  former  age.1  In  France, 
Hubert  Lanquet,  of  kindred  spirit  and  public  virtue,  touched 
by  the  injustice  of  arbitrary  power,  put  forth  a  noble  vindi- 
cation of  the  right  of  the  people  to  be  free  from  the  practices 
of  tyranny.  Others  in  France  issued,  at  this  period,  pro- 
ductions in  a  similar  spirit.2  But  the  time  had  not  ripened 
for  a  reception  of  their  doctrines.  Half  a  century  had 
hardly  passed,  before  champions  of  this  school  illumine  the 
political  horizon  of  England.  Among  them  were  John  Mil- 
ton, imbued  with  the  very  spirit  of  the  Reformation,  who  de- 
fended the  noble  thesis,  that  freedom  is  the  native  right  of 
man,  and  gave  the  world  a  mighty  and  still  unsurpassed  plea 
for  liberty  of  utterance ;  John  Locke,  who  urged  that  this 
idea  ought  to  be  embodied  into  the  framework  of  society  for 

1  The  "  De  Jure  Regni "  was  first  printed  in  1579,  when,  Bayle  says  (Article  Bu- 
chanan), it  made  a  great  noise.     The  article  contains  curious  matter  about  it.    In 
Hollis's  "Memoirs"  (549)  are  enumerated  the  editions.    They  were  many.    In  1584, 
the  Scotch  Parliament  condemned  and  prohibited  it.    Clarendon,  on  the  Restoration 
of  Charles  II ,  ordered  all  copies  to  be  seized  as  pernicious  to  monarchy  (Camp- 
bell's Lord  Chancellors,  iv.  133).      Sir  James  Mackintosh  (Works,  609)  warmly 
eulogizes  the  "  De  Jure  Regni  "  in  the  words  cited  in  the  text.    The  Earl  of  Chat- 
ham (Correspondence,  iv.  286)  regarded  it  as  a  volume  small  in  bulk,  but  big  in 
matter,  containing  "  even  all  the  length  and  breadth  and  depth  and  height  of  that 
great  argument,  which  the  first  geniuses  and  master-spirits  of  the  human  race  have 
asserted  so  nobly.    From  him,  ceu  fonte  perenni,  they  have  all  drunk,  and  happiest 
who  has  drunk  the  deepest." 

2  Bayle  has  an  elaborate  dissertation  on  the  authorship  of  that  work,  which  he 
Btates  was  printed  in  Latin  in  1579,  and  ascribed  to  "  Stephanus  Junius  Brutus." 
In  Hollis's  "  Memoirs  "  (129)  there  is  additional  matter  about  it.    The  author  seems 
not  to  have  seen  the  edition  translated  into  French.     This  is  in  the  Boston  Public 
Library.    Its  title  is  as  follows:  "De  la  Pvissance  Legitime  dv  Prince  svr  le  Pevple, 
et  du  peuple  sur  le  Prince.    Traite*  tres-vtile  &  digne  de  lecture  en  ce  temps,  escrit  en 
Latin  par  Estiene  lunius  Brutus,  &  nouuellement  traduit  en  Francois.   M.D.LXXXI." 
It  was,  in  the  next  century,  translated  into  English  from  "  the  Latin  and  French." 
Hollis  had  a  head  of  Lanquet  engraved,  which  is  one  of  the  plates  in  his  Memoirs 
The  other  works  referred  to  in  the  text  were  the  "  Franco-Gallia :  or  an  account  ot 
the  ancient  free  state  of  France  and  most  other  parts  of  Europe,  before  the  Loss  of 
their  Liberties,"  as  the  title  reads  in  an  English  edition.     It  was  originally  written 
in  Latin,  and  printed  in  1574;  and  "  Le  Contr'un,  ou  Discours  de  la  Servitude 
Voluntaire,"  by  Stephen  de  la  Boetie,  printed  in  1578.    It  is  pervaded  by  a  noble 
patriotism;  and  Hallam  (Literature,  i.  307)  says,  "La  Boetie,  in  fact,  is  almost 
a  single  instance  of  a  thoroughly  republican  character  till  nearly  the  revolution." 


LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT  AND  NATIONAL  UNION.  9 

the  common  good ;  and  Algernon  Sidney,  the  honest  repub- 
lican, who  foreshadowed  the  institutional  form  in  which  this 
idea  was  destined  to  develop.  Locke  was  so  successful  in 
catching  and  expressing  the  liberal  spirit  of  his  age,  in  his 
work  on  Civil  Government,  that  it  became  the  platform  of  a 
great  political  party,  and  gradually  widened  out  into  an 
influence  that  operated  far  beyond  the  thought  or  the  theory 
of  its  adherents ;  so  that,  Hallam  says,  "  while  silently 
spreading  its  fibres  from  its  roots  over  Europe  and  America, 
it  prepared  the  way  for  theories  of  society  hardly  bolder  in 
their  announcement,  but  expressed  with  more  passionate 
ardor,  from  which  the  last  and  present  age  have  sprung."  1 
This  historical  judgment  is  applicable  to  a  line  of  illustrious 
characters,  who  grasped  the  Christian  idea  of  man  ;  and, 
because  of  the  brilliancy  of  their  service  in  behalf  of 
human  rights,  they  deserve  a  place  among  the  morning 
stars  of  the  American  constellation. 

This  was  the  nature  of  the  providential  preparation  that 
was  made  in  the  Old  World  for  the  great  work  of  occupying 
North  America.  When  new  political  ideas  were  stirring 
the  public  mind,  and  a  band  of  popular  leaders,  consciously 
or  unconsciously,  were  developing,  in  perilous  political  action 
in  England,  the  republican  element,  several  powers  made 
grants  of  territory  to  companies  and  individuals  who  had 
in  view  the  object  of  planting  colonies.  After  the  New 
World  had  been  made  known  by  Columbus  and  his  suc- 
cessors, it  was  agreed  by  the  principal  nations,  that  prior 
discovery  by  any  of  them  should  constitute  valid  claim  to 
territory  in  it;  and  that  grants  from  them  should  con- 
stitute absolute  title  to  the  soil,  subject,  however,  to  the 
Indian  right  of  occupancy.  It  became  also  a  rule  of  law, 
that  the  crown  only  had  the  right  to  extinguish  this  claim. 
Hence  the  validity  of  land-titles,  traced  back  to  grants  by  the 

1  Hallam's  Literature,  ii.  362.  The  work  of  Locke  was  several  times  reprinted 
in  the  Colonies ;  and  the  citations  from  it  in  political  utterances  show  that  it  was 
carefully  studied  by  Americans. 


10  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

crown,  has  never  been  denied  in  the  courts.  Under  these 
grants,  the  soil  began  to  be  occupied  by  the  settlers.1 

The  migrations  that  heretofore  had  changed  the  face  of 
society  had  been  tribal  in  their  character:  but  the  migra- 
tion to  the  New  World  was  individual ;  and,  with  the  single 
exception  of  the  case  of  Georgia,  was  effected  without  any 
expense  to  the  government,  and  sometimes  even  in  defiance 
of  its  wishes  and  decrees.  In  this  way,  a  few  Lowland 
Scotch  settled  in  several  places ;  the  persecuted  Hugue- 
nots of  France  became,  in  small  numbers,  exiles  in  Massa- 
chusetts, and  in  greater  numbers  in  South  Carolina ;  the 
Swedes  occupied  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  and  the  Dutch 
founded  New  Netherland.  A  great  majority  of  the  emi- 
grants were  of  the  Teutonic  stock,  —  famed  for  valor, 
personal  independence,  and  a  love  of  free  institutions, 
and  who  welcomed  the  principle  of  individuality,  roused 
into  activity  by  the  Reformation.  They  are  characterized  as 
the  Germanic  race ;  a  term  sufficiently  comprehensive  to 
embrace  the  settlers  of  Saxon,  English,  and  Norman  blood, 
and  to  denote  the  ancestry  of  that  cosmopolitan  result,  the 
American  race,  who  are  making  a  broad  and  deep  mark  on 
the  face  of  the  civilized  world.2 

The  colonists,  as  they  bravely  encountered  the  hardships 
of  subduing  a  wilderness,  were  impelled  by  various  motives, 

1  Chalmers  (Political  Annals,  677)  says,  that  "the  laws  of  nations  sternly  dis- 
regarded the  possession  of  the  aborigines,  because  they  had  not  been  admitted  to 
the  society  of  nations."    At  the  Declaration  of  Independence  (2  Dallas's  Reports, 
470),  every  acre  of  land  in  this  country  was  held,  mediately  or  immediately,  by 
grants  from  the  crown.    All  our  institutions  (Wheaton,  viii.  588)  recognize  the  abso- 
lute title  of  the  crown,  subject  only  to  the  Indian  right  of  occupancy,  and  recog- 
nize the  absolute  title  of  the  crown  to  extinguish  that  right.    An  Indian  conveyance 
alone  could  give  no  title  to  an  individual. 

2  "  The  elements  of  the  population  of  the  original  thirteen  States  were  almost 
exclusively  of  English,  Lowland  Scotch,  Dutch,  and  Swedish  blood;  that  is  to  say, 
decidedly  Germanic.    Ireland  was,  as  yet,  slightly  represented.    France  had  made 
but  inconsiderable  contributions  to  the  population."  — Hotz's  Gobineau,  241.     Lap- 
penberg  (England  under  the  Anglo-Saxon  Kings,  ii.  305),  says,  that  in  England, 
before  the  Conquest,  all  the  then  existing  nationalities  of  Europe,  the   Slavonic 
excepted,  met  together.     The  Germanic  alone  was  not  remodelled  by  Roman  influ- 
ences, and  nowhere  has  so  nobly  maintained  itself. 


LOCAL   SELF-GOVERNMENT   AND   NATIONAL   UNION.  11 

—  the  emigrants  to  New  England,  under  the  main  impulse 
of  a  spirit  of  religion,  by  a  desire  to  enjoy  in  peace  their 
mode  of  worship,  and  to  spread  the  gospel ;  the  emigrants  to 
Virginia  and  New  York,  chiefly  under  the  influence  of  a 
spirit  of  commerce,  by  a  love  of  adventure,  or  the  hope  of 
opening  new  paths  of  trade  ;  and  the  founders  of  Maryland, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Georgia,  by  the  ambition  to  form  new 
States ;  while  all  the  colonists  desired  to  benefit  their  condi- 
tion. The  majority  were  zealous  sectarians  in  theology ; 
and,  in  the  spirit  of  their  age,  were  often  narrow  in  their 
views,  and  often  intolerant  in  their  action :  but,  whether 
Puritans,  as  in  New  England,  or  Episcopalians,  as  in  Vir- 
ginia, or  Catholics,  as  in  Maryland,  or  Quakers,  as  in  Penn- 
sylvania, they,  in  political  things,  manifested  a  common 
love  of  liberty.  And  they  spontaneously  obeyed  the  same 
historic  traditions  and  instinctive  tendencies,  as  they  organ- 
ized into  bodies  politic.  They  ignored  the  old  political 
forms  of  the  places  in  which  they  were  born,  and  applied 
free  principles  in  a  way  and  to  an  extent  unlike  any  thing 
seen  in  the  ancient  time  or  in  their  own  age.  Each  com- 
munity adopted  the  rule  that  the  majority  should  govern, 
representation,  the  elective  franchise,  the  municipality,  the 
public  meeting,  the  general  assembly,  trial  by  jury  and  the 
habeas  corpus, — in  a  word,  self-government  in  the  local 
spheres.  Thus,  in  about  a  century  and  a  quarter  (1607  to 
1732),  there  were  planted  on  this  soil  the  language,  man- 
ners, ideas,  and  religion,  the  institutions  and  their  tenden- 
cies, that  characterize  the  nation. 

The  polity  of  the  United  States  is  original  and  peculiar. 
It  is  obviously  made  up  of  two  great  elements  or  divisions 
of  power,  —  that  of  the  States  and  of  the  nation;  and  the 
beginnings  of  these  are  as  obviously  found  in  the  colonies 
and  their  union.  The  motto  on  the  seal  of  the  United 
States  gives  the  genealogy,  —  E  PLURIBUS  UNUM.1  The  cir- 

1  The  motto  "  E  Pluribus  Unum  "  was  on  the  titlepage  of  the  first  volume  of 
"  The  Gentleman's  Magazine,"  1731,  and  was  continued  until  1834. 


12  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

cumstances  connected  with  the  origin  of  each  one  of  the 
many  satisfactorily  explain  why  there  were  colonies  and 
now  are  States,  unequal  in  size,  population,  wealth,  and 
political  weight.  Thus  a  company  of  Englishmen  obtained 
of  the  sovereignty  a  grant  of  the  small  tract  of  land  which 
is  now  Rhode  Island,  and  hence  the  colony  and  State ;  a 
company  of  Hollanders  founded  New  Netherland,  and  hence 
there  is  now  a  State  of  the  distinctness  of  character,  the 
commercial  greatness  and  imperial  power  of  New  York ; 
while,  in  relation  to  certain  vital  things,  both  States  are 
recognized  as  co-equals  in  the  national  polity.  But,  in  the 
general  progress  and  development  of  civilization,  there  is 
ever  a  providential  ordering  of  events,  superior  to  and  the 
master  of  circumstances.  This  moves  on  through  the  work- 
ing, of  great  ideas,  or  the  hidden  forces,  which,  joined  with 
climate  and  soil,  mould  society  and  direct  its  tendencies. 
These  ideas  were  fulfilling  their  mission  when  theories  of 
vital  consequence  to  the  human  race,  pronounced  in  the  Old 
World  Utopian,  were  carried  out  in  the  New  World,  and 
their  influence  fixed  society  on  a  new  basis.1  Indications 
of  their  presence  are  seen  at  every  step  of  progress.  The 
preamble  to  an  early  American  Bill  of  Rights  runs,  "  The 
free  fruition  of  such  liberties,  immunities,  and  privileges  as 
humanity,  civility,  and  Christianity  call  for,  as  due  to  every 
man,  in  his  place  and  proportion,  without  impeachment  or 
infringement,  hath  ever  been,  and  ever  will  be,  the  tran- 
quillity and  stability  of  churches  and  commonwealths ;  and 
the  denial  or  deprival  thereof,  the  disturbance,  if  not  the 
ruin  of  both."  2  Here  is  seen,  in  the  early  American  law- 
makers, the  influence  of  the  Christian  element.  The  legis- 
lation of  several  of  the  colonies,  establishing  a  system  of 

1  "  In  that  land  the  great  experiment  was  to  be  made  by  civilized  man  of  the 
attempt  to  construct  society  on  a  new  basis;  and  it  was  there,  for  the  first  time,  that 
theories  hitherto  unknown,  or  deemed  impracticable,  were  to  exhibit  a  spectacle  for 
which  the  world  had  not  been  prepared  by  the  history  of  the  past.'  —  DE  TOCQUE- 
VILLE:  Democracy  in  America,  i.  30. 

2  Preamble  to  Massachusetts  Liberties7,  1641. 


LOCAL   SELF-GOYERNMENT   AND   NATIONAL   UNION.  13 

public  instruction  for  youth,  shows  the  high  aim  of  basing 
commonwealths  on  intelligence,  or  on  the  general  education 
of  the  people.  On  viewing  this  class  of  facts,  in  connection 
with  the  results  that  have  been  attained,  a  philosophic  in- 
quirer, penetrating  beneath  the  incidental  and  transient 
elements  of  error  and  of  wrong,  which,  in  American  history, 
as  in  other  histories,  are  mingled  with  the  progress  of 
Truth  and  the  Right,  declares  that  the  grand  maxim  on  which 
civil  and  political  society  in  the  United  States  rests  is,  "  that 
Providence  has  given  to  every  human  being  the  degree  of 
reason  necessary  to  direct  himself  in  the  affairs  which  in- 
terest him  exclusively."  l  After  the  people  had  been  trained 
for  a  century  and  a  half  in  the  exercise  of  these  powers  in 
purely  local  spheres,  there  rose  at  length,  as  the  product  of 
rare  public  virtue,  and  to  supply  the  needs  of  the  nation, 
the  polity  of  a  republican  government  based  on  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people. 

To  account  for  the  general  progress  of  civilization  and 
development,  or  for  the  action  of  great  ideas  on  society,  in- 
volves a  consideration  of  profound  questions.  I  do  not  pur- 
pose to  study  the  Why  of  the  E  Pluribus  Unum;  but  an 
order  of  facts  that  seem  to  show  the  How  it  came  to  pass,  — 
a  class  of  events  that  mark  the  continuous  blending  of 
Diversity  and  Unity  in  the  formation  of  the  public  opinion, 
that  evolved  The  One  from  the  many ;  or,  how  the  United 
States  came  to  be  the  United  States,  free  from  the  benumb- 
ing influences  of  centralization  on  the  one  hand,  and  from 
the  fatal  dangers  of  disintegration  on  the  other. 

At  every  stage  in  the  progress  towards  this  result,  the 
two  main  elements  of  the  national  life  are  found  acting  in 
harmony.  It  may  be  useful  to  preface  the  narrative  by  a 
glance  at  the  origin  and  progress  of  the  Idea  of  Local  Self- 
Government,  which  developed  into  the  State,  and  at  the  Idea 
of  Union,  which  developed  into  the  nation. 

*  De  Tocqueville :  Democracy  in  America,  i.  538. 


14  THE   RISE   OF   THE   EEPUBLIC. 

1.  Local  Self-government.  —  The  self-government  which 
developed  and  is  recognized  in  the  Republic  is  not  simply 
a  custom,  in  the  units  termed  municipalities  or  States,  of 
managing  their  local  affairs  ;  but  a  degree  of  freedom  in  the 
individual  to  engage  in  the  various  pursuits  of  life,  unrec- 
ognized elsewhere  at  the  period  when  the  Republic  was 
formed,  and  yet  unknown  where  centralization  prevails,1 
whether  he  chooses  to  act  by  himself  or  in  association  for 
civil  or  religious  purposes ;  and  this  self-government  exists 
in  union  with  the  fulfilment  of  every  obligation  demanded 
by  the  nation.  The  theme  in  hand,  however,  requires 
references  to  institutions  of  a  purely  political  nature.  The 
idea  of  Local  Self-government  was  historical  at  the  time  of 
the  colonization  of  North  America.  Among  the  Germanic 
ancestors  of  the  emigrants,  the  custom  was  so  general 
for  the  inhabitants  of  a  district  to  control  their  local  affairs, 
that  it  has  been  said,  "  One  leading  principle  pervaded  the 
primeval  polity  of  the  Goths :  where  the  law  was  adminis- 
tered, the  law  was  made ;  "  2  and  they  filled  all  Europe  for 
five  hundred  years  with  the  fame  of  their  exploits,  and 
were  the  first  nation  beyond  the  Danube  to  receive  Chris- 
tianity.3 In  ancient  England,  local  self-government  is  found 
in  connection  with  the  political  and  territorial  divisions  of 
tythings,  hundreds,  burghs,  counties,  and  shires,  in  which 
the  body  of  the  inhabitants  had  a  voice  in  managing  their 
own  affairs.  Hence  it  was  the  germinal  idea  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  polity.  In  the  course  of  events,  the  crown  deprived 
the  body  of  the  people  of  this  power  of  local  rule,  and  vested 

1  M.  de  Champagny  (Dublin  Review,  April,  1866)  says  of  France,  "We  were 
and  are  unable  to  go  from  Paris  to  Neuilly;  or  dine  more  than  twenty  together;  or 
have  in  our  portmanteau  three  copies  of  the  same  tract;  or  lend  a  book  to  a  friend; 
or  put  a  patch  of  mortar  on  our  own  house,  if  it  stands  in  the  street ;  or  kill  a  par- 
tridge; or  plant  a  tree  near  the  road-side;   or  take  coal  out  of  our  own  land;  or 
teach  three  or  four  children  to  read, .  .  .  without  permission  from  the  civil  govern- 
ment." 

2  Edinburgh  Review,  February,  1822.     This  article  has  much  curious  matter 
about  municipalities. 

8  Encyclopaedia  Americana,  Article  Goths. 


LOCAL   SELF-GOVERNMENT   AND   NATIONAL   UNION.  15 

it  in  a  small  number  of  persons  in  each  locality,  who  were 
called  municipal  councils,  were  clothed  with  the  power  of 
filling  vacancies  in  their  number,  and  were  thus  self-per- 
petuating bodies.  In  this  way,  the  ancient  freedom  of  the 
municipalities  was  undermined,  and  the  power  of  the  ruling 
classes  was  installed  in  its  place.1  Such  was  the  nature 
of  the  local  self-government  in  England,  not  merely  during 
the  period  of  the  planting  of  her  American  colonies  (1607 
to  1732),  but  for  a  century  later;  and  it  was  the  same  in 
other  countries.  It  was  a  noble  form  robbed  of  its  life- 
giving  spirit. 

It  has  been  said  by  Guizot,  that,  "  when  there  scarcely 
remained  traces  of  popular  assemblies,  the  remembrance  of 
them,  of  the  right  of  freemen  to  deliberate  and  transact 
their  business  together,  resided  in  the  minds  of  men  as  a 
primitive  tradition,  and  a  thing  which  might  come  about 
again."  2  These  assemblies  re-appeared,  and  old  rights  were 
again  enjoyed,  when  the  emigrants  to  the  soil  now  the 
United  States  began  to  frame  the  laws  under  which  they 
were  to  live.  An  instance  of  this  occurred  (1620)  on  board 
the  "  Mayflower,"  as  she  was  bearing  the  Pilgrims  from 
Southampton  to  Plymouth.  Some  of  the  passengers,  termed 
strangers,  said,  that,  as  their  patent  did  not  apply  to  New 


1  An  article  in  the  "Edinburgh  Review,"  September,  1818,  on  the  Burghs  of 
Scotland,  cites  a  statute  of  1469,  which  stripped  the  burgesses  everywhere  of  a  fran- 
chise they  had  till  then  exercised,  and  formed  the  basis  of  the  practice  there  by 
which  the  town-council  and  magistracy  choose  their  own  successors.    J.  Toum- 
lin  Smith  (Local  Self-government,  107)  says,  "Henry  VIII.  began  a  systematic 
attack  on  the  independence  of  borough  institutions  of  local  self-government,  which 
his  successors  carefully  followed  up.    This  was  done,  by  trying  to  get  the  controlling 
authority  into  the  hands  of  small  and  select  bodies  in  each  borough."    In  Switzer- 
land (De  Tocqueville,  Democracy,  ii.  448),  "all  powers  of  government  were  in 
the  hands  of  small,  close  aristocracies  perpetuating  themselves."     The  ancient  free 
municipal  life  of  France  had  been  extinguished.  —  M.  de  Malesherbes,  cited  bj 
De  Tocqueville,  ii.  428.     Gervinus  (Introduction  to  a  History  of  the  Nineteenth 
Century,  40)  says  of  the  Republic  of  the  Netherlands,  "  that  power  fell  into  the 
hands  of  a  narrow  aristocracy,  and  that  there  was  no  thought  of  a  representation  of 
the  citizens,  of  democratic  institutions,  or  of  the  elective  franchise  for  the  commu- 
nity." 

2  History  of  Civilization,  iii.  199. 


16  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

England,  there  would  be  no  authority  to  exercise  powers  of 
government ;  and,  when  they  got  on  shore,  they  would  use 
their  own  liberty.  To  curb  this  riotous  spirit,  forty-one  of 
the  band,  when  at  Cape  Cod,  signed  the  well-known  cove- 
nant, by  which  they  mutually  and  solemnly  combined  them- 
selves into  a  "  civil  body  politic,"  for  the  better  ordering 
and  preservation  of  their  object,  and  by  virtue  thereof  to 
frame,  enact,  and  obey  such  just  and  equal  laws  as  from 
time  to  time  should  be  thought  most  meet  and  convenient 
for  the  general  good  of  the  colony:  in  the  expectation  that 
this  form  of  government  might  be  as  firm  as  any  patent,  and 
in  some  respects  more  sure.  They  declared  that  their  en- 
terprise was  undertaken  for  the  glory  of  God,  for  the  advance 
of  the  Christian  faith,  and  for  the  honor  of  their  king  and 
country.1  This  was  a  covenant  to  provide  a  code  of  laws 
and  a  public  authority,  or  a  local  government,  not  in  the 
spirit  of  sovereignty,  but  of  subordination  to  it,  or  as  loyal 
subjects  of  the  king.2 

An  old  custom  also  re-appeared  in  all  the  colonies,  in  the 
provisions  for  a  discharge  of  municipal  duties.  The  begin- 
nings of  the  Massachusetts  colony  afford  pertinent  illustra- 
tions of  the  formative  process.  The  company,  as  proprietors 
of  the  soil,  granted  to  the  several  bands  of  settlers  tracts  of 
land  to  build  towns  upon,  but  at  first  made  no  special  provi- 
sion for  municipal  governments.  These  persons  met  in  one 
body,  or  in  town-meeting,  or  in  folk-mote,  to  lay  out  high- 
ways, to  parcel  out  house-lots,  and  to  order  the  petty  details 
of  local  life.  But,  as  their  numbers  increased  and  duties 
multiplied,  these  frequent  gatherings  of  the  whole  body 
became  an  onerous  tax  on  their  time,  as  "  by  reason  of 
many  men  meeting,  things  were  not  easily  brought  unto  a 
joint  issue."3  To  remedy  a  growing  evil,  the  inhabitants 

1  Bradford's  History,  edited  by  Deane,  89,  90. 

2  A  different  view  of  this  proceeding  has  been  given.     Thus  Benedict  (Histori- 
cal Discourse,  10)  says,  "The  Pilfjrims  took  the  form  of  a  nation,  and  assumed 
and  exercised  its  various  functions,"  &c. 

8  History  of  Charlestown,  51. 


LOCAL   SELF-GOVERNMENT  AND  NATIONAL  UNION.          17 

of  Dorchester  (1633)  designated  twelve  of  their  number  to 
meet  once  a  week,  to  consider  local  matters,  but  they  were 
to  have  no  greater  voice  in  determining  a  case  than  any 
inhabitants  who  might  choose  to  meet  with  them.  The  plan, 
however,  did  not  work  well.1  The  inhabitants  of  Charlestown, 
in  inaugurating  another  plan,  selected  the  mode  adopted  in 
the  "  Mayflower."  They  signed  an  instrument,  still  ex- 
tant, which  is  entitled  on  their  records,  "  An  order  for  the 
government  of  the  town  by  selectmen,"  by  which  eleven 
persons,  "  with  the  advice  of  pastor  and  teacher,  in  any  case 
of  conscience,"  were  empowered  to  manage  their  local 
affairs  for  a  year,  the  choice  of  officers  excepted.2  This 
plan  proved  successful.  It  was  an  application  of  the  prin- 
ciple, that  the  body  of  the  residents  of  a  district  should 
control  its  local  affairs. 

Another  instance  of  the  re-appearance  of  an  ancient 
right  is  afforded  in  the  spontaneous  application,  by  the 
emigrants,  of  the  principle  of  representation,  which  was 
quite  unknown  in  the  Grecian  and  Roman  world,  was  in 
England  rather  used  by  the  ruling  classes  to  wield  power 
than  enjoyed  by  the  body  of  the  people,  and  had  well  nigh 
disappeared  on  the  European  continent.  This  principle 
was  first  applied  by  the  settlers  of  Virginia,  who  for  several 
years  had  no  voice  in  making  the  laws  under  which  they 
lived,  but  were  ruled  under  authority  derived  from  the 
crown.  Arbitrary  power  produced  confusion  and  discon 
tent.  In  1619,  the  governor,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  people, 
was  empowered  to  summon  representatives.  And  each  of 
the  eleven  incorporations  and  plantations  chose  two  of  their 
number  to  act  as  burgesses,  and  take  part  in  making  the 
laws.  They  convened  in  the  church  at  James  City,  on  the 
30th  of  July.  The  officers  of  the  colony  met  with  them, 


1  Vote  of  1633  in  Dorchester  Records. 

2  History  of  Charlestown,  51.    Professor  Joel  Parker,  in  a  paper  on  New-Eng- 
land towns,  in  "  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proceedings,"  1866-7,  regards  the  proceeding  as 
showing  the  beginning  of  this  form  of  municipal  government. 

2 


18  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  governor  sitting  in  his  accustomed  place,  his  council 
on  each  side,  and  in  front  of  him  the  speaker  and  clerk, 
while  the  sergeant  stood  at  the  bar.  The  burgesses  took 
their  places  "  in  the  choir  of  the  church."  The  minister 
then  prayed  that  it  might  please  God  to  guide  and  sanctify 
their  proceedings  to  his  own  glory  and  the  good  of  the 
plantation.  The  burgesses  then  retired  to  the  body  of  the 
church  ;  when,  "  to  the  intent,"  the  speaker  says, "  as  we  had 
begun  with  God  Almighty,  we  might  proceed  with  awful 
and  due  respect  to  his  lieutenant,  our  most  gracious  and 
dread  sovereign,"  all  were  called  by  name  and  in  order, 
took  the  oath  of  supremacy,  and  then  entered  the  assembly. 
Among  its  proceedings  were  measures  towards  the  educa- 
tion of  Indian  children,  and  the  erection  of"  a  university  or 
college."  Thus  solemn  was  the  inauguration  of  the  repre- 
sentative principle  on  this  continent.1  This  was  the  origin 
of  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia,  —  an  example,  Story 
says,  of  a  domestic  parliament  to  regulate  all  the  internal 
concerns  of  the  colony  that  "  was  never  lost  sight  of,  but 
was  ever  afterwards  cherished  throughout  America  as  the 
dearest  birthright  of  freemen."  2  All  the  colonies,  sooner 
or  later  after  their  foundation,  had  their  legislative  assem- 
blies, which  came  to  be  called  the  commons  of  America. 
These  assemblies  were  the  judges  of  the  elections  and 
returns  of  their  own  members,  regulated  the  manner  of 
transacting  their  own  business,  and  claimed  to  be  free 
deliberative  bodies.  In  union  with  the  co-ordinate  branches 
of  a  council  and  a  governor,  they  were  the  law-making 
power.8 

1  Proceedings  of  the  First  Assembly  of  Virginia. 

2  Story's  Commentaries,  i.  26. 

8  Bancroft  (i.  250)  remarks,  that  "popular  assemblies  burst  everywhere  into  life 
with  a  consciousness  of  their  importance  and  an  immediate  capacity  for  efficient 
legislation."  These  assemblies,  in  some  cases,  at  first  were  composed  of  the  whole 
body  of  freemen.  The  dates  of  the  formation  of  representative  assemblies  to  make 
laws  in  the  colonies  are  as  follows :  — 

Virginia,  July  30,  1619.  —  The  governor  summoned  two  burgesses  from  three 
cities,  three  hundreds,  three  plantations,  Argals  gift,  and  Kiccowtan.  — Proceedings 


LOCAL   SELF-GOVERNMENT   AND   NATIONAL   UNION.  19 

The  representatives,  with  the  governor  and  council,  con- 
stituted the  government  for  the  colony,  or  of  the  people  as 
a  unit.  This  was  held  to  be  the  only  power  that  could  levy 

in  New-York  Hist.  Soc.,  Coll.  2d  ser.  Ill,  communicated  by  Bancroft  in  1856.  The 
governor,  council,  and  burgesses  continued  to  meet  together,  Beverly  says  (Hist. 
Va.  b.  iv.  31),  till  1680,  when  "  Lord  Colepepper,  taking  advantage  of  some  disputes 
among  them,  procured  the  council  to  sit  apart  from  the  assembly ;  and  so  they  be- 
came two  distinct  houses,  in  imitation  of  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament  in  England, 
—  the  Lords  and  Commons,  —  and  so  is  the  Constitution  at  this  (1705)  day." 

Massachusetts,  May  14,  1634.  —  To  the  surprise  of  the  magistrates,  twenty-five 
delegates,  chosen  by  the  freemen  of  the  towns,  of  their  own  motion,  appeared  and 
claimed  a  share  in  making  the  laws.  The  claim  was  allowed,  and  their  names 
appear  on  the  records  of  the  day,  with  the  magistrates,  as  part  of  the  General 
Court.  They  sat  together  for  ten  years.  In  1644,  the  "  Massachusetts  Records  "  say 
(i.  58),  on  account  "of  divers  inconveniences"  of  the  magistrates  and  deputies  sit- 
ting together,  and  "  accounting  it  wisdom  to  follow  the  laudable  practice  of  other 
States,  who  have  laid  groundworks  for  government,"  it  was  ordered  —  both  sitting 
together  —  that  each  should  sit  apart;  and  they  became  co-ordinate  and  co-equal 
branches,  the  assent  of  both  being  necessary  to  make  a  law.  Plymouth  had  a  repre- 
sentative assembly  in  1639.  The  charter  of  1692  named  twenty-eight  persons  as 
counsellors:  afterwards  they  were  chosen  annually  by  a  joint  vote  of  a  new  House  of 
Representatives  and  the  old  counsellors. 

Connecticut,  Jan.  14, 1639.  — An  agreement  among  the  towns  to  be  as  "  one  public 
State  or  commonwealth,"  provided  for  a  representative  assembly,  consisting  of  depu- 
ties chosen  by  the  freemen,  who,  with  a  governor  and  council,  composed  the  legisla- 
tive power.  They  sat  together.  The  charter  of  1662  provided,  that  the  governor, 
deputy-governor,  and  twelve  magistrates  should  be  chosen  at  a  general  election,  and 
deputies  should  be  chosen  by  the  towns.  All  these  officers  sat  together.  In  1698, 
it  was  ordered  that  the  governor  or  deputy- govern  or  and  magistrates  should  be 
called  the  upper  house,  and  the  deputies  the  lower  house,  that  they  should  sit  apart, 
and  that  no  bill  become  a  law  without  the  consent  of  both.  —  Trumbull's  Connecti- 
cut, i.  102,  399. 

Maryland,  February,  1639.  —  An  assembly  of  the  body  of  freemen  made  provision 
for  a  representative  assembly  (Chalmers's  Annals,  213).  The  composition  of  this 
body  was  peculiar.  Griffith  (Maryland,  7)  says,  that,  "upon  writs  being  issued 
by  the  governor,  delegates  elected  by  the  freemen  were  to  sit  as  burgesses,  one  or 
two  for  each  hundred,  with  the  persons  especially  called  by  the  governor,  and  such 
freemen  as  had  not  consented  to  the  election  of  others,  or  any  twelve  or  more  of 
them,  including  always  the  governor  and  secretary."  The  burgesses  (Chalmers, 
219)  desired,  in  1642,  to  sit  by  themselves;  and,  in  1650  (Griffith,  13),  the  assembly 
passed  an  act  dividing  themselves  into  two  houses ;  the  governor  and  secretary  and 
council  to  be  the  upper  house,  and  the  burgesses  the  lower  house;  and  all  bills 
assented  to  by  the  major  part  of  either  to  be  the  laws. 

Rhode  Island,  May,  1647.  —  Provision  was  made  under  the  patent  or  charter, 
granted  in  1644  by  the  Parliamentary  Commission,  for  a  representation  from  the 
towns,  which  discussed  proposed  laws  before  they  were  presented  to  a  general  assem- 
bly.—  Arnold's  Rhode  Island,  i.  203.  By  the  charter  of  1663,  a  governor,  deputy- 
governor,  and  assistants  were  to  be  chosen  annually  at  Newport;  and  deputies  were 
to  be  chosen  by  each  town.  At  first,  all  sat  in  one  room.  In  1666,  there  was  an 


20  THE   KISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

taxes.  It  was  early  urged,  that  the  inhabitants  of  a  colony 
were  the  best  informed  of  its  circumstances,  and  therefore 
were  the  most  qualified  to  make  its  laws :  in  the  words  of 

effort  to  have  the  deputies  sit  as  a  separate  house ;  but  the  measure  was  not  adopted 
till  1696.  —  Arnold,  327,  533.  The  governor  and  assistants,  or  magistrates,  were 
the  upper  house;  the  deputies,  the  lower  house. 

North  Carolina,  1667.  —  Settlers  were  invited  into  this  colony  by  the  promise  of 
legislative  freedom.  —  Williamson,  i.  94.  Hawks  (i.  144)  thinks  there  was  an  assem- 
bly in  1666 ;  but  the  general  assembly,  under  the  charter,  consisted  of  the  governor, 
twelve  councillors,  and  twelve  delegates,  chosen  by  the  freeholders.  —  Chalmers,  524. 
At  a  later  period,  while  under  proprietary  rule  (Hawks,  ii.  147),  the  general  assembly 
was  divided  into  two  houses. 

New  Jersey,  1668.  —  This  proprietary  colony  was  divided  at  first  into  East  Jersey 
and  West  Jersey,  which  had  separate  assemblies:  the  first  held  in  East  Jersey  was 
on  May  26,  1668,  and  in  West  Jersey,  Nov.  25,  1681.  — Gordon's  New  Jersey,  44-48. 
In  1702,  the  two  parts  were  united,  a  royal  government  formed,  and  a  general 
assembly  provided  for,  consisting  of  the  governor,  a  council  of  twelve  nominated  by 
the  king,. and  a  house  of  representatives  chosen  by  the  freemen  of  the  counties  and 
cities.  They  sat  together.  In  1738,  the  council  was  made  a  separate  branch ;  the 
governor  withdrew  from  it,  and  no  longer  was  the  presiding  officer.  —  Mulford's 
New  Jersey,  335. 

South  Carolina,  1674.  —  Settlers  were  promised  a  share  in  making  the  laws. — 
Ramsay's  South  Carolina,  i.  30.  In  1674,  the  freemen  elected  representatives, 
when,  Ramsay  says,  there  were  (ib.  i.  35)  "the  governor,  and  upper  and  lower 
houses  of  a?sembly;  and  these  three  branches  took  the  name  of  parliament."  The 
colony  became,  in  1720,  a  royal  government;  it  was  settled  that  the  governor  and 
council  be  appointed  by  the  king,  and  the  representatives  be  chosen  by  the  people. 
The  whole  house  was  chosen  at  Charleston,  where  "there  had  been  often  great 
tumults."  —  Carroll,  ii.  149.  About  1716,  the  colony  was  divided  into  parishes;  and 
it  was  provided  that  each  parish  should  elect  its  representatives,  "  to  be  balloted  for 
at  the  several  parish  churches,  or  some  other  convenient  place  mentioned  in  the 
writs,  which  were  to  be  directed  to  the  church-wardens,  and  they  to  make  returns 
of  the  elected  members;  and  of  this  act  the  people  were  very  fond,  finding  it  gave 
them  a  greater  freedom  of  election."  —  Ib.  ii.  149.  In  1720,  when  the  colony  became 
a  royal  government,  it  was  provided  that  the  governor  and  council  should  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  king,  and  the  representatives  chosen  by  the  people.  — Ramsay,  i.  95. 

New  Hampshire,  March  16,  1680.  —  By  the  decision  of  the  crown,  New  Hamp- 
shire was  separated  from  Massachusetts,  and  a  commission  constituted  a  president 
and  council ';  to  govern  the  province;"  and  this  commission  authorized  the  quali- 
fied voters  of  the  four  towns  to  choose  an  assembly.  It  consisted  of  eleven  depu- 
ties, and  sat  as  a  distinct  bod}r;  the  council  having  a  negative  on  its  acts.  The  king 
engaged  to  "  continue  the  privilege  of  an  assembly  in  the  same  manner  and  form, 
unless  he  should  see  cause  to  alter  the  same."  A  Royal  Commission,  in  1692,  pro- 
vided for  a  governor  and  council,  and  a  house  of  representatives,  to  be  elected  by 
the  towns;  both  meeting  separately,  and  acting  as  co-ordinate  branches.  —  Belknap, 
i.  139,  145. 

Pennsylvania,  1682. — In  this  colony,  provision  was  made  for  a  representative 
assembly  under  the  Frame  of  Government  of  1682 ;  and  also  under  forms  tried  in 
1683  and  1696.  In  1701,  the  charter  agreed  upon  provided  for  an  annual  assembly 


LOCAL   SELF-GOVERNMENT  AND   NATIONAL  UNION.  21 

an  early  assembly,  "  that  there  was  more  likelihood  that 
such  as  were  acquainted  with  the  clime  and  the  accidents 
thereof  might  on  better  grounds  prescribe  their  advan- 
tages "  than  "  such  as  should  sit  at  the  helm  "  in  England. 
This  theory  was  applied  to  the  smaller  spheres  of  political 
power.  It  was  considered,  that  the  inhabitants  of  a  district 
or  town  could  act  more  intelligently  in  reference  to  its 
affairs  than  any  others.1  It  also  became  a  leading  aim  to 
carry  justice  to  their  doors.2  On  these  grounds,  the  legis- 
latures provided  for  the  exercise  by  localities  of  certain 

to  consist  of  four  delegates  from  each  county,  or  a  greater  number,  if  the  governor 
and  assembly  should  agree  to  it.  This  assembly  was  to  choose  a  speaker  and  other 
officers,  "to  be  judges  of  the  qualifications  and  elections  of  their  own  members,  sit 
upon  their  own  adjournments,  appoint  committees,  prepare  bills,  impeach  criminals, 
and  redress  grievances,  with  all  other  powers  and  privileges  of  assembly,  according 
to  the  rights  of  the  free-born  subjects  of  England,  and  the  customs  in  any  of  the 
Queen's  plantations  in  America." — Franklin's  Works,  iii.  155.  In  this  colony 
(Douglass's  Summary,  ii.  317),  the  council  had  no  concern  in  the  legislation  other- 
wise than  advising  the  governor.  The  legislature  had  but  one  branch. 

Delaware,  1682.  —  This  colony  became  a  dependency  on  New  York,  but  was  pur- 
chased by  William  Penn.  The  three  lower  counties  of  the  Delaware,  New  Castle, 
Kent,  and  Sussex,  claimed,  under  the  charter  of  1681,  a  separate  assembly,  which 
they  obtained,  but  had  the  same  executive  as  Pennsylvania. 

New  York,  Oct.  17, 1683.  —  The  governor  called  an  assembly,  composed  of  seven- 
teen delegates,  who  adopted  a  charter  of  liberties,  apportioned  the  representatives  to 
the  counties,  and  claimed  to  be  a  free  assembly.  —  Dunlap's  New  York,  i.  134. 
In  1691,  the  first  assembly  convened  after  the  Revolution,  and  consisted  of  seventeen 
delegates.  The  acts  of  this  assembly  are  the  first  that  were  considered  valid  by  the 
courts  of  law.  —  Smith's  New  York,  87.  The  assembly,  down  to  the  Revolution, 
did  not  exceed  twenty-seven  members.  —  Dunlap's  New  York,  i.  212.  The  coun- 
cil consisted  of  twelve,  nominated  by  the  crown,  as  was  the  governor,  and  sat  by 
themselves. 

Georgia,  1754.  —  The  first  representative  assembly  was  called  by  the  governor 
nnder  a  form  of  government  matured  by  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  authorized  by  the 
king.  It  was  composed  of  nineteen  delegates  from  three  districts,  and  (McCall's 
Georgia,  i.  248)  had  power  similar  to  other  colonial  assemblies. 

1  The  General  Assembly  of  Virginia,  in  February,  1632,  passed  the  following 
order:  "  That  the  governor  and  council  shall  not  lay  any  taxes  or  impositions  upon 
the  colony,  their  land,  or  commodities,  otherwise  than  by  the  authority  of  the  Grand 
Assembly,  to  be  levied  and  employed  as  by  the  assembly  shall  be  appointed."  — 
Hening's  Statutes,  i.  171.     At  the  first  meeting  (May  14,  1631)  of  the  representa- 
tives in  Massachusetts,  it  was  voted,  the  governor  and  assistants,  as  in  Virginia, 
sitting  with  them, "  That  none  but  the  General  Court  hath  power  to  make  and  estab- 
lishe  lawes,"  or  "  to  raise  moneyes  and  taxes."  —  Mass.  Records,  i.  117.    Declaration 
of  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia,  1642,  in  Hening,  i.  233. 

2  Hening's  Preface,  xvii. 


22  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

functions,  involving  the  taxing  power,  vital  to  the  peace  and 
welfare  of  society.  The  forms  adopted  were  necessarily  dif- 
ferent. The  influences  growing  out  of  climate  and  soil,  in 
union  with  ideas,  created  conditions  of  society,  and  their 
tendencies,  which,  subsequent  to  the  Revolution,  grew  into 
momentous  results.  The  legislation  of  all  the  colonies  rec- 
ognized human  bondage,  and  its  subjects  were  the  African 
race.  In  the  territory  of  Pennsylvania,  and  north  of  it, 
this  race  did  not  multiply  largely.  Industrial  pursuits 
were  carried  on  mainly  by  free  labor,  and  the  emigrants 
built  their  houses  near  each  other,  and  organized  towns. 
In  the  region  south  of  Pennsylvania,  the  emigrants  settled 
far  apart  from  each  other,  on  large  tracts  of  land  or  planta- 
tions. The  climate  suited  the  African  race,  and  they  greatly 
increased.  The  cultivation  of  the  great  staples  of  indigo, 
rice,  and  tobacco  was  carried  on  mainly  by  slave  labor.  It 
has  been  said,  that  "  this  single  circumstance  had  such  an 
influence  that  it  divided  the  thirteen  colonies  into  two  dis- 
tinct communities,  which  widely  differed  in  manners,  habits 
of  life,  and  general  character."  *  The  municipal  forms  that 
were  adapted  to  one  condition  of  society  were  impracticable 
in  the  other.  But  whether  the  municipality  was  called 
parish,  borough,  town,  city,  district,  or  county,  the  principle 
was  alike  recognized,  that  the  body  of  its  residents,  accord- 
ing to  prescribed  rules,  should  manage  their  own  local 
affairs.2  In  each  the  voters  chose  their  own  officers  ;  each 

1  Tucker's  Hist.  United  States,  i.  97. 

2  "  Municipal,  as  used  by  the  Romans,  originally  designated  that  which  pertains 
to  a  municipium,  or  free  city  or  town."  —  Webster's  Dictionary.    This  term  will  denote 
all  the  forms  by  which  the  supreme  power  in  a  community,  as  a  colony  or  State, 
empowers  the  residents  of  a  district  to  perform  certain  duties. 

In  Virginia,  the  divisions  named  in  1619,  in  the  election  of  the  first  representative 
body,  were  cities,  hundreds,  and  plantations;  but  the  prevailing  form  ca*ne  to  be 
counties  and  parishes.  Thus,  in  1656,  all  the  counties,  "not  yet  laid  out  into  par- 
ishes," were  ordered  to  be  so  laid  out.  Maryland,  in  1702,  had  about  forty  parishes ; 
the  settlements  in  South  Carolina  were  so  scattered,  that,  for  ninety-nine  years, 
Charleston  was  the  centre  and  source  of  judicial  power  (Ramsay's  South  Carolina, 
ii.  125,  129);  and  about  1716  (Carroll,  ii.  149)  the  colony  was  divided  into  par- 
ishes. North  Carolina,  in  1739,  had  a  population  of  only  ten  thousand,  and  was 


LOCAL   SELF-GOVERNMENT   AND   NATIONAL   UNION.  23 

had  its  courts  of  justice  ;  each,  in  relation  to  its  peculiar 
local  interests,  had  a  jurisdiction  as  wide  as  its  territorial 
limits.  In  this  way,  each  locality  provided  for  the  concerns 
of  social  comfort  and  of  police,  of  education  and  of  religion. 
This  work  was  never  done  for  the  people,  but  always  by 
them :  they  tested  their  own  decisions,  and  could  correct 

divided  into  three  counties,  and  these  again  into  "  precincts.''  Georgia,  in  1758,  was 
divided  into  eight  parishes.  —  White's  Statistics,  55.  The  powers  conferred  on  coun- 
ties and  parishes  were  essentially  the  same  in  all  the  Southern  colonies.  In  Vir- 
ginia, in  1632,  the  General  Assembly  ordered  that  "highways  should  be  laid  out  in 
such  places  as  were  requisite,  according  as  the  governor  and  council,  or  the  commis- 
sioners for  the  monthly  courts,  should  appoint,  or  according  as  the  commissioners 
of  every  parish  should  agree."  Various  acts  imposed  duties  on  counties,  such  as 
building  prisons,  maintaining  bridges  and  highways,  erecting  workhouses,  and  placing 
poor  children  there  to  be  instructed  in  spinning,  &c.,  and  paying  the  burgesses. 
In  1662,  the  following  act  was  passed :  "  Whereas  oftentimes  some  small  inconve- 
niences happen  in  the  respective  counties  and  parishes,  which  cannot  well  be  con- 
cluded in  a  general  law :  Be  it  therefore  enacted,  that  the  respective  counties,  and 
the  several  parishes  in  those  counties,  shall  have  liberty  to  make  laws  for  them- 
selves; and  those  that  are  so  constituted,  by  the  major  part  of  the  said  counties  or 
parishes,  to  be  binding  upon  them  as  fully  as  any  other  act."  —  Hening,  ii.  171. 
In  1642,  an  act  provided  for  the  formation  annually  of  a  vestry  in  each  parish  to 
maintain  church  government;  and,  in  1645,  it  was  enacted,  "That  the  election  of 
every  vestry  be  in  the  power  of  the  major  part  of  the  parishioners."  According 
to  these  citations,  the  residents  of  a  district  controlled  the  affairs  of  a  district;  the 
Virginia  law  of  1662  being  as  complete  an  embodiment  of  this  principle,  where  there 
was  not  a  single  town,  as  any  law  in  New  England. 

In  Pennsylvania,  with  the  "Three  Lower  Counties,"  or  Delaware,  and  New  Jer- 
sey, the  laws  passed  in  relation  to  municipal  affairs  designate  counties  and  towns. 
William  Penn  granted,  as  proprietary,  the  charter  of  Philadelphia,  and  this  city  had 
a  self-perpetuating  council ;  but  as  a  county  it  was  subject  in  the  general  laws  to 
the  elective  principle,  and  named  as  such.  In  1709,  assessors  were  ordered  to  be 
chosen  by  the  freeholders.  In  an  act  providing  for  county  rates  and  levies  (1724), 
the  freeholders,  &c.,  were  empowered  to  choose,  annually,  commissioners  for  three 
years,  having  three  for  each  county  (one  going  out  of  office  each  year),  and  six  assess- 
ors, whose  duties  relative  to  taxes  are  minutely  laid  down.  The  oath  administered 
to  these  officers  was,  "  Thou  shalt  well  and  truly  cause  the  county  debts  to  be 
speedily  adjusted,  and  the  rates  and  sums  of  money  by  virtue  of  this  act  imposed 
to  be  duly  and  equally  assessed  and  laid  according  to  the  best  of  thy  skill  and 
knowledge;  and  herein  thou  shalt  spare  no  person  for  favor  or  affection,  nor  grieve 
any  for  hatred  or  ill-will."  —Penn.  Laws,  1742.  In  1729,  the  inhabitants  of  town- 
ships, owners  or  occupiers  of  lands,  were  empowered  to  choose  fit  persons  for  pound- 
keepers.  The  townships  were  empowered  to  make  rates  for  the  support  of  the  poor. 
Thus  the  elective  principle  was  gradually  extended  in  this  colony  in  municipal 
affairs. 

In  New  Jersey,  the  "  Concessions"  (1664)  of  the  proprietors  to  all  who  should  settle 
in  it,  provide  that,  "  so  soon  as  parishes,  divisions,  tribes,  and  other  distinctions  are 
made,"  the  freeholders  should  elect  representatives;  and  they  should  " divide  the 


24  THE  RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

their  own  judgments.  Tho  municipality  was  the  unit  in 
the  system  of  local  self-government.  In  it  the  citizen  began 
to  take  a  part  in  public  affairs,  and  was  trained  for  the 
wider  field  of  the  representative  assembly.  And  thus  it 
fostered  a  public  spirit  and  a  public  life.  What  has  been 
called  a  "  bureaucracy,"  which  has  had  so  repressive  an  influ- 

province  into  hundreds,  parishes,  or  tribes,"  or  other  divisions.  —  Snv  '  '<?  New  Jer- 
sey, 514,  515.  The  divisions  named  in  the  laws  subsequently  passed  are  counties, 
cities,  towns-corporate,  townships,  and  precincts,  which  were  empowered  to  exercise 
certain  rights,  immunities,  and  privileges,  in  which  the  freeholders  and  freemen, 
having  certain  qualifications,  voted  for  their  officers  at  "  town-meetings; "  some  acts 
providing  that  "  only  freeholders,  tenants  for  years,  or  householders  "  should  vote 
in  township  or  precinct  meetings.  An  act  of  1710  names  nine  counties  which  were 
empowered  to  exercise  certain  rights  and  privileges.  —  New  Jersey  Laws. 

In  New  Netherland,  the  company  that  effected  settlements  introduced  the  self- 
perpetuating  councils  of  the  Fatherland.  —  Brodhead's  New  York,  475.  Such  was 
the  government  of  Manhattan  in  1647.  The  popular  demands,  however,  show 
the  same  Germanic  thirst  for  local  self-government  in  this  colony  that  is  seen  in 
Massachusetts  and  Virginia  and  other  colonies.  After  it  became  an  English  colony, 
the  municipal  forms  named  are  county,  city,  town,  parish,  manor,  and  precinct;  and 
though  the  governor  appointed  the  mayors  and  some  other  officers  of  the  cities,  yet 
even  in  these  the  freeholders  chose  the  aldermen;  and  in  the  towns  and  precincts 
the  inhabitants  chose  their  officers.  Thus  the  precinct  of  Goshen,  "  at  their  annual 
town-meetings  for  electing  town  officers,"  were  empowered  to  elect  three  "free- 
holders "  to  lay  out  roads  in  it.  —  New-York  Laws,  212,  printed  1772.  Towns  were 
authorized  by  town-grants  or  patents  conferring  municipal  powers.  An  act  (1762) 
creating  two  precincts  authorizes  the  choice  of  "  one  precinct  clerk,  one  supervisor, 
two  assessors,  one  collector,  three  overseers  of  the  poor,  three  fence-viewers,  one 
pound-master,"  and  also,  in  certain  contingencies,  "  four  constables  and  six  overseers 
of  the  highways."  —  Laws,  257.  These  were  to  be  chosen  annually  "  by  the  ma- 
jority of  the  voices  of  the  inhabitants"  assembled  in  town-meeting. 

In  Massachusetts,  during  the  first  six  years  of  the  colony  (1630  to  1636),  the  Gen- 
eral Court  occupied  itself  with  many  things  of  a  strictly  local  character,  as  the 
support  of  the  ministers,  appointment  of  constables,  building  of  bridges,  and  matters 
of  police;  and  it  appointed  (1632)  two  persons  in  each  town  to  confer  with  itself  about 
raising  a  public  stock.  Then  it  ordered  each  town  should  supply  its  inhabitants 
with  arms,  provide  weights  and  measures,  and  keep  a  pound.  In  the  first  year  there 
were  representatives  (1634),  the  General  Assembly  ordered  "  that  none  but  freemeu 
should  have  any  vote  in  any  town  in  any  action  of  authority  or  necessity,  or  tha* 
which  belongs  to  them  by  virtue  of  their  freedom  as  receiving  inhabitants,  laying 
out  lots,"  &c.  Meantime  several  towns  were  exercising  certain  local  offices,  af 
establishing  schools,  supporting  the  ministers,  making  rates,  building  fences,  and 
even  choosing  "  selectmen  "  without  any  special  authority  from  the  colony  to  do  it, 
such  as  the  proceedings  in  Dorchester  and  Charlestown  related  in  the  text  (see 
page  17).  The  General  Court,  on  the  3d  of  March,  1636,  passed  an  important  mu- 
nicipal act.  The  following  is  a  portion  of  it:  "Whereas  particular  towns  have 
many  things  which  concern  only  themselves,  and  the  ordering  of  their  own  affairs, 
and  disposing  of  business  in  their  own  town,  it  is  therefore  ordered,  that  the  free- 


LOCAL   SELF-GOVERNMENT   AND  NATIONAL  UNION.  25 

once  in  France,  is  not  seen  in  a  single  colony.  I  do  not 
know  of  the  creation,  by  an  American  legislature,  of  such 
an  anomaly  as  a  self-perpetuating  municipal  council. 

The  representatives  were  chosen  by  the  qualified  voters. 
The  elective  franchise,  with  the  object  of  securing  intelli- 
gence and  integrity  for  the  public  service,  was  severely 
restricted.  The  freehold  qualification  was  general,  and  was 


men  of  every  town,  or  the  major  part  of  them,  shall  only  have  power  to  dispose  of 
their  own  lands  and  woods,  with  all  the  privileges  and  appurtenances  of  the  said 
towns  to  grant  lots,  and  make  such  orders  as  may  concern  the  well  ordering  of 
their  own  towns,  not  repugnant  to  the  laws  and  orders  here  established  by  the  Gen- 
eral Court,  as  also  to  lay  mulcts  and  penalties  for  the  breach  of  these  orders,  and  to 
levy  and  distrain  the  same  not  exceeding  the  sum  of  20s  ;  also  to  choose  their  own 
particular  officers,  as  constables,  surveyors  for  the  highways  and  the  like; "  and  the 
order  permits  two  constables  for  each  town,  but  it  does  not  name  the  selectmen. 
Some  of  the  towns  were  now  choosing  these  annually,  and  they  at  least  were  recog- 
nized in  legislation.  Thus,  in  1642  (Records,  ii.  4),  the  court  declared  "that  the 
selected  townsmen  have  power  to  lay  out  particular  and  private  ways  concerning 
their  own  town  only"  (6);  that  "in  every  town  the  chosen  men,  appointed  for 
managing  the  prudential  affairs  of  the  town,"  should  have  certain  powers  over  the 
training  of  children ;  and,  in  1646,  that  the  five  or  seven  or  more  men,  "  which  are 
selected  for  prudential  affairs,  in  certain  towns,  should  have  power  to  end  causes 
under  20s. ; "  and,  in  1647,  the  term  "  selectmen  "  is  used  in  the  laws.  New  powers 
from  time  to  time  were  conferred  on  the  towns.  Thus,  Sept.  6,  1638,  the  General 
Court  ordered  that  every  inhabitant  "  who  shall  not  voluntarily  contribute  propor- 
tionate to  his  ability  with  other  freemen  of  the  same  town  to  all  assessed  charges,  as 
well  for  the  upholding  of  the  ordinances  of  the  churches  as  otherwise "  (Records, 
i.  20),  should  be  compelled  to  do  it  by  taxes,  to  be  levied  as  in  other  cases.  This 
vital  power,  wisely  or  unwisely,  identified  the  parish  with  the  town. 

In  1639,  Plymouth  passed  a  law  which  enacted  that,  "  All  the  townships  within 
this  government,  allowed  or  to  be  allowed,  shall  have  liberty  to  meet  together  and 
to  make  such  town-orders,"  with  power  to  impose  fines  under  twenty  shillings.  — 
Plymouth  Col.  Records,  xi.  32.  The  Connecticut  Assembly  of  1639  empowered 
the  towns  of  Hartford,  Windsor,  and  Wethersfield,  or  any  others  within  their  juris- 
diction, each  to  have  powers  to  dispose  of  their  own  lands,  to  choose  their  own 
officers,  and  make  such  orders  as  may  be  for  the  well  ordering  of  their  own  towns, 
being  not  repugnant  to  any  law  established  by  the  assembly ;  also  to  impose  penal- 
ties for  a  breach  of  the  same.  —  Conn.  Col.  Records,  36-39.  The  four  or  seven  men 
chosen  by  the  towns  to  conduct  their  affairs  were  termed  "  townsmen."  In  Rhode 
Island,  the  inhabitants  of  Providence  agreed  to  be  "  incorporated  into  a  town  fel- 
lowship;"  and  they  managed  their  own  affairs.  The  General  Assembly,  under  the 
charter,  granted,  from  time  to  time,  acts  of  incorporation,  in  which  were  defined  the 
local  officers  and  their  duties,  such  as  two  wardens  and  the  town  council.  —  Arnold's 
Rhode  Island.  In  New  Hampshire,  there  are  seen  similar  proceedings.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  Exeter,  in  1639,  signed  an  agreement  "  to  combine  themselves  together  to 
erect  and  set  up  among  us  such  government  as  should  be  to  their  best  discerning  " 
(Farmer's  Belknap,  432);  and  the  inhabitants  of  Dover  (1640)  "voluntarily  agreed 


26  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

further  limited,  in  some  of  the  colonies,  by  a  pecuniary 
qualification  ;  and,  in  three  of  the  New-England  colonies, 
church  membership  was  required  for  the  franchise,  which 
proved  to  be  so  restrictive  in  Massachusetts  as  to  exclude, 
for  thirty  years,  three-fourths  of  the  male  inhabitants  from 
the  ballot-box.1  There  were,  in  some  of  the  colonies,  laws 
imposing  penalties  on  absentees  from  town-meetings  or 
from  elections,  —  an  embodiment  of  a  conviction,  that  it  was 
the  duty  of  all  citizens  to  take  a  part  in  the  management 
of  public  affairs.  The  law,  in  some  cases,  was  arbitrary ; 
but  the  sentiment  upon  which  it  was  based  is  sound :  for 
whoever  declines  to  take  his  share  of  the  administration  of 
municipal  or  other  public  duties,  shows  that  he  regards  his 
personal  ease  or  the  gratification  of  his  tastes  as  of  more 


to  combine  themselves  into  a  body  politic,  that  they  might  the  more  comforta- 
bly enjoy  the  benefit  of  his  majesty's  laws,  together  with  such  laws  as  should  be  con 
eluded  by  a  major  part  of  the  freemen."  —  Ib.  433. 

John  Adams  (Works,  v.  495)  points  to  the  towns  of  New  England  as  one  of 
the  institutions  that  supply  a  key  to  American  history,  naming,  as  the  chief  func- 
tions which  these  quasi  corporations  performed,  the  making  of  roads,  the  support 
of  the  poor,  choosing  their  officers,  and,  "above  all,  choosing  their  representatives  in 
the  legislature,  and  assembling,  as  of  right,  to  discuss  public  affairs."  The  same 
functions  outside  of  New  England,  were  provided  for  in  the  divisions  of  parish, 
county,  and  other  forms;  and,  in  the  period  of  the  Revolution,  the  counties  of  the 
Southern  colonies  acted  in  political  affairs  with  a  similar  efficiency  to  the  towns  of 
New  England. 

I  have,  in  this  note,  made  only  such  citations  as  seemed  to  justify  the  statements 
made  in  the  text.  In  all  the  colonies  there  is  seen  the  same  spirit  of  local  self-gov- 
ernment. 

I  have  not  met  with  a  volume,  or  even  an  essny,  on  the  growth  of  the  munici- 
pal system  in  the  United  States.  Professor  Joel  Parker  contributed  to  the  "  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc."  of  1866-7,  a  valuable  paper  entitled  "  The  Origin, 
Organization,  and  Influence  of  the  Towns  of  New  England." 

1  Church  membership  was  a  qualification  for  voters  in  Massachusetts,  New  Haven, 
and  Connecticut.  It  was  ordered,  May  18,  1631,  before  there  was  a  representative 
body  in  Massachusetts, "  that  no  man  should  be  admitted  to  this  body  politic  but  such 
as  are  members  of  some  of  the  churches  within  the  limits  of  the  same."  This  was 
not  repealed  until  Aug.  3,  1664.  — Mass.  Records.  An  act  of  1656  (Hening,  i.  403) 
of  the  Virginia  assembly  reads,  "  Whereas  we  conceive  it  something  hard  and  un- 
agreeable to  reason,  that  any  person  shall  pay  equal  taxes,  and  yet  have  no  votes 
in  elections;"  therefore  it  orders  that  the  acts  excluding  freemen  from  voting  for 
burgesses  should  be  repealed:  but  this  colony  enacted,  in  1670,  that  none  but  free- 
holders and  householders  should  vote.  In  Pennsylvania,  the  qualifications  were  a 
freehold  of  fifty  acres,  ten  cleared,  and  other  estate  of  £50. 


LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT  AND  NATIONAL  UNION.  27 

account  than  the  preservation  of  his  rights  or  the  welfare 
of  his  family,  his  neighbors,  or  his  country.  It  is  only  by 
an  active  participation  in  political  concerns,  that  Americans 
can  discharge  their  obligations  as  members  of  society. 

The  public  meeting  is  seen  from  the  first  in  the  colonies. 
As  a  means  of  expressing  public  opinion,  it  must  be  regarded 
as  a  vital  part  of  self-government.  I  have  met  with  but 
few  allusions  to  this  custom  in  the  statutes.  It  seems  to 
have  been  assumed  as  a  right,  and  with  it  the  right  of  a  free 
examination  of  political  questions.  An  early  Massachusetts 
law  bears  on  this  custom.  It  provided,  that  every  man, 
whether  inhabitant  or  foreigner,  free  or  not  free,  should 
have  liberty  to  go  to  any  public  court,  council,  and  town* 
meeting ;  and,  either  in  speech  or  writing,  prefer  any  com- 
plaint or  present  any  petition,  in  reference  to  subjects  of  which 
the  meeting  had  cognizance,  if  it  were  done  in  convenient 
time,  due  order,  and  respectful  manner.1  In  the  public 
meeting,  whether  summoned  by  the  authorities  or  called  by 
private  citizens,  whether  composed  of  the  bocly  of  the  peo- 
ple, or  of  delegates  as  in  conventions,  men  met  on  the  foot- 
ing of  equality,  and  exercised,  as  of  right,  free  discussion ; 
and  at  a  time  when,  in  most  other  countries,  the  same 
classes  were  precluded  from  taking  part  in  public  affairs. 
It  was  a  remark,  in  an  early  petition  of  the  freemen  of 
Charlestown,  that  the  enjoyment  of  these  immunities  "  ren- 
dered them  the  most  happy  people  they  know  of  in  the 
world  ;  "  2  and,  at  the  Revolution,  this  self-government  was 
regarded  as  an  invaluable  right,  purchased  by  toil,  treasure, 
and  blood.3 

Though  old  principles  were  at  the  base  of  the  munici- 

1  Massachusetts  Code  of  1641. 

2  A  Petition  of  the  Freemen  of  Charlestown,  1668  (Hist,  of  Charlestown,  159), 
names  "the  free  choice  of  our  heads,  or  rulers,"  as  essential  to  their  freedom,  among 
the  privileges  and  immunities  they  enjoyed.     The  Virginia  Declaration  of  1642 
(Hening,  i.  231)  says,  that  "  the  present  happiness  is  exemplified  to  us  by  the  freedom 
of  yearly  assemblies,"  and  the  "  legal  trial  by  jury  in  all  criminal  and  civil  causes 
when  it  should  be  demanded." 

«  Letter  of  Joseph  Warren,  March  19,  1766 :  Life  and  Times,  21. 


28  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

pality  and  the  legislature,  yet  the  prominent  forms  in  which 
they  were  embodied,  suggested  by  the  circumstances  of  the 
condition  of  the  people,  were  original,  and  may  be  termed 
American.  The  object  sought  was  to  supply  the  wants  of 
the  people,  and  promote  the  common  good.  The  natural 
product  of  this  self-government  was  a  cluster  of  thirteen 
distinct  and  essentially  free  communities,  composed  of  a 
population  who  appreciated  the  value  of  their  rights,  and 
felt  a  personal  concern  in  their  preservation.  They  had 
prejudices  against  each  other,  rivalries,  and  sharply  denned 
provincialisms.  But,  however  antagonistical  might  have 
been  special  circles  of  impulses  and  objects,  however  dif- 
ferent the  tendencies  of  their  social  systems,  and  however 
strongly  the  law  of  diversity  might  have  ruled  in  their 
development  for  a  century  and  a  half,  yet,  in  due  time,  all 
the  colonies  fell  under  the  influence  of  a  spirit  of  union, 
and  each  contributed  to  promote  the  design  of  Providence 
in  the  formation  of  a  great  Republic  in  America. 

II.  The  Idea  of  National  Union.  —  An  early  American 
writer  and  pioneer  states,  that  the  people  saw,  by  daily  expe- 
rience in  the  beginnings  of  their  work,  that  they  could  not 
succeed  in  their  undertaking  without  an  agreement  with 
one  another  for  mutual  assistance  ;  and  that  they  thought  the 
colonies  would  one  day  be  "joined  together  in  one  common 
bond  of  unity  and  peace." 1  The  appreciation  of  a  great 
and  vital  want  will  account  for  the  origin  of  the  idea  of  a 
common  union.  A  study  of  its  embodiment  reveals  the 
feature  of  growth.  It  is  so  original  and  peculiar,  that  it 
may  be  termed  American. 

As  the  main  object  of  these  pages  is  to  trace  this  de- 
velopment, it  would  anticipate  the  narrative  to  enlarge,  in 
this  place,  on  details. 

The  first  conception  of  an  American  Union  entertained 
by  the  founders  of  New  England  was  to  join  in  political 
bonds  only  those  colonies  in  which  the  people  were  of  a 

l  Hubbard's  History  of  New  England,  465.    He  wrote  before  1682. 


LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT  AND  NATIONAL  UNION.  29 

similar  way  of  thinking  in  theology,  when,  in  the  spirit  of 
a  theocracy,  they  aimed  to  form  a  Christian  State  in  the 
bosom  of  the  Church.  This  was  embodied  in  the  New- 
England  Confederacy  (1643  to  1684).  Its  basis  was  not 
broad  enough  to  embrace  the  whole  of  this  territory,  or 
sufficiently  just  to  include  all  its  population. 

The  next  tendencies  to  a  union  are  seen  after  New  Neth- 
erland  was  added  to  the  dominions  of  the  British  crown, 
and  was  called  New  York.  In  the  inter-colonial  correspond- 
ence that  took  place,  growing  out  of  the  Revolution  of  1689 
in  the  colonies,  and  in  the  call  of  a  congress,  in  1690,  for 
the  safety  of  the  whole  land,  there  appears  the  conception 
of  union  as  comprehensive  as  the  colonies. 

Union  was  continuously  suggested  during  the  succeeding 
seventy  years  (1690  to  1760).  The  class  who  urged  it  from 
an  American  point  of  view,  and  for  objects  in  harmony 
with  the  free  institutions  that  had  taken  root,  aimed  mainly 
at  removing  the  obstructions  that  rival  communities  threw 
in  the  way  of  progress,  and  at  providing  for  the  common  de- 
fence. It  was  urged,  that  the  people  who  were  occupying 
this  portion  of  North  America  were  naturally  linked  to- 
gether by  material  interests ;  sympathized  instinctively  with 
free  institutions ;  and  had  before  them  a  common  destiny, 
and  hence  ought  to  be  united  in  a  common  polity.  But 
circumstances  prevented  the  formation  of  a  public  opinion  in 
favor  of  the  adoption  of  any  of  the  schemes  that  were  pre- 
sented. The  Plan  of  Union,  recommended  by  a  convention 
held  at  Albany  in  1754,  was  rejected  by  all  the  colonies. 

The  idea  of  union  received  a  great  impetus  when  the 
policy  was  adopted  by  the  cabinet  of  George  III.  to  govern 
and  tax  America.  This  policy  involved  aggression  on  the 
old  right  of  self-government.  Union  was  then  enjoined 
upon  the  colonies  by  the  popular  leaders,  as  the  sum  of 
American  politics;  the  demand  of  the  hour,  to  promote 
social,  political,  and  national  well-being ;  the  path  of  duty 
and  of  honor ;  the  way  pointed  out  by  Providence  to  sue- 


30  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

cessfully  resist  aggression,  and  to  obtain  a  redress  of  griev- 
ances. The  sentiment  deepened  into  conviction,  and  this 
ripened  into  faith  in  its  practicability.  It  was  the  religion  of 
politics.  Union  became  a  fact,  and  had  the  moral  force 
of  unwritten  law.  Under  its  rule  and  inspiration,  a  rare 
and  rich  public  life  rose  into  great  political  action,  through 
an  efficient  party  organization.  At  length  Thirteen  United 
Colonies  stood  (1774)  in  the  attitude  of  armed  resistance 
to  the  measures  of  the  ministry  ;  and,  in  the  spirit  in  which 
the  Great  Charter  was  wrung  from  King  John,  they  de- 
manded their  liberties  under  the  British  Constitution.  In 
this  situation,  American  society,  imbued  with  the  germinal 
spirit  and  influence  of  the  doctrine  of  freedom  and  equality, 
claimed  tine  right  to  hold  on  to  what  it  had  gained  and  the 
right  of  progress  for  the  Future. 

Union  had  been  urged,  up  to  this  time,  by  the  colonies,  not 
merely  in  the  spirit  of  allegiance  to  the  crown,  but  with 
feelings  of  pride  in  being  parts  of  a  great  empire  ;  but  their 
attitude  was  pronounced  from  the  throne  to  be  rebellion,  and 
the  force  of  the  nation  was  summoned  to  suppress  it.  This 
was  an  assertion,  based  upon  the  Past  of  Absolutism  and 
Privilege,  of  a  right  to  give  the  local  law  to  America.  This 
forced  the  popular  party  to  accept  the  situation  of  revolu- 
tion, and  to  aim  at  the  object  of  separation.  There  was 
then  grafted  on  and  blended  with  the  conception  of  union, 
the  sentiment  of  nationality.  This  found  proud  embodi- 
ment in  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

When  the  people  passed  from  the  status  of  subjects,  exer- 
cising powers  of  government  under  the  crown  as  depend- 
ent colonies,  to  that  of  sovereigns  in  a  nation  composed  of 
independent  States,  they  had  a  deeply  rooted  conviction, 
that  one  general  government,  or  one  American  constitution, 
was  a  necessity.  They  kept  in  view,  in  their  utterances, 
distinctly  and  steadily,  the  aim  of  framing  a  system  that 
should  protect  individuals,  municipalities,  and  States,  in 
their  several  spheres  of  action,  while  it  should  provide  for 


LOCAL   SELF-GOVERNMENT   AND   NATIONAL   UNION.  31 

n  efficient  discharge  of  national  offices.  The  first  result 
reached  in  "  The  Articles  of  Confederation "  recognized 
the  historic  local  self-government,  but  failed  to  adequately 
embody  the  idea  of  national  union,  and  this  form  proved 
incompetent  to  secure  the  blessings  that  had  been  attained 
by  the  Revolution  ;  but  both  ideas,  as  they  had  been  applied 
in  institutions,  were  recognized  in  the  next  great  result 
of  "  The  More  Perfect  Union  "  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  which  was  ordained  as  the  supreme  law  of 
the  land. 

The  Republic  thus  established  rose,  as  the  fulfilment  of 
a  logical  sequence,  from  a  state  of  society  in  which  rank  and 
privilege  did  not  exist.  The  principles  on  which  it  was 
founded  were  brought  over  by  the  emigrants ;  so  that  the 
last  finish  in  the  Constitution,  after  the  achievement  of  inde- 
pendence, was  but  the  fulfilment  of  the  first  thought.1  The 
form  of  government  was  designed  for  the  welfare  of  a  free 
people  and  a  great  nation,  by  providing  for  them  just  and 
equal  laws.  The  ancient  republics,  based  on  the  inequality 
of  men,  were,  in  reality,  oppressive  aristocracies : 2  the  repub- 
lics of  the  Middle  Ages  had  free  institutions  within  their 
walls;  but  outside  of  them  the  divine  right  of  kings  or  nobles 
remained  unshaken : 3  the  Republic  of  the  United  States 
was  founded  on  the  American  theory  announced  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  this  was  embodied  in  the 
rules  of  law  for  the  conduct  of  its  citizens  in  the  Con- 
stitution. This  republic  presents  the  rare  and  difficult 
system  of  one  general  government,  the  action  of  which 
extends  over  the  whole  nation,  but  which  possesses  certain 
enumerated  powers,  and  of  numerous  State  governments, 
which  retain  and  exercise  all  powers  not  delegated  to 

1  Gervinus :  Introduction  to  the  Nineteenth  Century,  66. 

2  Schmidt  (La  Socie'te'  Civile,  25)  says,  "  The  most  oppressive  aristocracies." 
Bridges  (France  under  Richelieu  and  Colbert,  124)  says,  that,  even  in  the  most 
democratic  Greek  and  Roman  States, "  the  free  citizens  constituted  a  pure  aristocracy, 
the  vast  mass  of  the  working  population  being  slaves." 

«  Bridges,  124. 


32  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  Union.1  Under  this  protection  and  organization,  the 
two  elements  of  the  national  life,  embodied  into  institutions 
adapted  to  their  respective  spheres,  unfolded  their  blessings 
in  harmony,  and,  through  the  great  modern  instrumentality 
of  representation,  are  extending  over  the  continent.  A 
narrative  of  the  rise  of  this  system  will  show  how  in- 
stinctively the  people  appreciated  and  valued  the  grandest 
traditionary  influence  in  all  history,  Local  Self-government,2 
and  that  providential  product,  American  Union. 


1  Opinion :  9  Wheaton,  205. 

2  "  The  form  of  government  which  alone  renders  popular  institutions  compatible 
with  extent  of  territory,  is  that  form  which  has  its  origin  in  this  ancient  element  of 
Saxon  local  self-government.   Who  can  question  that  it  is  such  a  political  system  that 
has  expanded  this  Republic  from  its  primitive  circumspection  to  its  present  extent; 
so  that,  that  which  at  first  reached  not  far  beyond  the  sound  of  the  Atlantic,  became 
enlarged  beyond  the  mountains;    then  beyond  the  Mississippi;  and  now,  having 
crossed  the  second  great  mountain  range  of  the  continent,  has  on  its  other  border  the 
sound  of  the  earth's  other  great  ocean.     I  know  of  no  grander  traditional  influence 
to  be  observed  in  history  than  this  simple  Saxon  characteristic  element,  and  the 
mighty  issues  of  it  now  manifest  around  us,  —  the  connection  between  this  principle 
of  local  self-government  obscurely  recognized  in  the  ancient  fatherland  of  the  Saxon, 
carried  thence  to  England  to  be  combined  with  the  central  power  of  a  constitu- 
tional monarchy,  and  now  a  living  principle  here,  helping,  by  the  harmony  of  State 
rights  and  federal  energy,  to  extend  and  perpetuate  the  Republic."  —  Professor 
Reed's  Lectures  on  the  Union. 


CHAPTER    II. 

THE  COMBINATION  OP  LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  IN  THE 
NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY. 

1643  TO  1684. 

THE  analysis,  in  the  preceding  chapter,  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  Thirteen  Colonies  were  founded,  shows  that  the 
immigrants,  in  framing  their  separate  governments,  obeyed 
a  primitive  tradition  of  their  Germanic  ancestors.  And  as 
society  was  thus  divided  into  distinct  communities,  each 
unfolding  a  local  life  peculiar  to  itself,  civilization  obeyed  in 
its  development  a  law  of  diversity :  but  the  idea  of  joining 
these  communities  into  a  union  for  their  common  defence 
and  general  welfare  was  suggested  so  early  by  the  circum- 
stances of  their  condition,  and  expanded  so  naturally  into 
the  conception  of  a  republic  and  a  nation,  that  it  may  be 
termed  American.  The  two  elemeuts  of  local  government 
and  union  were  first  combined  in  a  common  polity  in  the 
New-England  Confederacy. 

This  confederacy  was  formed  in  1643.  Most  of  the  maps 
of  North  America  at  that  period  are  either  French  or  Dutch, 
and  they  assign  to  the  English  colonies  but  a  small  por- 
tion of  the  soil.  The  most  comprehensive  and  minute  is 
that  of  Sanson,  the  creator  of  French  geography.  He  gave 
narrow  boundaries  to  represent  the  vast  region  which  the 
patent  of  Virginia  covered,  and  the  territory  which  the 
emigrants  to  New  England  were  occupying ;  and  he  allotted 
still  smaller  limits  to  the  splendid  land  which  the  Holland- 
ers claimed  as  New  Netherland.  The  Spanish  possession  of 
Florida  is  delineated  as  beginning  at  Mexico  and  extending 
on  the  Atlantic  coast  as  far  as  Virginia,  with  a  wide  sweep 

3 


8  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

into  the  interior.  The  remainder  of  the  northern  part  of 
the  continent  is  assigned  to  France.  The  French  mission- 
aries were  then  penetrating  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio,  and 
giving  names  to  the  stations  which  they  established ;  and 
these  names,  covering  a  large  portion  of  the  map,  show  the 
vastness  of  the  region  claimed  as  New  France.1 

Colonization,  up  to  that  period,  had  made  slow  progress 
in  North  America.  The  Colony  of  Virginia,  after  thirty- 
six  years  of  difficulty  and  struggle,  had,  together  with  Mary- 
land, founded  under  the  most  happy  auspices,  a  population 
of  less  than  twenty  thousand.  The  Swedes  planted  a  small 
colony  on  the  Delaware.  And  the  Hollanders  established 
posts  or  forts  at  Nassau,  near  the  present  site  of  Phila- 
delphia, at  Albany,  and  at  Manhattan,  with  bouweries  or 
plantations  near  the  Hudson  :  but  the  province  was  in  a  low 
condition.  The  New-England  colonies  had  a  population  of 
about  twenty-five  thousand.  Perhaps  five  thousand  would 
be  a  large  estimate  for  the  numbers  of  Frenchmen,  Span- 
iards, Swedes,  and  Hollanders  who  had  settled  on  the  soil 
claimed  by  their  respective  countries.  A  century  and  a  half 

1  There  are  good  maps  of  sections  of  North  America  at  this  period,  as  of  New 
England,  New  Netherland,  and  Virginia;  but  the  general  maps  are  crude.  The 
first  edition  of  Hondius's  Mercator  —  the  "Atlas  Minor" — was  printed  in  1606.  I 
found  the  second  edition,  printed  at  Amsterdam  in  1607,  in  the  "  Prince  Collection  "  in 
Boston  Public  Library.  This  contains  a  map  of  North  and  South  America,  entitled 
"AMERICA  DESCRIP."  It  has  on  it  "  Machauche,"  "Virginia,"  and  "Florida; " 
but,  of  course,  it  is  very  crude.  Yet  the  plate  from  which  this  map  was  printed 
was  used  by  Purchas  (1625)  with  the  title  of  "  HONDIVS  his  map  of  America;" 
by  Saltoristal,  in  his  translation  of  Hondius,  in  1635;  by  Gage,  in  his  "New  Survey 
of  the  West  Indies,"  in  1655;  and  in  the  "  Gorges  Tracts,"  one  of  which  is  entitled 
"  America  Painted  to  the  Life,"  in  1659,  in  which  the  map  is  termed  "  a  complete 
and  exquisite  map,"  having  the  head-line  left  off.  There  is  in  Purchas's  "Pil- 
grimes,"  part  iii.,  a  beautiful  map  of  America  of  1625;  but  it  is  too  early  for  my 
purpose. 

Sanson  was  born  at  Amiens,  in  1600,  and  at  sixteen  drew  a  better  map  of  Ancient 
Gaul  than  that  of  Ortelius  or  of  Mercator.  He  died  in  1667.  —  Ency.  Britannica.  His 
map,  printed  in  Paris  in  1657,  is  entitled  "  AMERICQVE  SEPTENTRIONALE,"  and  has 
many  more  names  than  Bleau's  map,  Amsterdam,  1635,  De  Laet's  French,  1640,  or 
Visscher's  of  1652,  and  others  I  have  examined.  Sanson's  map  was  printed  in  a 
volume  describing  America.  His  son,  G.  Sanson,  printed  this  map,  with  additions, 
in  1669;  and,  in  1693,  another  son,  N.  Sanson,  printed  an  edition  of  his  father's 
general  geography. 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.  35 

after  the  discoveries  of  Columbus  in  America,  there  were 
probably  not  fifty  thousand  European  emigrants  within  the 
original  limits  of  the  United  States.1 

England  long  manifested  great  indifference  to  the  coloni- 
zation of  North  America,  —  the  bold  spirit  of  her  early 
navigators  being  in  marked  contrast  to  the  stolidity  of  her 
statesmen.  In  the  period  which  has  been  termed  "  the  first 
age  of  the  colonies,"  the  whole  superintendence  of  the  king, 
both  as  to  executive  and  legislative  powers,  was  exercised 
by  the  Privy  Council.2  The  work  of  colonization  and  gov- 
ernment was  committed  to  the  two  great  companies,  the 
London  and  the  Plymouth,  whose  spirit  of  monopoly  and 
arbitrary  power  had  a  chilling  effect  on  British  enterprise.8 
The  latter  company  —  the  Council  for  New  England  — 
obtained,  in  1620,  the  grant  of  a  great  tract  of  territory  in 
America.  At  length,  Charles  I.  created,  in  1634,  by  a  com- 
mission, a  board  called  the  "  Lords  Commissioners  of  For- 
eign Plantations,"  consisting  of  certain  high  officers  of  state, 
any  five  of  whom  were  empowered  to  make  laws,  constitu- 
tions, or  ordinances  affecting  either  the  public  condition  or 
the  private  property  of  the  colonists.  Archbishop  Laud  was 
the  ruling  spirit  of  this  board.  At  that  period,  the  king 
was  striving  to  absorb  all  the  functions  of  government,  and 
was  attempting  to  rule  without  a  parliament.  This  occa- 
sioned that  great  and  noble  uprising,  the  Revolution  of 
1640,  which  for  a  period  frustrated  the  designs  upon  the 
liberties  of  New  England.  A  civil  war  then  broke  out ;  and 


1  In  "  A  Perfect  Description  of  Virginia,"  printed  in  London  in  1649,  it  is  stated, 
that  there  are  in  Virginia  "  about  fifteen  thousand  English  "  and  three  hundred 
negroes;  that  one  hundred  Swedes  had  come  and  crept  into  a  river  called  Delawar, 
and  were  driving  a  great  trade  in  furs  with  the  natives ;  and  that  this  plantation  and 
the  Hollanders  parted  Virginia  and  New  England,  which  "  was  in  a  good  condition 
for  a  livelihood,"  and  contained  about  twenty  thousand.     The  Indian  war  of  five 
years  had  nearly  depopulated  Manhattan  and  the  greater  part  of  western  Long 
Island;  and,  in  1647,  such  was  the  low  condition  of  New  Netherland,  that,  excepting 
the  Long-Island  settlements,  scarcely  fifty  bouweries  could  be  counted.  —  Brodhead, 
410,  465. 

2  Chalmers's  Opinions,  6.  *  Chalmers's  Annals,  92. 


36  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  fall  of  Hampden,  in  1643,  in  so  just  a  cause,  gave  an 
inspiring  watchword  to  the  future  American  patriots. 

The  Indians  were  told  of  the  struggle  that  was  going  on 
in  England.  And  it  became  a  saying  among  them,  that  now 
or  never  was  the  time  to  root  out  the  English,  as  they  could 
not  be  assisted  by  their  nation  ;  and  all  who  encroached  on 
their  hunting  grounds  were  alike  to  the  savages.  They 
assaulted  Virginia  with  terrible  severity ; l  the  whole  of  the 
territory  subsequently  called  New  Jersey  was  conquered;2 
they  swept  over  New  Netherland  with  such  desolation  as 
nearly  to  depopulate  Manhattan,  and  to  make  1643  a  year 
of  blood.3  They  had  resolved  to  attack  New  England. 
Though  the  colonies  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  furnish  but 
a  few  facts  illustrative  of  the  progress  of  Union,  yet  this 
simultaneous  assault  on  the  colonies  showed  the  necessity 
of  uniting  their  strength  for  the  common  defence. 

The  New-England  colonies  were  increasing  in  importance. 
Plymouth  obtained  a  patent  from  the  Council  for  New  Eng- 
land ;  but  it  only  conferred  a  title  to  the  soil.  Without 
other  authority  than  that  assumed  in  the  covenant  which  its 
founders  entered  into  on  board  the  "  Mayflower,"  they  estab- 
lished all  the  branches  of  a  government.  In  twenty-three 
years,  however,  they  attained  to  a  population  of  only  three 
thousand.  William  Bradford  was  their  governor.  Massa- 
chusetts, first  under  a  patent  from  the  Council  for  New 
England,  confirming  a  right  of  the  soil,  and  then  under 
a  charter  from  the  crown  conveying  powers  of  government, 
had  grown  into  a  commonwealth,  had  just  taken  (1641)  the 
settlements  commenced  in  New  Hampshire  under  its  juris- 
diction, and  had  reached  a  population  of  fifteen  thousand. 
John  Winthrop  was  the  governor.  The  emigrants  who  went 
out  from  Massachusetts  and  founded  Connecticut,  without  a 
charter,  agreed,  in  1639,  upon  articles  of  association  that 
joined  them  in  a  body  politic.  They  had  increased  to 

i  Howison's  Virginia,  i.  287.  2  Brodhead's  New  York,  369. 

8  Brodhead's  New  York,  347,  369. 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.          37 

three  thousand  in  numbers.  John  Haynes  was  the  gov- 
ernor. A  company  direct  from  London,  without  a  charter, 
founded  the  Colony  of  New  Haven,  and  voted  that  the  Holy 
Scriptures  should  be  the  perfect  rule  of  their  commonwealth. 
They  numbered  twenty-five  hundred,  but  had  not  elected  a 
governor.1  The  banishment  of  Roger  Williams  from  Massa- 
chusetts resulted  in  the  foundation  of  Providence,  and  of 
Rhode  Island,  on  the  great  principles  of  liberty  of  con- 
science in  religion,  and  the  will  of  the  majority  —  the  demo- 
cratic principle  in  civil  affairs.  The  colony  was  small. 
Their  leader,  in  1643,  went  to  England,  to  solicit  a  charter. 
A  settlement  had  been  commenced,  under  the  proprietorship 
of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  in  the  province  of  Maine,  with 
the  Church  of  England  as  the  established  religion,  and 
with  municipal  forms,  ranks,  and  titles  like  those  in  Eng- 
land ;  but  it  did  not  flourish.  Such  is  a  glance  at  the 
political  New  England  of  that  day.  It  was  described  at 
that  period  as  containing  fifty  towns  and  villages,  thirty  or 
forty  churches,  a  castle,  a  college,  prisons,  forts,  comfortable 
houses,  gardens,  and  orchards,  —  all  the  work  of  the  set- 
tlers, and  at  their  own  charge,  "  no  public  hand  reaching 
out  any  help."2 

The  builders  of  this  prosperity  were  doing  in  their  local 
government  the  things  which  in  England  were  done  for  the 
body  of  the  people  by  the  few.  A  correspondent  of  Arch- 
bishop Laud,  who  kept  a  jealous  eye  on  the  colonies,  repre- 
sented to  him  in  a  letter,  that  "  it  was  not  new  discipline  that 
was  aimed  at,  but  sovereignty ;  "  3  and  men  of  this  class  peti 
tioned,  that  the  several  jurisdictions  might  be  consolidated, 
and  a  general  governor  be  appointed.  At  that  period,  a 
writ  of  quo  warranto  was  issued  against  the  Massachusetts 
charter,  and  the  Commissioners  of  Foreign  Plantations  de- 
signed to  remodel  the  internal  regulations  of  the  colonies. 

1  I  take  the  careful  estimates  of  Palfrey's  "  Hist.  New  England,"  ii.  6. 

2  New  England's  First  Fruits,  printed  in  London,  in  1643. 
«  Hutchinson's  Mass.,  i..  86. 


38  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

In  this  time  of  gloom,  when  the  colonists  were  obliged  to 
encounter  the  savages  at  their  doors,  and  the  arbitrary 
proceedings  of  Charles  in  England,  the  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts,  in  an  address  to  the  Lords  Commissioners, 
in  defence  of  their  local  liberties  under  the  charter,  made 
this  earnest  protestation  on  the  vital  point  of  sovereignty : 
"  We  do  hereby  humbly  and  sincerely  profess,  that  we  are 
ready  to  yield  all  due  obedience  to  our  sovereign  Lord,  the 
king's  majesty,  and  to  your  Lordships  under  him  ;  and  in 
this  mind  we  left  our  native  country."1  However  ready 
the  commissioners  were  to  interfere  with  the  internal  affairs 
of  the  colonies,  they  were  not  disposed  to  use  the  force  of 
the  nation  to  protect  the  lives  or  the  interests  of  the  emi- 
grants. One  of  the  foremost  men  of  Plymouth,  Edward 
Winslow,  being  in  London,  petitioned  this  board,  in  behalf 
of  the  plantations,  either  to  defend  them  from  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  French  on  the  east,  or  from  the  Hollanders 
on  the  west,  or  "  give  special  warrant  to  the  plantations  to 
act ; "  and  he  urged  this  petition  before  the  commissioners. 
He  found  friends  among  them.  But,  at  the  instance  of 
Laud,  the  charge  was  brought  against  the  petitioner,  that, 
without  being  a  minister,  he  had  exhorted  in  the  congre- 
gation ;  and  that,  in  his  capacity  as  a  magistrate,  he  had 
joined  parties  in  marriage.  He  admitted  the  facts.  For 
these  acts,  this  excellent  man  —  a  pillar  of  old  Plymouth  — 
was  ordered  by  the  board  to  be  committed  to  the  Fleet, 
and  was  imprisoned  for  seventeen  weeks.  The  colonists,  in 
this  rough  way,  were  told  to  practise  the  duty  and  the  virtue 
of  self-reliance.  They  profited  by  the  lesson.2 

The  emigrants,  thrown  on  their  own  resources,  looked  for 
security  in  joint  effort.  It  was  their  thought  in  the  begin- 
ning that  one  day  the  colonies  would  be  "joined  together 


1  The  whole  address  is  in  Hutchinson,  i.  507. 

2  The  petition  and  details  are  in  Deane's  "  Bradford,"  328,  330.    Winthrop  (i.  172) 
says  this  petition  was  offered  "  by  ill  advice,  for  it  was  a  precedent  that  the  colonies 
should  do  nothing  hereafter  without  a  commission  from  England." 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.  39 

in  one  common  bond."1  A  proposition  for  a  Union  was 
suggested  at  a  meeting  of  Connecticut  magistrates  and  min- 
isters in  Boston,  in  1637.2  The  next  year,  articles  embody- 
ing the  idea  were  elaborately  discussed.3  In  1639,  Haynes 
and  Hooker  were  nearly  a  month  in  Boston,  urging  the 
project.4  In  1640,  an  assault  by  the  Indians  appeared  to  be 
so  imminent  that  the  magistrates  of  Aquidnet  (Rhode 
Island),  Connecticut,  and  New  Haven,  in  a  joint  letter  to 
the  Massachusetts  authorities,  again  proposed  it ;  and,  in 
reply,  the  General  Court  accepted  the  suggestions  of  the 
letter,  but  uncivilly  and  narrowly  refused  to  have  their  reply 
transmitted  to  the  Rhode-Island  magistrates,  saying  that 
they  were  men  "  not  to  be  capitulated  with,"  either  "  for 
themselves  or  the  people  of  the  island  where  they  inhabit."  6 
Again,  in  1642,  the  civil  war  in  England  prompted  a  re- 
newal of  the  measure.6  The  details  of  this  long  action  are 
quite  circumstantial. 

In  the  following  year,  the  attitude  of  the  powerful  tribe 
of  Narragansetts  was  so  threatening  as  to  cause  commis- 
sioners from  four  of  the  colonies  to  meet  in  Boston  and 
agree  upon  the  terms  of  confederation.7  Those  from  Massa- 
chusetts, Connecticut,  and  New  Haven  signed  articles  of 
association  on  the  19th  of  May,  1643.  The  delegates  from 
Plymouth,  not  being  authorized  to  sign,  reported  the  articles 
to  their  General  Court,  which  submitted  them  to  the  towns 
to  be  acted  on ;  and  in  this  way  they  were  ratified  by  tho 
people  and  form  an  interesting  precedent  in  our  political 
history.  Then  the  General  Court  empowered  its  delegates 
to  affix  the  seal  of  that  colony  to  the  articles.  Thus  was 
formed  the  Confederation  of  "  The  United  Colonies  of  New 
England."8  The  four  jurisdictions  had  a  population  of 
twenty-four  thousand,  living  in  thirty-nine  towns. 

l  Hubbard,  366.         2  Winthrop,  i.  237.         »  Ibid.,  i.  284.         *  Ibid.,  299. 

6  Mass.  Records,  i.  305.  6  Winthrop,  ii.  85.  1  Bradford,  416. 

8  Winthrop,  ii  99.  The  commissioners  from  Plymouth  were  Edward  Winston? 
and  William  Collier;  from  Connecticut,  John  Haynes  and  Edward  Hopkins ;  from 
New  Haven,  Theophilus  Eaton  and  Thomas  Greyson ;  from  Saybrook,  George  Fen- 


40  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

When  the  Connecticut  magistrates  returned  to  their 
homes,  bearing  the  welcome  news  that  the  bond  of  union 
had  been  agreed  upon,  an  eminent  divine  of  this  colony, 
Thomas  Hooker,  addressed  to  John  Winthrop,  the  Father 
of  Massachusetts,  a  strain  of  acknowledgment  and  con- 
gratulation that  reveals  the  elevated  thought  and  noble  aims 
of  the  founders  of  New  England  :  "  Much  Honored  in  our 
Blessed  Savior :  At  the  return  of  our  majistrates,  when  I 
understood  the  gracious  and  desired  success  of  their  en- 
deavor, and  by  the  joint  relation  of  them  all,  not  only  your 
Christian  readiness,  but  enlarged  faithfulness  in  an  especial 
manner  to  promote  so  good  a  work  .  .  .  my  heart  would  not 
suffer  me  but  as  unfeignedly  to  acknowledge  the  Lord's  good- 
ness, so  affectionately  to  remember  your  candid  and  cordial 
carriage  in  a  matter  of  so  great  consequence ;  laboring  by 
your  special  prudence  to  settle  a  foundation  of  safety  and 
prosperity  in  succeeding  ages :  a  work  which  will  be  found 
not  only  for  your  comfort,  but  for  your  crown  at  the  great 
day  of  your  account.  Its  the  greatest  good  that  can  befall 
a  man  in  this  world,  to  be  an  instrument  under  God  to  do  a 
great  deal  of  good.  To  be  the  repairer  of  the  breach,  was 
of  old  counted  matter  of  the  highest  praise  and  acceptance 
with  God  and  man :  much  more  to  be  a  means,  not  only 
to  maintain  peace  and  truth  in  your  days,  but  to  leave  both, 
as  a  legacy  to  those  that  come  after  until  the  coming  of  the 
Son  of  Man  in  the  clouds." l 

The  terms  of  the  agreement  between  the  four  colonies  are 
contained  in  a  preamble  and  eleven  articles.  It  is  related 
in  the  preamble,  that  they  all  came  into  these  parts  of 
America  with  one  and  the  same  end  in  view,  namely,  to 
advance  the  cause  and  enjoy  the  liberties  of  the  gospel  in 
purity  and  with  peace.  Being  dispersed  to  such  an  extent 

wick;  and  from  Massachusetts,  John  "Winthrop,  Thomas  Dudley,  and  Simon  Brad- 
street,  of  the  magistrates ;  Edward  Gibbons  and  William  Tyng,  of  the  deputies ;  and 
William  Hathorne,  the  treasurer. 

1  This  letter  was  first  printed  in  the  4th  series  "  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,"  vi.  390.  The 
manuscript  has  on  it  Winthrop's  indorsement,  "Rec.  (5)  24,  1643." 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.  41 

that  they  could  not  be  in  one  government  ;  living  en- 
compassed with  people  of  several  nations,  and  with  nations 
who  had  combined  against  them ;  and  seeing  that  the  sad 
distractions  of  England  prevented  them  from  receiving  that 
protection  which  at  other  times  they  might  expect,  —  they 
conceived  it  to  be  their  bounden  duty  to  enter  into  a  "  con- 
sociation "  for  mutual  help  and  strength  in  all  their  future 
concernments,  that,  as  in  nation  and  religion,  so  in  other 
respects  they  might  continue  one  according  to  the  tenor  of 
the  articles,  and  to  be  called  by  the  name  of  the  United 
Colonies  of  New  England. 

By  the  second  and  third  articles,  —  the  first  being  the 
preamble,  —  the  colonies  agreed  to  form  a  firm  and  per- 
petual league  of  friendship  for  offence  and  defence ;  but 
provided,  "  that  the  plantations  settled  within  the  limits  of 
the  Massachusetts  should  be  for  ever  under  the  government 
of  Massachusetts,  and  should  have  peculiar  jurisdiction 
among  themselves,  in  all  cases,  as  an  entire  body ; "  the 
same  terms  being  used  in  reserving  similar  rights  to  the 
other  colonies.  It  was  also  agreed,  that,  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  rest,  no  other  plantation  should  be  admitted  into 
the  league,  nor  that  any  not  in  the  league  should  be  re- 
ceived by  either  of  them,  nor  that  any  two  should  join  in 
one  jurisdiction.  By  the  fourth  article,  the  charges  of 
wars  were  to  be  apportioned  in  each  jurisdiction,  according 
to  the  number  of  males  in  each  from  sixteen  to  sixty  years 
of  age.  Each  jurisdiction  was  left  "  to  its  own  just  course 
and  custom  of  rating  themselves  and  people  according  to 
their  different  estates,  with  due  respect  to  their  qualities 
and  exemptions  among  themselves,  though  the  confederates 
take  no  notice  of  any  such  privilege."  The  fifth  article 
provided  for  the  methods  of  summoning  the  forces  of  the 
colonies  into  the  field  in  case  of  an  invasion  of  any  juris- 
diction by  an  enemy.  In  a  time  of  danger,  two  magistrates 
might  summon  a  meeting  of  the  commissioners  of  the  con- 
federation. 


42  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  three  succeeding  articles  provided  for  the  choice,  by 
each  of  the  four  jurisdictions,  of  two  commissioners,  who  were 
to  meet  once  every  year,  to  consider  all  affairs  belonging  to 
the  confederation.  They  were  required  to  be  in  the  fellow- 
ship of  the  churches.  Any  six  were  empowered  to  deter- 
mine any  question.  But,  if  these  did  not  agree  on  a 
proposition,  it  was  to  be  sent  to  the  four  general  courts, 
and,  if  they  agreed,  it  was  to  be  carried  into  effect  by  all  the 
confederates  :  but  they  were  restricted  from  "intermeddling 
with  the  government  of  any  of  the  jurisdictions,  which,  by 
the  third  article,  was  preserved  entirely  to  themselves.'* 
They  might  choose  out  of  themselves  a  president,  who,  how- 
ever, was  to  have  no  more  power  than  any  other  member. 
It  was  provided,  that  this  board  should  "  frame  and  estab- 
lish agreements  and  orders  in  general  cases  of  a  civil  na- 
ture," as  for  preserving  peace  and  preventing  war ;  for 
securing  the  free  and  speedy  passage  of  justice  in  each 
jurisdiction  to  all  the  confederates  equally ;  for  receiving 
those  who  removed  from  one  plantation  to  another ;  for 
regulating  their  intercourse  with  the  Indians ;  and  for  the 
return  of  runaway  servants  and  fugitives  from  justice. 

The  ninth  and  tenth  articles  contained  a  pledge  by  each 
not  to  engage  in  war  without  the  sanction  of  the  commis- 
sioners, and  that  in  exigencies  four  commissioners  might 
consent  to  a  war.  The  eleventh  provided  for  the  cases  arising 
under  a  breach  of  the  articles ;  and  the  twelfth,  for  ratify- 
ing the  confederation. 

The  four  colonies  in  this  compact,  as  belonging  to  "  one 
nation,"  formed  a  league  for  self-defence  and  the  common 
welfare.  Its  basis  was  that  of  the  equality  of  the  parties 
to  it,  or  of  each  colony  as  an  entire  body ;  and  it  was  its 
object  to  secure  equality  of  rights  to  the  inhabitants  of  all. 
It  was  specified,  that  the  vital  subject  of  taxation  should 
be  left  to  the  several  local  jurisdictions,  and  that  the  com- 
missioners should  not  intermeddle  with  their  administra- 
tive functions ;  thereby  recognizing  the  inviolability  of  the 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.  43 

local  government.  The  Union  element,  represented  in  the 
Board  of  Commissioners,  was  but  feebly  provided  for  ; 
the  board  being  little  more  than  a  consulting  body,  which 
could  devise  what  ought  to  be  done,  but  could  not  execute 
it.  The  theocracy  of  the  time  is  seen  in  requiring  for  the 
commissioners  church  membership,  —  a  qualification  re- 
quired in  three  of  the  colonies  to  constitute  a  voter.  This 
rule  excluded  other  colonies.  Thus  the  colony  in  Maine 
was  excluded  because  "  it  ran  a  different  course  "  in  re- 
ligion and  civil  affairs  from  the  other  colonies  ;  1  and  the 
colony  of  Rhode  Island,  for  various  reasons,  was  never  able 
to  get  admission  to  the  confederacy.  A  great  principle  was 
at  the  bottom  of  the  confederation  ;  but,  noble  as  were  the 
aims  of  those  who  handled  it,  they  had  not  yet  attained  to 
sufficient  breadth  of  view  to  apply  it  even  to  the  whole  of 
New  England.2 


1  Winthrop,  ii.  100. 

2  The  qualification  that  the  commissioners  should  be  in  church  membership 
would  of  course  exclude  both  these  colonies.    In  "  A  Discourse  about  civil  government 
in  a  new  Plantation  whose  design  is  Religion,"  published  in  1663,  but  written  many 
years  before,  according  to  Professor  Kingsley  (Hist.  Discourse),  by  John  Daven- 
port, according  to  others,  by  John  Cotton,  the  principle  of  the  church  member- 
ship qualification  is  defended  on  the  ground  of  usage  by  an  appeal  to  facts.    At  the 
close  of  very  hard  reading  is  the  following:  "  But  I  must  break  off  lest  I  grow  too 
tedious.    How  easily  might  I  adde  the  Consent  of  all  Nations  to  this  Truth,  in  some 
proportion,  who  generally  practise  accordingly  ?    In  our  Native  Countrey,  none  are 
intrusted  with  managing  of  Public  Affairs  but  Members  of  the  Church  of  England  (as 
they  call  them).     In  Holland,  where  the  Arminian  Party  had  many  Burgomasters  on 
their  side,  Grave  Maurice  came  into  divers  of  their  Cities  with  Troops  of  Souldiers,  by 
Order  from  the  States  Generall,  and  put  those  Arminian  magistrates  out  of  Office, 
and  caused  them  to  chuse  onely  such  as  were  of  the  Dutch  Churches.     And  in  Rot- 
terdam (and  I  think  it  is  so  in  other  Towns)  the  Vrentscap  (who  are  all  of  them  of 
the  Dutch  Church,  and  free  Burgers)  do  out  of  their  own  company  chuse  the  Bur- 
gomaster, and  other  Magistrates  and  Officers.     In  all  Popish  Countreys  and  Planta- 
tions, they  observe  it  strictly,  to  intrust  none  with  the  managing  of  Public  Civil 
Affairs  but  such  as  are  Catholicks,  (as  they  speak)  and  of  the  Roman  Church.    Yea, 
in  Turky  itself,  they  are  careful  that  none  but  a  man  devoted  to  Mahomet  bear 
public  office.     Yea,  these  very  Indians  that  worship  the  Devil  will  not  be  under  the 
Government  of  any  Sagamores  but  such  as  joyn  with  them  in  Observance  of  their 
Pawawes  and  Idolitries  :   That  it  seems  to  be  a  Principle  imprinted  in  the  mindes 
and  hearts  of  all  men  in  the  equity  of  it:  That  such  a  Form  of  Government  as  best 
serveth  to  Establish  their  Religion,  should  by  the  consent  of  all  be  Established  in 
the  Civil  State  "  —  p.  24. 


44  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

This  league,  in  many  important  respects,  met  the  expecta- 
tions of  its  founders.  It  combined  the  strength  of  the 
colonies.  It  regulated  their  relations  with  each  other.  It 
was  used  as  a  high  court  to  determine  questions  of  jurisdic- 
tion. It  managed  the  relations  with  the  Indians,  and  some- 
times negotiated  with  the  French  and  the  Dutch.  The 
spirit  of  subordination  to  the  supreme  power  in  which  it 
dealt  with  matters  having  a  national  bearing  was  illustrated 
in  the  adjustment  (1650)  of  a  threatening  boundary  dispute 
between  the  people  of  New  Haven  and  New  Netherland, 
which  stipulated  that  it  should  be  binding  u  until  a  full  de- 
termination be  agreed  upon  in  Europe,  by  mutual  consent 
of  the  two  States  of  England  and  Holland."  It  labored  to 
promote  the  growth  of  Harvard  College  and  to  propagate 
the  gospel.  It  increased  largely  the  importance  of  New 
England ;  and  though  it  became  weak  and  inefficient  by 
the  total  absence  of  a  self-sustaining  power,  yet  in  crises 
when  great  public  wants  supply  defects  in  forms,  it  was  used 
with  great  effect  to  provide  for  the  common  safety. 

While  the  colonists  were  forming  this  confederation,  the 
spectacle  of  progress  which  New  England  presented  was  so 
gratifying  to  the  Long  Parliament,  that,  in  1642,  it  freed 
certain  merchandise  entering  its  ports  from  duties,  declaring 
"  that  the  plantations  in  New  England,  by  the  blessing  of 
the  Almighty,  had  good  and  prosperous  success  without  any 
charge  to  this  State,  and  are  now  likely  to  prove  very  happy 
for  the  propagation  of  the  gospel  in  those  parts,  and  very 
beneficial  and  commodious  to  this  kingdom  and  nation." l 
The  benefit  thus  recognized  was  the  foundation  for  an  in- 
crease of  commercial  advantages,  and  for  a  numerous  peo- 
ple of  English  sentiments  and  ideas.  But  the  assumption 
of  self-government  —  the  re-appearance  of  Saxon  freedom  — 
was  looked  upon,  throughout  the  colonial  age,  with  jealousy 

1  The  Massachusetts  General  Court,  in  gratitude  for  this  act,  ordered  it  to  be 
entered  on  their  records,  where  it  stands  under  the  date  of  May  ID,  1643.  —  Records, 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.  45 

by  the  ruling  classes  of  England,  who  never  lost  sight  of  the 
object  of  moulding  and  controlling  American  affairs.  It  is 
doubtful  whether  many  members  of  the  Long  Parliament  got 
politically  beyond  the  idea,  that  the  body  of  the  people, 
whether  living  in  England  or  America,  had  a  right  to  the 
benefit  of  good  government,  which  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
higher  orders  or  of  the  few,  to  provide  for  them.  This,  at 
least,  is  the  spirit  of  an  ordinance  passed  in  April,  1643, 
creating  a  commission  to  superintend  the  colonies,  called 
the  "Lords  of  Trade  and  Plantations,"  composed  of  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  as  Governor-in-chief  and  Lord  High  Ad- 
miral, and  a  council,  consisting  of  five  peers  arid  twelve  of 
the  Commons,  who  were  clothed  with  plenary  powers.1  The 
commission  did  not  differ  essentially  from  the  Board  for 
a  similar  object,  created  by  Charles  L,  though  a  different 
spirit  governed  the  action  of  its  members. 

At  this  period,  the  local  governments  were  dealing  with 
certain  opinions  that  were  pronounced  to  be  heresy  by  the 
Church,  and  to  be  faction  by  the  State ;  and  in  doing  this, 
in  the  dawning  of  a  recognition  of  an  inherent  right  of  the 
people  to  criticise  public  measures  and  to  enjoy  freedom 
in  religion,  there  were  seen  in  America  specimens  of  the 
errors  and  the  intolerance  which  were  characteristic  *of  the 
age.  Aggrieved  parties  appealed  for  redress  from  local 
decisions  to  the  Lords  of  Trade ;  charged  that  the  colonies 
were  aiming  at  sovereignty ;  and  some  petitioned  for  the 
appointment  of  a  general  governor.  However  just  their 
cause  might  have  been  in  the  abstract,  these  parties,  in  taking 
this  course,  put  themselves  in  the  wrong ;  for  this  was  an 
attempt  to  undermine  the  common  liberty,  and  was  a  grave 
offence  against  posterity.  The  Governor  and  Company  of 
Massachusetts,  in  an  official  communication  from  the  Lords 
Commissioners  of  the  15th  of  May,  1646,  were  summoned 


1  This  ordinance  was  printed  in  a  tract  by  William  Castell  in  1644.    Henry 
Vane,  John  Pym,  and  Oliver  Cromwell  were  members  of  this  board. 


46  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

to  answer  complaints  of  this  nature.1  In  their  reply,  they 
aver,  that,  though  removed  out  of  their  native  country,  they 
still  had  dependence  on  it,  and  owed  allegiance  and  subjec- 
tion to  it  according  to  their  charter ;  but  said  that  they  had 
not  admitted  appeals  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  because  they 
believed  the  practice  could  not  stand  with  the  liberty  and 
power  that  had  been  granted  to  them,  and  that  they  believed  it 
would  not  be  allowed  by  the  commissioners  because  it  would 
be  destructive  to  all  government.2  The  court  also  prepared 
an  elaborate  Declaration,3  and  appointed  Edward  Winslow 
of  Plymouth,  who  had  been  imprisoned  by  the  former  com- 
mission, to  take  care  of  it.  This  vigilant  and  capable  public 
servant,  on  arriving  in  England,  found  that  the  faction,  in 
the  usual  manner  of  unscrupulous  partisans,  had  used  false- 
hoods and  manufactured  pretexts  to  gain  their  ends.  They 
had  cited  in  print,  as  fresh  proof  that  the  colonists  aimed 
at  sovereignty,  the  fact  of  the  New-England  Confederacy ; 
and  they  unblushingly  said,  that  "  the  Massachusetts  united 
with  the  other  colonies  to  the  end  they  might  bathe  them- 
selves in  blood  and  feed  themselves  fat  with  the  lives  of 
their  brethren."  To  this  Winslow  said,  in  print,  "  This  is  a 
notorious  slander."  4  And,  in  relation  to  the  allegation  that 

1  Hubbard,  503.  2  ibid.,  506. 

s  In  the  Declaration  of  the  General  Court,  4th  9,  1646,  in  reply  to  Child's  re- 
monstrance (Hutchinson's  Coll.,  199),  it  is  said:  u For  our  government  itself,  it  is 
framed  according  to  our  charter,  and  the  fundamental  and  common  laws  of  Eng- 
land, and  carried  on  according  to  the  same  (taking  the  words  of  eternal  truth  and 
righteousness  along  with  them,  as  that  rule  by  which  all  kingdoms  and  jurisdictions 
must  render  account  of  every  act  and  administration  in  the  last  day),  with  as 
bare  allowance  for  the  disproportion  between  such  an  ancient,  populous,  wealthy 
kingdom,  and  so  poor  an  infant  thin  colony,  as  common  reason  can  afford."  Cita- 
tions to  sustain  this  statement  are  arranged  in  two  columns.  For  illustration,  a  pas- 
sage of  Magna  Charta  is  thus  set  against  a  "  Fundamental  of  Mass  ,"  as  follows:  — 

MAGNA  CHARTA.  FUNDAMENTALS  OF  THE  MASS. 

All  cities  and  towns  shall  have  their  liber-  The  freemen  of  every  town  may  dispose 
ties  and  customs.  of  their  town  lands.  &c.,  and  may  make  such 

orders  as  may  be  for  the  well  ordering  of  their 
towns,  and  may  choose  their  constables  and 
other  officers.  —  (1)  m.,  1635. 

4  'Hypocrisie  Vnmasked,"  by  Edward  Winslow,  printed  in  London  in  1646. 
I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Charles  Deane  for  the  use  of  a  copy  of  this  rare  work.  It  was 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.          47 

this  Union  was  entered  into  without  any  permission  from 
England,  he  answered,  "  If  we  in  America  should  forbear  to 
unite  for  offence  and  defence  against  a  common  enemy 
(keeping  our  governments  still  distinct  as  we  do)  till  we 
have  leave  from  England,  our  throats  might  be  all  cut  before 
the  messenger  would  be  half  seas  through." 1  The  manly 
Declaration,  together  witli  the  sterling  principles  and  the 
personal  influence  of  Winslow,  resulted  in  a  substantial 
triumph  for  the  colonies.  The  position  taken  by  them  was 
accepted  in  a  liberal  letter  by  the  Commission,  and  the 
appeals  to  it  taken  by  the  faction  were  disallowed.2  Still 
there  was  a  lurking  jealousy  of  popular  power  in  the 
minds  of  the  Lords  of  Trade.  Winslow  advised  the  colo- 
nies, that  there  were  designs  maturing  against  their  liber- 
ties ;  and  an  act  of  parliament,  a  little  later,  manifested  this 
fact.  The  Massachusetts  General  Court,  in  1651,  address- 
ing this  body  as  "  the  supreme  authority,"  thanked  it  for 
stopping  appeals  to  the  Commission,  and  plead  earnestly  that 
the  frame  of  their  government  might  not  be  changed,  but 
that  they  might  continue  to  live  under  magistrates  of  their 
own  choosing,  and  laws  of  their  own  making,  not  repugnant 
to  the  laws  of  England,  as  they  had  "  governed  themselves 
above  this  twenty-three  years."  8  This  plea  proved  effectual, 
and  the  colonies  were  allowed,  by  the  celebrated  Long  Par- 
liament, the  boon  of  neglect  from  the  mother  country,  or, 
rather,  the  favor  of  an  acquiescence  in  their  claim  to  the 
enjoyment  of  local  self-government. 

Nor  was  the  political  relation  of  the  colonies  changed 
during  the  rule  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  a  great  hero  of  the 
Teuton  race,  who  rose  to  be  a  connecting  link  between 
Luther  and  Washington,  all  of  like  stock  and  intuitions.* 

written  in  reply  to  a  tract  entitled  "  Simplicities  Defence  against  Seven  headed 
policy."  by  Samuel  Gorton,  printed  in  London. 

1  Winslow's  New-England's  Salamander  Discovered.    London,  1647. 

2  Mass.  Coll.,  ii.  141.    The  letter  was  sent  to  each  of  the  colonies,  and  was  dated 
May  25, 1647.  —  Hubbard,  509. 

»  Hutchinson's  Mass.,  i.  616.  *  Kapp's  Life  of  Steuben,  111. 


48  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Though  Cromwell,  with  wonderful  sagacity,  dealt  roughly 
with  the  factions  which  threatened  to  rend  the  land,  yet  he 
inaugurated  a  reign  of  personal  liberty  and  national  glory 
such  as  England  never  saw  before.  He  was  the  first  of  her 
statesmen  who  had  a  true  sense  of  the  value  of  the  colo- 
nies to  the  mother  country.1  It  did  not  disturb  him  that 
the  colonists  held  the  Navigation  Act  to  be  contrary  to  their 
charters,  as  it  was  contrary  to  their  natural  rights ;  for  he 
saw  that  with  a  claim  of  local  government  that  was  some- 
times untenable,  yet  there  existed  a  devotion  to  the  country 
or  the  sovereignty  that  was  genuine  and  serviceable ;  and 
where  there  was  this  allegiance,  he  forbore  to  intermeddle 
with  the  internal  affairs  of  the  colonies.  Under  his  admin- 
istration, New  England  and  Virginia  enjoyed  free  commerce 
and  self-government.2  Among  the  noblest  spirits  of  that 
time  were  Robert  Sedgwick,  Edward  Winslow,  and  Roger 
Williams,3  types  of  the  men  of  America,  who  counselled 
with  Vane  and  Milton  and  Cromwell,  characters  that  made 
an  indelible  mark  on  their  age.  They  felt  and  acted  as 
countrymen.4 

There  was  no  interference  by  the  Protector  with  the  Con- 
federation. It  was  maintained  in  full  vigor.  The  meetings 
of  the  commissioners  were  regularly  held.  The  colonies 
found  safety  in  Union.  Their  prosperity  was  increasing. 
Relations,  far  too  flattering,  were  circulated  of  the  spread 
of  the  gospel  among  the  Indians.  "  It  cannot  be  hid," 
Roger  Williams  wrote  in  1654,  "  how  all  England  and  other 
nations  ring  with  the  glorious  conversion  of  the  Indians 


1  Hutchinson's  Mass.,  i.  194.  2  Bancroft,  i.  230,  446. 

8  Roger  Williams,  in  a  letter  in  1654,  says,  in  the  many  discourses  he  had  with 
Cromwell,  he  "  ever  expressed  a  high  spirit  of  Christian  love  and  gentleness."  — 
Plymouth  Records,  x.  439. 

4  It  was  not  unusual  to  designate  the  colonists  and  Englishmen  as  "  country- 
men." In  "  a  manifesto  of  the  Lord  Protector,"  printed  in  1655,  penned  by  John 
Milton,  occurs  the  phrase  "  Our  countrymen  in  America;  "  and  in  "  Wonder  Work- 
ing Providence  "  (73,  217),  written  by  Edward  Johnson,  of  Massachusetts,  the  phrase 
several  times  occurs  of  "  our  countrymen,"  applied  to  Englishmen. 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.  49 

of  New  England." l  And  it  was  said,  in  an  English  docu- 
ment of  1656,  of  the  northern  parts  of  America,  that  they 
gave  evidence  of  great  improvements  "  almost  to  the  world's 
wonder,  especially  in  those  parts  called  New  England."2 
One  of  its  venerated  characters,  John  Eliot,  embodied  the 
hope,  enthusiasm,  and  political  ideal  of  the  time  in  a  tract 
entitled  "  The  Christian  Commonwealth,"  —  a  very  crude 
essay,  but  American  in  this,  that  it  was  imbued  with  the 
spirit  of  a  new  civilization,  and  was  a  protest  against  monar- 
chical power.  It  welcomed  the  triumphs  of  Cromwell,  and 
advocated  a  sort  of  commonwealth  or  republic,  in  which 
the  choice  of  "  superior  rulers,"  as  well  "  as  municipal," 
should  be  "  by  all  the  people  over  whom  they  were  to  rule."  a 

The  restoration  of  the  monarchy  dissipated  these  visions 
of  a  commonwealth.  On  the  25th  of  May,  1660,  Charles  II. 
landed  at  Dover  to  ascend  the  throne  of  his  ancestors. 
This  young,  rollicking,  wanton  king  made  pleasure  his  main 
pursuit ;  but  his  brother,  the  Duke  of  York,  subsequently 
James  II., — a  man  of  a  positive  character,  —  took  pleasure 
in  business ;  and  he  pursued  his  ends  with  so  much  ambi- 
tion, boldness,  and  energy,  that  soon  it  was  said  he  was  the 
State.  Sir  Edward  Hyde,  who  had  just  been  created  Earl 
of  Clarendon,  and  subsequently  was  the  father-in-law  of  the 
Duke,  was  the  Lord  Chancellor  and  the  chiaf  minister. 
This  bland  and  wily  courtier,  high  church  and  high  tory  in 
his  principles  and  of  smooth  speech,  aimed  to  re-invest  roy- 
alty with  all  its  functions.  His  policy  in  relation  to  the 
colonies  was  definite  and  steadily  pursued  though  in  a  fox- 
like  manner,  during  the  seven  years  in  which  he  held  power. 
He  strove  to  bring  them  into  a  close  dependence  on  the  pre- 
rogative. 

This  was  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  colonies.  In  that 
day  of  dishonor  and  shame  to  the  people  of  England,  when 
individual  and  municipal  liberties  were  grossly  violated, 

1  Plymouth's  Records,  x.  439.  2  Thurloe's  State  Papers,  v.  82. 

8  This  tract  is  reprinted  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  iii.  9. 

4 


50  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

when  profligacy,  public  and  private,  held  carnival,  it  is  not 
strange  that  a  colonial  polity,  which,  in  its  political  organi- 
zations and  in  its  educational  aims,  embodied  an  aspiration 
of  human  advancement,  was  scorned  by  the  reckless  rulers 
who  wielded  the  sovereignty.  This  polity  was  pronounced 
to  be  republican.  It  was  held,  that,  unless  the  govern- 
ment of  the  colonies  were  changed,  "  they  would  harden  in 
their  constitution  and  grow  on  nearer  to  a  commonwealth, 
towards  which  they  were  already  well  nigh  ripened."1  It 
was  determined  to  check  this  tendency,  by  centralizing  in 
the  crown  several  functions  that  were  exercised  by  the  peo- 
ple ;  and  to  the  end,  that  England,  as  the  mother  country, 
might  have  the  full  commercial  benefit  of  her  colonial  pos- 
sessions, it  was  determined  to  enforce  the  mercantile  system, 
with  its  absurd  restrictions  on  individual  pursuits,  —  its 
monstrous  monopolies  and  downright  robberies.2  This 
was  an  attempt  to  install  a  rule  based  on  privilege,  on  the 
ruins  of  a  polity  in  which  were  working  the  elements  of 
equality  and  freedom  that  are  the  germinal  forces  of  Ameri- 
can institutions. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1660,  at  a  court  at  Whitehall,  at  which 
were  present  the  King,  the  Duke  of  York,  and  the  Lord 
Chancellor,  an  order  was  passed  constituting  ten  Lords  of 
the  Council,  or,  any  three  or  more  of  them,  a  board  to  meet 
twice  a  week,  and  receive  petitions  and  papers  relating  to 
the  plantations  in  America;  and,  on  the  7th  of  Novem- 
ber, the  king,  by  a  commission,  created  "  A  Council  for 
Foreign  Plantations."  This  council  were  required  by  their 
instructions  to  correspond  with  the  governors  of  the  colonies, 
and  to  devise  means  to  bring  them  into  a  more  certain  civil 
and  uniform  government.3 

The  confusions  of  the  time  afforded  abundant  material 
upon  which  to  found  complaints  against  the  colonies,  and 

1  In  Palfrey's  "  New  England  "  (i.  579)  are  citations  from  a  paper  supposed  to 
have  been  prepared  by  Clarendon. 

2  Bancroft's  History,  ii.  43,  44.  8  N.Y.  Col.  Documents,  iii.  30,  32,  36. 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.          51 

especially  against  New  England.  To  former  grievances 
growing  out  of  the  dealing  of  the  authorities  with  heretics, 
there  were  added  the  sad  transactions  relating  to  the  Quakers, 
and  their  earnest  appeals.  Besides,  the  London  merchants 
were  disturbed  by.  the  enterprise  of  New  England.  Its 
prosperity  excited  envy  in  the  other  colonies  ;  and  its  "  com- 
monwealth notions  "  supplied  a  field  in  which  zealous  place- 
men might  show  their  zeal  for  the  crown.  In  addition,  these 
colonies  harbored  the  regicides,  and  were  tardy  in  making 
their  acknowledgment  of  allegiance  to  Charles  II.  The 
complaints  to  the  king  were  numerous. 

The  agent  of  Massachusetts,  John  Leverett,  then  in  Lon- 
don, advised  the  General  Court  of  these  complaints,  and 
of  the  feeling  there  in  relation  to  the  colonies.1  Their  neglect 
to  address  the  king  did  not  proceed  from  any  design  to  op- 
pose his  authority.  Their  sound  principle  of  action,  during 
the  confusions  and  changes  of  twenty  years,  had  been  to 
follow  the  sovereignty  in  every  change  in  the  form  of  its 
government.  They  acknowledged  allegiance  to  Charles  L, 
to  the  Long  Parliament,  and  to  the  Protector ;  but,  having 
nothing  official  from  the  authorities,  they  waited  until  they 
saw  a  prospect  of  stability.2  Stimulated  by  the  represen- 
tations of  their  agents,  all  the  colonies  sent  addresses  to 
the  king ;  and  even  the  courtiers  could  not  object  to  the 
language  in  which  they  expressed  their  allegiance.  The 
king,  in  February,  1661,  returned  to  the  address  of  Massa- 
chusetts an  answer  full  of  fair  words. 

Measures,  however,  of  an  ominous  character  were  soon 
adopted.  The  king  was  told  that  the  New-England  Con- 
federacy "  was  a  war  combination,  made  by  the  four  colonies 
when  they  had  a  design  to  throw  off  their  dependence 
on  England  and  for  that  purpose."3  Individuals  appeared 
before  the  Council  for  Foreign  Plantations  to  testify  against 
the  colonies.  Thomas  Breeden,  of  Dublin,  whom  traffic 

1  Hutchinson  Coll.,  322.  a  Hutchinson's  Hist,  i.  209. 

»  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.,  v.  192. 


52  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

had  carried  to  Boston,  holding  (March,  1661)  a  printed 
copy  of  the  laws  of  Massachusetts  in  his  hands,  urged  that 
the  people  looked  on  themselves  as  an  independent  State, 
and  that  there  was  a  necessity  of  settling  the  country  in  a  due 
obedience.1  Samuel  Maverick,  an  old  ^resident  of  Boston, 
averred  that  the  people  of  New  England  were  all  rebels, 
and  he  could  prove  it.2  One  of  the  counsel  asked  Leverett 
whether,  if  the  colonies  durst,  they  would  not  cast  off  their 
allegiance  and  subjection  to  his  majesty ;  and  he  replied, 
"  They  were  honest  men,  who  had  declared  in  their  appli- 
cation to  his  majesty  the  contrary,  and  therefore  he  could 
not  have  such  thoughts  of  them  without  a  breach  of  char- 
ity." 3  There  is  no  authority  to  add,  that  this  remark  was 
met  by  the  cold  jeer  with  which  the  unscrupulous  are  apt 
to  greet  earnest  avowals  by  those  who  mean  what  they  say ; 
but  there  is  in  history  the  invention,  that  the  colonists  had 
a  design  of  independence  which  it  was  not  policy  then  to 
avow.4 

When  the  local  government  and  the  confederacy  were 
thus  misrepresented  to  the  Council  for  Foreign  Plantations, 
action  was  pending  that  involved  vital  issues.  I  need  state 
only  results.  At  that  time,  the  jurisdictions  of  all  the  colo- 
nies were  far  from  being  settled.  Connecticut  had  no  char- 
ter ;  New  Haven  had  neither  patent  nor  charter  ;  Plymouth 
had  only  obtained  a  patent  giving  it  a  title  to  the  soil,  and 
Rhode  Island  had  only  a  patent  from  parliament.  Each 
colony  desired  to  obtain  powers  of  government  from  the 
crown  or  the  sovereignty.  The  two  colonies  of  Connecticut 
and  Rhode  Island  were  successful  in  procuring  charters, 
which  were  so  liberal  that  they  recognized,  substantially, 
the  rights  and  liberties  which  the  people  of  each  enjoyed 
under  their  voluntary  agreements.  However  gratifying 
these  charters  were  to  those  colonies,  the  grant  of  them 

1  Deposition  of  Breedon,  N.Y.  Coll.,  Doc.  39. 

a  Coll.  Maine  Hist.  Soc.,  i.  301.  8  Hutchinson  Coll.,  339. 

<  Chalmers's  Annals,  178. 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.          53 

was  not  merely  a  vigorous  assertion  of  sovereignty,  but  was 
a  blow  levelled  at  the  confederacy.  By  an  article  of  the 
league,  no  two  colonies  could  be  united  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  others  ;  but  no  regard  was  paid  by  the  crown  to 
this  provision.  The  colony  of  Rhode  Island  had  been  not 
only  repeatedly  denied  admission  to  the  confederacy,  but  it 
was  looked  upon  and  treated  as  a  pariah  colony ;  yet  it  was 
raised  to  the  position  of  equality  with  the  other  colonies. 
No  resistance  was  offered  to  this  exercise  of  sovereignty ; 
but  there  was  acquiescence  in  it.  The  condemnation  of 
Eliot's  tract  entitled  "The  Christian  Commonwealth,"  by 
the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  on  account  of  its  re- 
publican sentiments  ; l  the  humble  language  of  the  petitions 
of  the  colonies  to  the  king;  their  endeavors,  in  various 
ways,  to  obtain  royal  favor,  —  New  Haven  going  so  far  as 
to  order  the  Navigation  Act  to  be  rigidly  executed, 2  —  were 
not  certainly  manifestations  of  a  spirit  of  separation,  but 
of  subordination  to  the  sovereignty.  The  petition  of  Con- 
necticut to  the  king  implored  him  "  to  be  pleased  to  accept 
that  colony,  —  his  own  colony,  —  a  little  branch  of  his 
mighty  empire." 

A  short  time  after  the  grant  of  the  charters  of  Connecti- 
cut and  Rhode  Island,  the  prodigal  Charles  II.  bestowed 
(March  12, 1664)  on  his  brother,  the  Duke  of  York,  a  prin- 
cipality, consisting  of  a  portion  of  the  territory  of  New 
England  and  the  whole  of  New  Netherland,  —  a  territory 
extending  from  the  banks  of  the  Delaware  to  the  St.  Croix.8 
The  duke  was  then  Lord  High  Admiral,  and  at  the  head  of 
a  board  created  to  enforce  the  Navigation  Act.  The  Coun- 
cil for  Foreign  Plantations,  to  put  him  in  possession  of  his 
American  dominions,  created  a  special  commission.  Eng- 
land and  the  United  Netherlands  were  at  peace,  and  this 
measure  demanded  an  act  of  war.  It  was  determined  to 
devolve  on  the  same  commission  the  duty  of  regulating 

1  Mass.  Records,  iv.  ii.  5.    This  condemnation  was  May  22, 1661. 

2  Palfrey's  New  England,  ii.  554.  «  Trum'bull's  Connecticut,  i.  266. 


54  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  internal  affairs  of  New  England,  a  design  which  for 
years  had  been  in  contemplation.  The  Duke  of  York  was 
requested  to  name  fit  men  for  this  important  commission. 
The  men  selected  were  Colonel  Richard  Nichols,  a  cavalier 
of  ability  and  honor;  Sir  Robert  Carr  and  George  Cart- 
wright,  two  arrogant  and  conceited  partisans,  who  had  the 
spirit  of  Persian  satraps  ;  and  Samuel  Maverick,  an  original 
settler,  who  had  quarrelled  with  the  local  authorities  and 
had  complained  of  their  acts. 

The  commissioners  were  empowered  to  reduce  New  Neth- 
erland.  A  letter  of  the  king  required  them  to  observe  the 
condition  of  his  subjects  in  New  England,  and  make  report 
of  it  to  him,  that  he  might  decide  "  either  for  the  better 
repairing  of  any  thing  that  was  amiss,  or  for  the  better 
improving  and  encouraging  of  what  was  good;"  and  espe- 
cially that  he  might  "  discourage,  and  as  much  as  in  him 
lay,  suppress  and  utterly  extinguish  those  unreasonable 
jealousies  and  malicious  calumnies  which  wicked  and  un- 
just spirits  perpetually  labor  to  infuse  into  the  minds  of 
men,  that  his  subjects  in  those  parts  do  not  submit  to  his 
government,  but  look  upon  themselves  as  independent  of 
him  and  his  laws."  They  were  also  empowered  to  hear 
and  determine  complaints  in  all  civil,  criminal,  and  military 
cases,  "  according  to  their  good  and  sound  discretion." 

On  the  23d  of  July,  1664,  a  portion  of  the  fleet  de- 
signed to  reduce  New  Netherland  arrived  at  Boston, — 
the  first  time  ships  of  the  royal  navy  had  been  seen  in  that 
harbor.  The  commissioners  were  on  board.  The  local 
authorities  proffered  them  respect,  and  tendered  to  them 
the  hospitality  of  a  residence.  They  preferred  to  stop  at 
the  house  of  Thomas  Breeden  who  was  again  in  Boston. 
They  exhibited  to  the  Governor  and  Council  their  commis- 
sion ;  applied  for  a  small  force  of  militia  to  serve  in  their 
expedition  against  the  Dutch ;  and  then,  receiving  the 
assurance  that  the  request  should  be  attended  to,  proceeded 
with  the  fleet  on  their  mission.  In  September,  Manhat- 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.  55 

tan  capitulated,  and  thenceforth  New  Netherland  was  called 
New  York.  In  October,  the  Swedes  on  the  Delaware  sur- 
rendered ;  and  then  the  flag  of  England  floated  along  the 
whole  line  of  the  Atlantic  coast  from  New  France  to  Florida, 
and  the  original  colonies-  attained  a  geographical  unity. 

Meanwhile  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  delib- 
erated on  the  very  grave  matter  of  the  commission.  The 
debates  as  to  the  course  that  ought  to  be  pursued  were 
uncommonly  earnest.  The  reverend  elders  who  were  in 
town  were  called  in  to  give  their  advice ;  a  day  of  fasting 
and  prayer  was  appointed,  and  a  petition  to  the  king  was 
adopted.  On  the  receipt  of  the  intelligence  of  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  commission,  the  General  Court  (May  18)  had 
put  the  charter  in  the  hands  of  a  committee  to  keep  it 
"  secret  and  safe  ; " l  and  it  resolved  (Aug.  3),  God  assist- 
ing, to  bear  faith  and  true  allegiance  to  his  majesty,  and  to 
adhere  to  the  privileges  of  the  patent,  "  so  dearly  obtained 
and  so  long  enjoyed  by  undoubted  right  in  the  sight  of  God 
and  man."  2  To  do  this,  they  would  be  obliged  to  confront 
at  their  own  doors  a  commission  clothed  with  the  functions 
of  determining  appeals  which  they  had  successfully  contested 
with  the  Long  Parliament.  If  this  commission  was  valid, 
its  discretion  would  be  installed  above  the  local  law,  and 
thus  would  supersede  the  charter.  In  fact,  its  creation  was 
an  unwarrantable  exercise  of  the  prerogative,  and,  as  a 
precedent,  dangerous  to  English  liberties,  and  a  violation 
of  colonial  rights. 

In  February,  1665,  three  of  the  commissioners  returned 
to  Boston,  —  Colonel  Nichols  remaining  with  the  fleet, — 
when  they  proceeded  to  assert  their  authority.  Their  func- 
tions were  recognized  at  Plymouth,  and  appeals  were  made 
to  them ;  also  at  Rhode  Island,  which,  grateful  for  a  char- 
ter, gave  them  in  addition  large  tokens  of  respect.  At 
Connecticut,  where  there  was  like  joy  for  a  similar  favor, 
they  met  with  a  hearty  welcome  and  recognition  of  their 

i  Mass.  Records,  iv.  102.  2  ibid.,  118. 


56  THE   RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

authority.  Gratified  with  their  reception,  they  returned 
to  Boston,  prepared  to  deal  with  the  most  influential  colony 
in  America,  hoping,  they  said,  "  that  the  submission  and 
condescension  of  the  other  colonies  to  his  majesty's  designs 
would  have  abated  the  refractoriness  of  this  colony  which 
they  much  feared." l  The  magistrates  at  Plymouth,  how- 
ever, repelled  in  a  spirited  manner  certain  allegations 
brought  against  the  Confederacy.  In  their  answer  to  the 
commissioners,  they  said,  "  The  league  between  the  four  colo- 
nies was  not  with  any  intent  (that  we  ever  heard  of)  to 
cast  off  our  dependence  upon  England,  —  a  thing  which  we 
utterly  abhor,  entreating  your  honors  to  believe  us,  for  we 
speak  as  in  the  presence  of  God."2 

A  full  board — Nichols  having  rejoined  his  associates  — 
assembled  in  Boston  on  the  2d  of  May.  It  was  the  eve  of  the 
general  election.  The  event  was  rendered  uncommonly 
exciting  by  the  novel  course  of  the  commissioners,  who, 
in  the  previous  February,  sent  letters  to  gentlemen  in  the 
country,  inviting  them  and  their  neighbors  —  non-freemen 
as  well  as  others  —  to  be  present  at  this  election,  and  thus 
be  "  both  ear  and  eye  witnesses  "  of  his  majesty's  favor, 
saying  that  this  was  the  best  way  to  prevent  misapprehen- 
sions.3 On  that  day,  they  attended  an  informal  meeting  of 
several  magistrates  and  deputies,  and  submitted  to  them 
four  papers  containing  extracts  from  their  instructions,  and 
a  fifth  paper,  written  by  them,  on  matters  connected  with 
the  commission.  They  first  protested  against  certain  rumors 
and  sayings  of  the  time,  and  they  proved  by  undeniable  ar- 
gument, they  said,^  that  the  commission,  instead  of  having 
"  been  made  under  an  old  hedge,"  was  issued  by  the  king, 
was  commended  in  letters  by  the  king  and  the  lord  chan- 
cellor, and  was  brought  over  by  three  of  the  king's  frigates  ; 
and,  in  the  conclusion,  they  enlarged  on  the  reasons  that 

1  Report  of  the  Commissioners  is  in  Hutchinson  Coll.,  412. 

2  Answer  of  the  General  Court  of  Plymouth,  May  4,  1665,  Hutchinson's  Hist 
Mass.,  i.  235.  8  Mass.  Records,  iv.  part  ii.  174. 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.          57 

occasioned   the  commission,  and  the  wisdom  of  the  mea- 
sure.1 

On  the  3d  of  May,  Richard  Bellingham  was  elected  gov- 
ernor, and  Francis  Willoughby  deputy  governor,  and  they 
were  sworn  into  office ;  and  among  the  assistants  who  took 
the  oath  on  that  day  were  Simon  Bradstreet,  Daniel  Gookins, 
Richard  Russell,  Thomas  Danforth,  and  John  Leverett, — 
all  honored  names  in  the  history  of  the  colony.2  The  Gen- 
eral Court  met  and  recognized  the  reception  of  the  five  papers 
presented  by  the  commissioners.  On  the  4th,  a  conference 
was  held  between  the  court  and  the  commissioners,  in  which 
the  court  desired  to  know  all  his  majesty  had  commanded 
to  be  declared  to  them,  that  they  might  have  their  whole  work 
before  them ;  to  which  the  commissioners  replied,  that,  when 
they  received  an  answer  to  their  letter,  they  would  then  pre- 
sent the  Court  with  more  work.  On  the  next  day  (May  5), 
the  Court  answered  the  five  papers.  They  met  the  subject 
of  the  malicious  reports,  by  saying,  that  it  was  extremely 
difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  trace  those  wild  and  absurd 
rumors  to  their  first  fountain,  every  reporter  commonly  con- 
tributing some  addition  to  the  stream ;  but  said  that  any 
who  scandalized  the  commissioners  deserved  a  severe  pun- 
ishment. They  treated  of  other  things,  but  were  silent 
on  the  vital  point  of  the  validity  of  the  commission.3  In 
the  subsequent  correspondence,  continuing  more  than  two 
weeks,  the  arrogance  of  power  and  the  scorn  of  popular 
rights,  on  the  part  of  the  royal  commissioners,  were  met  by 
the  General  Court  in  a  spirit  of  extreme  jealousy  of  im- 
perilled liberty.  As  this  was  going  on,  the  commissioners 
prepared  to  hear  an  appeal  in  the  case  of  a  notorious  char- 
acter who  had  been  justly  banished  from  the  colony.  They 
had  commanded  all  officers,  civil  and  military,  to  refrain 
from  molesting  him,  and  thus  interfered  with  the  course  of 
justice.  The  warrant  issued  by  the  commissioners  in  this 
case  was  declared  by  the  court  to  be  an  infringement  of 

1  Mass.  Records,  iv.  part  ii.  186.  2  ibid.,  142.  8  Ibid.,  188. 


58  THE   RISE   OF   THE    REPUBLIC. 

their  patent.  A  conference  was  held  (May  11)  between  a 
committee  of  the  court  and  the  commissioners.  The  latter 
were  asked  whether  a  jury  would  pass  on  the  cases  which 
they  intended  to  hear,  and  their  reply  was  in  the  negative ; 
that  they  sat  as  a  court  of  oyer  and  terminer.  The  com- 
mittee urged,  that,  by  the  charter,  the  colonists  were  entitled 
to  trial  by  jury;  and  that  it  would  be  a  great  addition  to 
their  former  sorrows  if  they  were  obliged  "  to  submit  them- 
selves, their  lives  and  estates,  and  their  liberties,  far  dearer 
than  them  both,  to  another  authority  whose  rule  was  their 
own  discretion."  l  At  length  the  four  commissioners  came 
into  the  General  Court,  when  Nichols,  as  their  spokesman, 
said,  "  We  are  a  court  by  his  majesty's  authority :  tell 
us  plainly  and  truly  whether  you  will  submit  to  the  com- 
mission without  any  shuffling."  The  court  calmly  re- 
joined, that  it  could  not  see  the  grounds  why  it  should  be 
called  to  resolve  such  a  question.  The  commissioners  then 
imperiously  demanded  a  positive  answer  to  their  question  ; 
when  the  court  replied  (May  22),  "We  humbly  conceive  it 
is  beyond  our  line  to  declare  our  sense  of  the  power,  intent, 
or  purpose  of  your  commission.  It  is  enough  to  acquaint 
you  what  we  conceive  is  granted  to  us  by  his  majesty's  royal 
charter."2  On  the  next  day  (May  23),  the  commissioners 
advised  the  assembly,  that  on  the  morrow,  at  nine  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  at  the  house  of  Captain  Thomas  Breeden, 
they  would  sit  as  a  board  to  hear  the  case  of  Thomas  Deane 
and  others,  plaintiffs,  against  the  governor  and  company  and 
Joshua  Scottow,  defendants.3  The  court  immediately  framed 
a  declaration,  and  sent  a  copy  of  it  to  the  commissioners.4  As 
they  did  not  recede,  a  herald,  an  hour  before  the  time  set 
for  the  hearing,  appeared  before  Breeden's  house,  in  Hano- 
ver Street :  also  a  hundred  or  more  of  the  inhabitants.  A 
trumpet  was  sounded ;  and,  by  order  of  the  General  Court, 
declaration  was  made  to  all  the  people  of  the  colony  in  his 
majesty's  name,  and  by  the  authority  committed  to  them  by 

l  Mass.  Records,  iv.  part  ii.  197.         2  ibid.,  207.         «  Ibid.,  208.         4  ibid.,  209. 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.  59 

the  royal  charter,  that,  in  observance  of  their  duty  to  God 
and  to  his  majesty,  and  the  trust  committed  to  them,  they 
could  not  consent  unto,  nor  give  their  approbation  of,  the 
proceedings  of  the  commissioners  ;  neither  could  they  coun- 
tenance any  who  should  be  their  abettors.1  This  declara- 
tion was  repeated  in  a  similar  form  in  two  other  places 
in  the  town.  The  trumpet  gave  no  uncertain  sound. 
This  action  was  in  the  spirit  of  the  historic  influence  of 
local  self-government,  in  union  with  allegiance  to  the  sover- 
eignty. It  was  Liberty  claiming  its  rights  under  the  Law. 

The  commissioners,  thus  effectually  thwarted,  sent  (May  24) 
two  papers  to  the  court.  In  one,  they  characterized  the  action 
of  the  court  as  opposition  to  the  sovereignty,  and  referred 
the  whole  case  to  his  majesty's  wisdom.  The  other  was  a 
commentary,  under  twenty-six  heads,  on  the  book  of  gen- 
eral laws  and  liberties  of  the  colony.  I  select  only  their 
dealing  with  self-government  and  union.  They  criticised 
the  use  in  these  laws  of  the  terms  "  state,"  "  council  of  state," 
and  "  commonwealth,"  and  desired  that  these  "  indecent  " 
expressions  might  be  changed.  They  arraigned  the  con- 
federation as  illegal,  averring  that  there  was  no  right 
conferred  by  the  charter  "  to  incorporate  with  the  other 
colonies,  nor  to  exercise  any  power  by  that  association : 
both  belonged  to  the  king's  prerogative."2  On  leaving  what 
to  them  was  an  inglorious  field,  the  commissioners  dis- 
charged a  Parthian  arrow,  in  the  threat,  that  those  who  had 
contested  their  power  would  meet  "  the  punishment  which 
so  many  concerned  in  the  late  rebellion  had  met  with  in 
England." 3  In  their  report  to  the  king,  they  arraigned 
in  severe  terms  the  colony  as  being  commonwealth-like  ;  and, 
after  stating  that  it  had  a  college,  they  remarked,  that  it  was 
to  be  feared  "  that  this  college  might  afford  as  many  schismat- 
ics in  the  church,  and  the  corporation  as  many  rebels  to  the 
king,  as  formerly  they  have  done,  if  not  timely  prevented."  * 

1  Mass.  Records,  iv.  part  ii.  210.  2  ibid.,  213. 

»  Chalmers,  387.  *  New- York  Coll.,  Doc.  iv.  112. 


60  THE  RISE  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

The  committee,1  who  had  guided  the  action  of  the  General 
Court,  prepared  a  narrative  of  their  proceedings,  which 
occupies  over  a  hundred  pages  of  the  Colonial  Records. 
This  embodied  the  documents  connected  with  the  case, 
among  which  are  the  addresses  which  the  Court  sent  to  the 
King.  In  one  of  them,  the  General  Court  stated  in  a  few 
words,  their  view  of  their  Charter,  of  the  limitations  of  their 
rights  under  it,  and  of  the  required  test  of  loyalty  as 
"  subjects."  They  claimed  "  full  and  absolute  power  of 
governing  all  the  people  of  this  place,"  according  to  such 
laws  as  they  should  make,  "  being  not  repugnant  to  the 
laws  of  England."  They  averred  that  they  had  "  above  thirty 
years  enjoyed  the  aforesaid  power  and  privilege  of  govern- 
ment within  themselves,  as  their  undoubted  right  in  the  sight 
of  God  and  man."  They  said,  "  We  keep  ourselves  within 
our  line,  and  meddle  not  with  matters  abroad.  A  just 
dependence  upon  and  subjection  to  your  majesty,  according 
to  our  Charter,  it  is  far  from  our  hearts  to  disacknowledge. 
We  so  highly  prize  your  favorable  aspect,  though  at  this 
great  distance,  as  we  would  gladly  do  any  thing  that  is  in 
our  power  to  purchase  a  continuance  of  it.  ...  It  is  a  great 
unhappiness  to  be  reduced  to  so  hard  a  case  as  to  have  no 
other  testimony  of  our  subjection  and  loyalty  offered  us  but 
this  ;  viz.,  to  destroy  our  own  being,  which  nature  teaches 
us  to  preserve ;  or  to  yield  up  our  liberties,  which  are  far 
dearer  to  us  than  our  lives,  and  which,  had  we  any  fear  of 
being  deprived  of,  we  had  never  wandered  from  our  fathers' 
house  into  these  ends  of  the  earth."  2  The  report  justifies 


l  On  the  3d  of  May,  1665,  the  General  Court  ordered  that  Captain  Gookin,  Mr. 
Thomas  Danforth,  Mr.  Edward  Collins,  Mr.  William  Parks,  and  Lieutenant  Hopestill 
Foster,  be  a  committee  to  consider  of  the  matters  presented  by  the  Commissioners 
to  the  Court,  and  to  consider  what  action  was  necessary.  On  the  same  day,  Mr. 
Simon  Bradstreet,  Captain  Daniel  Gookin,  Mr.  Thomas  Danforth,  Captain  Edward 
Johnson,  Mr.  Edward  Jackson,  Captain  Richard  Waldren,  and  Lieutenant  Hopestill 
Foster,  were  appointed  "  to  consider  of  all  the  papers  delivered  into  this  court  by 
Colonel  Richard  Nichols,  and  the  rest  of  his  majesty's  commissioners,  and  to  pre- 
sent a  full  and  meet  answer  unto  the  whole  to  this  whole  court."  —  Mass.  Records, 
iv.  (2),  146.  2  Mass.  Records,  iv.  (2),  169-172. 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.          61 

the  formation  of  the  Confederacy  in  the  following  strain : 
"  Considering  that  they  were  several  colonies  under  one 
king,  and  came  from  their  native  country  for  one  and  the 
same  end,  and  were  here  scattered  at  a  great  distance 
amongst  the  wild  savages  in  a  vast  wilderness,  had  no  walled 
towns  or  garrisons  of  soldiers  for  their  defence,  they  appre- 
hended tli at  the  least  they  could  do  was  to  enter  into  a 
league  of  amity  and  union  one  with  another,  engaging,  in 
case  of  any  unjust  and  fresh  assault  made  upon  any  part 
by  the  natives,  jointly  to  assist  each  other  as  the  matter 
should  require :  this  being  the  end  of  their  confederating, 
as  the  articles  signed  by  the  general  courts  of  all  the  colo- 
nies, in  May,  1643,  will  plainly  demonstrate,  to  the  end, 
that,  as  our  distance  of  place  one  from  another  rendered  us 
weak,  and  laid  us  open  to  their  rage  and  violence,  so  our 
union  might  be  as  well  to  them  a  terror  as  to  us  strength : 
and,  through  the  goodness  of  God,  we  have  hitherto  had 
large  experience  of  the  great  good  that  by  this  confederation 
hath  redounded,  not  only  to  all  his  majesty's  subjects  here 
planted,  but  even  to  the  natives  themselves,  it  having  been 
a  means  to  prevent  much  trouble  and  bloodshed  among 
themselves ;  so  that,  although  since  that  war  some  of  them 
have  sundry  times  made  their  attempts  and  put  us  to  a  con- 
siderable charge  and  trouble  several  ways,  yet  no  massacre 
hath  been  among  us  from  that  day  to  this,  blessed  be  God 
for  it." x  After  this  statement  of  the  great  fact  of  general 
security  as  a  justification  of  the  union,  the  report  indignantly 
repelled  the  charge  of  having  invaded  the  prerogative,  aver- 
ring that  to  call  the  union  usurping  authority  "  was  con- 
trary to  the  light  of  reason,  that  allows  all  whose  journey's 
end  is  the  same,  and  whose  way  lies  together,  to  combine 
for  their  mutual  help  in  all  things  common  and  just,  with- 
out the  least  suspicion  of  taking  upon  them  any  usurped 
authority,  whether  it  be  by  land  or  sea,  which,  therefore, 

l  Mass.  Records,  iv.  (2),  231. 


62  THE  RISE  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

made  it  seem  to  be  their  special  design  to  disunite  the  colo- 
nies, and  so  to  bring  us  unto  ruin."  1 

This  remarkable  state-paper  exhibits  the  ability  and  the 
statesmanship  of  the  colony  in  a  favorable  light.  These  brief 
citations  show  the  clearness  of  its  thought,  the  purity  of  its 
style,  and  the  strength  of  its  argument.  It  constitutes  a 
clean  political  record.  The  action  it  narrates  was  not  aimed 
against  the  sovereignty,  but  against  an  undeniable  stretch 
of  power  by  the  administration  which  superseded,  in  many 
respects,  the  authority  and  powers  granted  by  the  charter ; 
and  that  action  was  prosecuted  by  the  General  Court,  not  in 
an  obstinate  or  a  perverse  spirit,  but  in  a  modest  and  steady 
adherence  to  what  they  believed,  and  what  really  were,  their 
just  rights  and  privileges.2  There  appears  in  this  action 
an  appreciation  of  the  value  of  the  right  to  make  the  lex  loci, 
and  of  its  proper  sphere  as  subordinate  to  the  supreme 
authority,  while  there  is  an  earnest  intention  to  fulfil  every 
just  obligation  to  the  sovereignty.  The  position  undoubt- 
edly  is  sound,  that  parts  of  a  nation  ought  not  to  be  suffered 
to  form  alliances  with  each  other  for  rebellious  or  even  for 
ambitious  purposes ;  but  the  vindication  of  such  a  step  is 
complete  when  the  facts  show  that  it  is  taken  in  the  spirit 
of  the  primal  duty  of  self-preservation.  This  was  the  case  of 
the  New-England  Confederacy. 

The  simple  statement  of  the  powers  granted  to  the  Com- 
mission is  enough  to  condemn  it.  A  writer,  bitter  against  the 
republicanism  of  Massachusetts,  though  quick  to  see  what 
touched  England,  remarks,  that  the  Commission  was  liable 
to  great  objection,  "  because  it  might  have  been  extended  to 
affect  English  liberties,  which  no  prerogative  of  the  crown 
can  abridge."  3  Another,  of  the  same  political  school,  writing 
in  a  historic  spirit,  judged  that  the  local  government  "  would 
not  be  thought  culpable  for  refusing  entirely  to  submit  to  the 
absolute  authority  of  the  commissions,  which  must  have 

1  Mass.  Records,  iv.  (2),  234.  2  Hutchinson's  Hist,  ii.  256. 

»  Chalmers's  Annals,  388. 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY. 


63 


superseded  their  charter ;  and,  if  this  authority  had  been 
once  admitted,  they  would  have  found  it  very  difficult  ever 
after  to  have  ejected  it." 1  This  condemnation  of  the  Com- 
mission is  just ;  and  it  is  no  less  just  to  say,  that  the  cour- 
age, dignity,  and  intelligence  of  the  prominent  actors  in 
these  scenes  entitle  them  to  be  enrolled  among  the  pioneer 
defenders  of  American  liberty. 

The  Confederacy,  before  the  crown  granted  the  charter  to 
Connecticut,  had  passed  through  periods  of  serious  dissen- 
sion. The  commissioners  of  one  or  more  of  the  colonies  had 
threatened  to  dissolve  the  union  ;  and  some  of  the  provisions 
proved  so  unsatisfactory  that  amendments  were  proposed. 
No  year,  however,  passed  without  a  meeting  of  the  commis- 
sioners. But  the  Confederacy  lingered,  rather  than  lived, 
after  the  blow  it  received  by  the  incorporation  of  New  Haven 
with  Connecticut.  Attempts  were  made  to  infuse  into  it 
new  vigor  by  a  renewal  of  the  articles,  and  in  the  crisis  of 
King  Philip's  War  it  proved  to  be  of  great  usefulness  ; 
but  the  meetings  of  the  commissioners  became  more  irregu- 
lar, and  it  disappeared  when  the  charters  of  the  colonies 
were  declared  to  be  vacated.  Thus  the  Confederacy  fell 
with  the  fall  of  local  self-government.2 

1  Hutchinson's  Hist.,  i.  251. 

*  The  following  is  a  list  of  the  meetings  of  the  commissioners :  — 


Boston, 

Sept.    7,1643. 

Boston, 

Sept.   8,1657. 

Hartford, 

Sept.    6,1644. 

Boston, 

Sept.    2,1668. 

Boston, 

July  28,  1645. 

Hartford, 

Sept.    1,  1659. 

Boston, 

Sept.  11,  1645. 

New  Haven, 

Sept.    6,1660. 

New  Haven, 

Sept.    9,1646. 

Plymouth, 

Sept.    6,1661. 

Boston, 

July  26,  1647. 

Boston, 

Sept.    4,1662. 

Plymouth, 

Sept.    7,1648. 

Boston, 

Sept.    8,1663. 

Boston, 

July  23,  1649. 

Hartford, 

Sept.    1,1664. 

Hartford, 

Sept.    5,1660. 

Hartford, 

Sept.  15,  1667. 

New  Haven, 

Sept.    4,1661. 

Boston, 

June   1,1670. 

Plymouth, 

Sept.    2,1652. 

Plymouth, 

Sept.   6,1672. 

Boston, 

April  19,  1653. 

Hartford, 

Aug.  21,  1673. 

Boston, 

May  31,1658. 

Boston, 

Nov.   2,1676. 

Boston, 

Sept.    1,1653. 

Hartford, 

Sept.    5,1678. 

Charlestown 

,  June  17,  1654. 

Plymouth, 

Mar.  20,  1679. 

Hartford, 

Sept.   7,1654. 

Boston, 

Aug.  25,  1679. 

New  Haven, 

Sept.    6,1655. 

, 

Sept.    6,1681. 

Plymouth, 

Sept.    4,1656.                                 Hartford, 

Sept.    5,1684. 

I  have  placed  in  this  list  an  informal  meeting,  held  on  the  17th  of  June,  1654,  af 


64  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

This  combination  of  local  government  and  of  union  was 
made  before  the  colonists  had  attained  to  just  conceptions 
of  what  should  be  the  basis  of  such  a  union.  They  were 
imbued  with  a  spirit  of  jealousy  concerning  their  local  gov- 
ernments, not  merely  in  reference  to  an  interference  by  the 
supreme  authority,  but  as  to  each  other.  The  fraternal 
spirit  between  them  as  communities  was  feeble.  The  larger 
colony  of  Massachusetts  evinced  an  overbearing  spirit  to- 
wards its  neighbors ;  Connecticut,  when  it  got  the  power, 
assumed  jurisdiction  over  New  Haven  in  so  autocratic  a 
manner  as  to  deepen  in  the  people  of  the  latter  a  sense 
of  unprovoked  wrong  ; l  and  the  three  colonies  had  more  of 
rebuke  than  of  love  for  Rhode  Island.2  Conviction  as  to 
fundamental  principles  is  a  necessary  condition  to  a  super- 
structure of  law ;  and  this  had  not  been  reached.  The 
powers  reserved  to  each  jurisdiction  proved  impracticable, 
and  the  provisions  to  promote  the  common  welfare  were 
crude.  Notwithstanding  these  vital  defects,  the  service 
which  the  Confederacy  rendered  was  never  forgotten :  it 
was  referred  to  in  every  period  of  the  colonial  age,  and  in 
seasons  of  peril  there  was  a  call  for  its  revival.  The  em- 

Charlestown,  by  the  commissioners  from  Connecticut  and  New  Haven,  duly  author- 
ized to  meet  Robert  Sedgwick  and  John  Leverett,  who  held  a  commission  from 
Oliver  Cromwell,  to  consult  with  the  commissioners  of  the  four  colonies  in  relation 
to  an  expedition  against  the  Dutch.  —  Thurloe's  State  Papers,  3i.  419.  This  is  an 
interesting  record.  It  was  a  custom  for  the  commissioners  to  supply  each  colony 
with  a  copy  of  the  records  of  their  proceedings.  —  Winthrop,  ii  246.  The  larger 
part  of  the  copy  belonging  to  Massachusetts  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1747.  Two 
copies  were  preserved,  those  of  Connecticut  and  Plymouth.  The  latter  is  in  the  office 
of  the  Secretary  of  State  of  Massachusetts.  Hazard  printed,  in  1794,  from  this 
copy,  the  records  contained  in  his  "Collections."  In  1859,  they  were  again  printed 
in  two  noble  quarto  volumes,  by  the  authority  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  and 
edited  by  a  skilful  chirographer,  Mr.  David  Pulsifer.  Besides  valuable  illustrations 
from  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  this  reprint  contains  records  of  several  meet- 
ings which  are  omitted  in  the  Plymouth  copy;  viz.,  those  of  September,  1652; 
August,  1673;  September,  1678;  August,  1679;  and  September,  1684.  They  are  re- 
printed from  the  fourth  volume  of  the  "  Colonial  Records  of  Connecticut,"  in  which 
they  were  first  printed  by  their  editor,  Mr.  J.  Hammond  Trumbull.  Neither  contain 
the  records  preserved  in  Thurloe's  "  State  Papers." 

1  Palfrey's  New  England,  ii.  546. 

2  The  royal  commissioners  said  that  Rhode  Island  was  generally  hated  by  the 
other  colonies.  —  Report  in  Hutchinson's  Coll.,  412. 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.  65 

bodiment  of  the  idea  of  union  was  imperfect;  but  the 
principle  of  the  equality  of  the  distinct  jurisdictions,  the 
inviolability  of  their  local  governments,  and  the  aim  of  pro- 
viding one  system  of  law,  securing  to  the  people  of  all  the 
colonies  their  rights,  became  fundamentals  of  a  republican 
polity. 

When  such  was  the  situation  of  the  colonies  in  relation 
to  each  other,  and  when  the  condition  of  political  science 
was  low,  is  it  strange  that  the  colonists  held  theories  and 
took  positions  inconsistent  with  their  professions  of  alle- 
giance ?  The  coinage  of  money,  exemption  from  certain 
forms  of  law,  and  refusing  appeals  to  England,  were  of 
this  character.  But  a  disposition  to  meet  every  just  re- 
quirement of  the  crown  is  evinced  in  their  state-papers. 
In  a  short  time  they  gave  up  objectionable  points,  desisted 
from  coining,  issued  writs  in  his  majesty's  name,  took  the 
oath  of  supremacy ;  and  even  the  appellate  jurisdiction  of 
the  King  in  council  came  to  be  looked  upon  rather  as  a  pro- 
tection than  a  grievance.1  The  present  to  the  King  of  a 
ship-load  of  masts  for  the  royal  navy,  and  a  general  con- 
tribution to  supply  the  West-India  fleet  with  provisions, 
elicited  from  him  a  gracious  acknowledgment.  Nor  was 
the  exercise  of  the  powers  of  making  war  and  peace  incon- 
sistent with  professions  of  allegiance,  or  an  evidence  of  an 
assumption  of  sovereignty.  The  East-India  Company,  even 
when  it  exercised  these  powers  of  war  and  peace  without 
the  direct  control  of  the  crown,  was  not  considered  a  sover- 
eignty, and  "  still  less  can  it  be  so  considered  since  it  has 
been  subjected  to  that  control." 2  The  New-England  Con- 
federacy exercised  these  powers  in  subordination  to  the 
supreme  power ;  it  steadily  declined  to  form  alliances  with 
the  Dutch ;  and  its  vindication  by  the  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts  shows  conclusively  that  the  people  did  not 

1  Story's  Commentaries,  i.  163.     See,  on  theories  of  allegiance,  Hutchinson's 
Hist,  i.  251-253. 

2  Wheaton's  Elements  of  International  Law,  27,  Lawrence's  edition. 

5 


66  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

regard  their  action  as  an  assumption  of  pretensions  incon- 
sistent with  their  condition  as  dependent  colonies.  Indeed, 
the  idea  that  four  small  colonies,  with  a  population  of 
twenty-four  thousand,  formed  this  league  to  throw  off  their 
dependence  on  England,  or  entertained  the  design  twenty 
years  later,  when  their  population  might  have  been  more 
than  doubled,  is  absurd.  They  averred  that  they  abhorred 
such  a  design.  If,  neglecting  such  disclaimers,  the  minis- 
ters of  the  crown,  backed  by  the  crown-lawyers,  chose  to 
base  their  policy  on  the  misrepresentations  of  a  faction,  it 
was  their  folly  and  the  beginning  of  a  great  blunder.1 

1  In  treating  the  subject  of  the  New-England  Confederacy,  I  have  followed  con- 
temporary authorities.  The  early  annalists  took  substantially  the  same  view  of  its 
spirit  and  objects.  Bradford,  in  the  "  History  of  Plymouth  Plantation,"  written 
from  1630  to  1650,  and  first  printed  in  1856,  assigns  (416),  as  the  immediate  cause  of 
its  formation,  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  Indians;  Johnson,  in  the  "  Wonder  Working 
Providence,"  written  about  1650,  and  printed  in  1654,  gives  (182)  the  same  cause; 
Winthrop,  in  his  "  History  of  New  England  from  1630  to  1649,"  which  remained  in 
manuscript  until  1790,  contains  (ii.  101)  a  full  account  of  its  origin,  written  in  the 
spirit  in  which  Bradford  wrote,  and  adds  to  the  causes  the  distractions  in  England ; 
and  Morton,  in  the  "  New  England's  Memorial,"  first  printed  in  1669,  copies  (227, 
Davis's  edition)  from  the  Bradford  MS.,  adding  to  the  cause  of  Indian  plottings, 
"divers  other  and  more  weighty  reasons."  Hubbard  prepared,  before  1682,  his 
"  General  History  of  New  England,"  which  remained  in  manuscript  until  1815.  He 
copied  nearly  word  for  word  from  the  Winthrop  MS.,  adding  a  few  remarks  of  his  own. 
Ogilby,  in  his  "America,"  printed  in  1671,  uses  Johnson's  words.  To  pass  over 
other  writers,  Hutchinson,  in  the  first  volume  of  his  "  History  of  Massachusetts," 
printed  in  1765,  states  the  facts  as  given  in  the  Hubbard  MS.  (i.  126);  adding  that 
the  Confederacy  was  countenanced  by  the  authorities  in  England,  and  that  notice  of 
it  was  taken,  without  exception,  in  the  letters  of  Charles  II.  Wynne,  in  his  "  Gen- 
eral History  of  the  British  Empire,"  printed  in  1770  in  London,  remarks  (i.  69)  that 
in  this  league  the  colonists  "  erected  themselves  into  a  sort  of  republican  govern- 
ment, though  they  acknowledged  themselves  subject  to  a  limited  monarchy."  Gra- 
hame,  in  his  "  History  of  the  United  States,"  printed  in  London  in  1836  (i.  268), 
remarks,  in  reference  to  the  reproach  cast  on  the  colonists  of  "  arrogating  the  rights 
of  sovereignty  in  this  transaction,"  that  it  was  "  a  measure  that  could  hardly  be 
avoided,"  and  that  it  was  regarded  neither  "  by  themselves  nor  by  their  English  rulers 
as  indicating  pretensions  unsuitable  to  their  condition." 

A  different  view  was  taken  of  this  league  by  Chalmers,  in  his  volume  entitled 
"  Political  Annals  of  the  present  United  Colonies,"  printed  in  London  in  1780.  He 
says  that  the  New-England  Confederacy  (178)  "established  a  complete  system  of 
absolute  sovereignty."  Robertson,  in  his  "History  of  America,"  printed  in  England 
in  1788,  says  (Harper's  edition,  446)  that  in  this  confederacy  the  colonists  consid- 
ered themselves  as  "  possessing  all  the  rights  of  sovereignty,  and  free  from  the  con- 
trol of  any  superior  power."  John  Quincy  Adams,  in  his  discourse  "  on  the  New 
England  Confederacy,"  of  May  19,  1843,  states  that  the  league  was  "  the  exercise 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.  67 

I  cannot  but  think  that  much  error  has  crept  into  Ameri- 
can history  by  not  keeping  in  view  the  difference  between 
opposition  to  the  measures  of  an  administration  and  resist- 
ance to  the  supreme  power  of  the  empire  or  to  the  sover- 
eignty. The  immigrants,  in  spite  of  what  they  had  suffered 
in  their  native  land,  bore  towards  it  a  noble  affection,  re- 
ceiving its  stripes  as  from  a  mother.  This  affection  is  seen 
in  the  feeling  exhibited  by  the  Pilgrims  when  in  Holland, 
who  grieved  at  living  in  a  place  not  under  the  protection 
of  England,  and  at  the  thought  that  there  was  danger  they 
might  lose  their  language  and  even  their  name.  It  is  seen 
in  the  tenderness  of  Higginson's  adieu  to  his  native  land, 
when  he  exclaimed,  "Farewell  dear  England!  Farewell 
the  church  of  God  in  England,  and  all  the  Christian  friends 
there."  It  is  seen  in  the  parting  address  of  the  Winthrop 
company,  who  said  they  went  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  and 
sadness  in  their  hearts.  This  feeling  was  expressed  in  a 
touching  discourse  spoken  in  New  England  and  printed  in 
London :  "  There  is  no  land  that  claims  our  name  but  Eng- 
land :  we  are  distinguished  from  all  the  nations  in  the 
world  by  the  name  English.  There  is  no  potentate  breath- 
ing that  we  call  our  dread  sovereign  but  King  Charles ; 
nor  laws  of  any  land  have  civilized  us  but  England's. 
There  is  no  nation  that  calls  us  countrymen  but  the  Eng- 
lish. Brethren !  did  we  not  there  draw  our  first  breath  ? 
Did  not  the  sun  first  shine  there  upon  our  heads  ?  Did  not 
that  land  first  bear  us,  even  that  pleasant  island, — but  for 
sin  I  would  say  that  garden  of  the  Lord,  that  paradise  ? 
And  how  have  they  always  listened  after  our  welfare,  ebbing 
and  flowing  in  their  affections  with  us  ?  How  do  they  (I 
mean  all  this  while  multitudes  of  well-affected  persons 

of  sovereign  power  in  its  highest  attributes;"  but  remarks,  that  "the  compact  of 
the  New  England  colonies,  without  the  sanction  of  their  sovereign,  was  yet  not 
against  him."  Palfrey,  in  his  ''  History  of  New  England  "  (i.  630),  printed  in  1858, 
says  "  the  Confederation  was  no  less  than  an  act  of  absolute  sovereignty  on  the  part 
of  the  contracting  States."  Bancroft,  in  his  "  History  of  the  United  States  "  (i.  121). 
coincides  with  the  views  of  the  early  historians. 


68  THE   RISE    OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

there)  talk  of  New  England  with  delight!  How  much 
nearer  heaven  do  some  of  their  charities  account  this  land 
than  any  other  place  they  hear  of  in  the  world !  Such  is 
their  good  opinion  of  us.  How  have  some  among  them 
desired  to  die,  if  they  might  not  be  vouchsafed  to  live  in 
this  land  ?  And  when  sometimes  a  New-England  man  re- 
turns thither,  how  is  he  looked  upon,  looked  after,  received, 
entertained,  the  ground  he  walks  upon  beloved  for  his 
sake,  and  the  house  held  the  better  where  he  is  ?  How 
are  his  words  listened  to,  laid  up,  and  related  frequently 
when  he  is  gone  ?  Neither  is  any  love  or  kindness  held  too 
much  for  such  a  man."  l 

This  outburst  of  affection  was  for  England  as  their  native 
land,  or  the  British  Empire,  which  was  regarded  as  the 
protector  of  the  local  liberties.  Warm  attachment  to  both 
were  elements  of  the  historic  life  that  was  unfolding.2 
Happily  the  growth  of  this  life  was  marked,  and  may  be 
traced.  Even  the  foreshadowing  of  America  is  an  interest- 
ing feature  of  its  early  annals.  It  was  in  ancient  times  a 
speculation  in  which  philosophy  indulged,  that  great  lands 
were  to  be  discovered.  The  poet  saw  them  in  his  visions. 
The  definite  thought  of  Strabo  of  the  existence  of  two  more 
inhabited  lands ;  Plato's  fable  of  the  sunken  island  of  At- 
lantis ;  the  "  venient  annis "  of  Seneca,3  foretelling  that 

1  New  England's  Teares  for  Old  England's  Feares,  by  William  Hooker.     1641. 

2  John  Adams  (Works,  x.  282),  in  alluding  to  the  "habitual  affection  for  Eng- 
land "  in  the  colonial  age,  says,  in  a  letter  written  in  1818,  that "  no  affection  could  be 
more  sincere."     Samuel  Adams,  in  a  letter  written  to  Charles  Thomson,  in  1774 
(Life  of  Warren,  232),  says,  "  Would  to  God  all,  even  our  enemies,  knew  the  warm 
attachment  we  have  for  Great  Britain!  " 

8  The  verses  of  Seneca,  in  the  Antwerp  edition,  are :  — 

"  Venient  annis 
Secula  seris ;  quibus  Ooeanus 
Vincula  rerum  laxet,  et  ingens 
Pateat  tellus,  Tiphysque  nouos 
Detegat  orbee,  nee  sit  terris 
Vltima  Thule." 

Seneca's  verses  were  quoted  in  the  first  work  of  note  in  the  English  language 
on  America,  —  the  "  Decades  of  the  West  Indies,"  translated  from  the  Spmish  by 
Richard  Eden,  and  printed  in  London  in  1556.  It  is  cited  in  a  communication  by 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.          69 

another  Typhis  would  discover  new  worlds  ;  and  other  say- 
ings,—  were  collected  and  mused  upon.  Columbus  knew 
of  them,  and  turned  them  to  good  account.  They  served  to 
inspire  the  soul  of  the  navigator,  and  "  to  convince  mon- 
archs  of  the  expediency  of  a  costly  enterprise." 

Thus  America,  like   the  unknown  quantity  in  algebra, 
helped  to  solve  the  problem  of  its  own  existence.     As  the 


Francesco  Lopes,  and  is  thus  rendered :  "  There  shall  comme  worldes  in  late 
yeeres,  in  the  which  the  ocean  shall  unlose  the  bondes  of  thynges  and  a  great  lande 
shall  appeare.  Also  Typhis  (that  is,  nauigation)  shall  discover  new  worlds  and  Thyle 
shall  not  be  the  furthest  lande."  The  remark  is  in  the  margin:  "Island  was  in 
owlde  time  cauled  Thyle  as  somme  thinke."  On  Mercator's  map  of  the  world  of 
1569,  the  names  "  Islant "  and  "  Thule  "  denote  different  parts  of  one  island.  On 
Behaine's  famous  globe  of  1492  is  "Ysland."  This,  at  that  time,  was  "the  farthest 
lande."  Typhis  was  the  helmsman  of  the  "  Argo"  in  the  expedition  of  the  golden 
fleece.  The  poet  in  vision  saw  a  future  navigator,  who,  in  the  adventurous  spirit  of 
Typhis,  would  "  discover  new  worlds."  The  words  of  Plato,  Strabo,  Seneca,  and 
others  (Cosmos,  ii.  261,  Bonn's  edition),  served  to  persuade  monarchs  to  engage  in 
expensive  voyages. 

Willes,  in  the  preface  to  his  edition  of  "Eden,"  printed  in  1577,  after  dwelling  on 
Plato's  story  of  the  "  Island  of  Athlantides,"  quotes  the  verses  of  Seneca,  which  he 
renders  as  follows :  — 

"  In  late  yeeres  newe  worldes  shalbe  founde, 
And  newe  landes  shal  then  appeare  on  the  grounds. 

When  Typhis  nauigation  newe  worlds  shal  fynde  out, 
Then  shal  not  Thyle  for  last  be  left  out. 

For  then  shal  the  ocean  dissolue  his  large  bandes, 
And  shewe  foorth  neiue  worldes,  regions,  and  landes." 

Seneca's  verses  were  quoted  by  Lord  Bacon  in  his  "  Essays,"  printed  in  1597,  and 
termed  "  A  prophecy  of  the  discovery  of  America; "  and  by  Acosta,  in  his  "  History 
of  the  Indies."  In  the  translation  of  the  latter  from  the  Spanish,  printed  in  London 
in  1604,  it  is  (38)  thus  rendered:  — 

"  An  age  shall  come,  ere  ages  ende, 
Blessedly  strange  and  strangely  blest, 
When  our  Sea  farre  and  neere  or  'prest, 
His  shoare  shall  farther  yet  extend. 

Descryed  then  shall  a  large  Land  be, 
By  this  profound  seas  navigation. 
An  other  World,  an  other  Nation, 
All  men  shall  then  discovered  see. 

THULE  accounted  heretofore 
The  worldes  extreme,  the  Northerne  bound 
Shall  be  when  Southwest  parts  be  found, 
A  neerer  Isle,  a  neighbour  Bhoare." 

Seneca's  lines  were  placed  by  Irving  on  the  titlepage  of  his  "  Life  and  Voyages 
of  Christopher  Columbus,"  printed  in  1828. 


70  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

time  drew  near  for  its  discovery,  the  modern  Florentine, 
Pulcij  wrote,  as  rendered  by  Prescott, — 

"His  bark 

The  daring  mariner  shall  urge  far  o'er 
The  western  wave,  a  smooth  and  level  plane. 


Men  shall  descry  another  hemisphere, 

Since  to  one  common  centre  all  things  tend; 

So  earth,  by  curious  mystery  divine 

Well  balanced,  hangs  amidst  the  starry  spheres. 

At  our  Antipodes  are  cities,  states, 

And  thronged  empires,  ne'er  divined  of  yore. 

But  see !  the  sun  speeds  on  his  western  path 

To  glad  the  nations  with  expected  light." 

At  the  period  when  the  wonders  made  known  by  Colum- 
bus and  his  companions  kindled  enthusiasm,  the  ancient 
sayings  were  copied  into  the  earliest  accounts  of  America, 
and  called  testimonies  and  prophecies.  For  more  than  a 
century,  the  general  exultation  had  been  for  such  achieve- 
ments as  conquest,  dominion,  or  the  discovery  of  gold. 
During  the  period  of  extended  colonization  in  North  Amer- 
ica, the  exultation  rose  into  a  nobler  strain.  The  relations 
through  the  press  were  of  population  and  wealth  unexam- 
pled in  the  annals  of  the  world.  Combined  with  these  mo- 
tives was  the  high  aim,  to  use  a  term  contained  in  charters 
and  a  succession  of  papers,  of  "  The  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel."  There  then  commenced  a  new  series  of  poetic 
visions  and  of  philosophic  speculations,  prefiguring  the 
future  of  America ;  and  often  by  the  best  minds  of  the  age. 
Their  burden  was  not  of  conquest,  gold,  or  dominion ;  but 
it  was  of  human  advancement.  The  great  Swedish  states- 
man, Oxenstiern,  averred  that  the  colonization  of  America 
would  prove  beneficial  to  Europe,  to  the  civilized  world, 
and  to  Christendom.  Herbert  wrote,  — 

"  Religion  stands  on  tiptoe  in  our  land, 
Ready  to  pass  to  the  American  strand."  1 

1  The  lines  of  Herbert  were  first  published  in  "  The  Temple,"  in  1633.  The 
vice-chancellor  objected  to  their  publication;  but,  on  consenting,  said,  "I  hope  the 
world  will  not  take  him  to  be  an  inspired  prophet."  —  British  Poets,  247,  Little  & 


THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY.          71 

And,  thirty  years  later,  Cowley  sang  to  his  countrymen,  — 

"  Your  rising  glory  you  shall  view: 
Wit,  learning,  virtue,  discipline  of  war, 
Shall  for  protection  to  your  world  repair, 
And  fix  a  long  illustrious  empire  there. 

Late  destiny  shall  high  exalt  your  reign, 

Whose  pomp  no  crowds  of  slayes,  a  needless  train, 

Nor  gold  (the  rabble's  idol)  shall  support, 

Like  Montezume's  or  Guanapaci's  court; 

But  such  true  grandeur  as  old  Rome  maintained, 

When  fortune  was  a  slave,  and  virtue  reigned." l 

Brown's  edition.  These  lines  were  quoted  by  R.  B.  (Robert  Burton)  in  "  The  Eng- 
lish Empire  in  America"  (1685),  p.  106,  as  "the  prophecy  of  the  pious,  learned,  and 
Honorable  Mr.  George  Herbert,  Orator  to  the  University  of  Cambridge."  They  were 
early  read  in  New  England.  — Proceedings  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.,  1866-7,  461,  464. 

l  "Book  of  Plants,"  printed  in  1668,  in  Latin.  Rendered  into  English  by  N. 
Tate  and  others  in  1711,  fourth  edition.  These  lines  were  circulated  freely  in  the 
American  newspapers  (Essex  Gazette,  Feb.  21)  of  1775,  as  a  prophecy  of  America. 


CHAPTER    III. 

How  AGGRESSION  ON  THE  PRINCIPLE  OF  LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT 
LED  TO  REVOLUTION  AND  INTER-COLONIAL  CORRESPONDENCE,  AND 
now  A  COMMON  PERIL  OCCASIONED  A  CONGRESS. 

1684  TO  1690. 

THE  New-England  Confederacy  recognized  the  equality  of 
the  colonies  that  were  parties  to  it,  and  the  inviolability 
of  their  local  governments ;  but  the  provisions  designed  to 
promote  the  common  welfare  were  a  crude  embodiment  of 
the  union  element.  The  Confederacy  rendered  valuable 
service  in  peace  and  in  war ;  and  it  lasted  until  the  local 
governments  were  overthrown  by  the  supreme  power,  and 
their  functions  were  consolidated  into  a  despotism.  This 
prepared  the  way  for  revolution  and  for  inter-colonial  cor- 
respondence. A  common  peril  occasioned  a  general  con- 
gress. 

These  tendencies  to  union  are  seen  forty-six  years  (1689) 
after  the  formation  of  the  New-England  Confederacy.  The 
general  maps  of  North  America  at  that  period  assign  to 
France  the  vast  territory  beginning  at  the  northern  bounda- 
ries of  New  England,  and  extending  along  the  country 
watered  by  the  St.  Lawrence  River,  the  great  lakes,  and  the 
Mississippi  River,  which  had  lately  been  discovered  and  ex- 
plored. The  claim  of  France  included  Acadia,  Canada,  Hud- 
son's Bay,  Newfoundland,  one  half  of  Maine,  of  Vermont, 
and  of  New  York,  and  the  Valley  of  the  Mississippi  as  far  as 
the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte.1  The  English  colonies  were  de- 
lineated as  occupying  a  narrow  belt  of  land  on  the  Atlantic 

*  Bancroft  (iii.  175)  gives  a  view  of  the  French  claims,  and  (iii.  177)  states  the 
population  of  the  continent. 


INTER-COLONIAL   CORRESPONDENCE  AND   A   CONGRESS.       73 

coast,  between  Florida  on  the  south  and  Acadia  on  the 
north.1  French  statesmen  were  carrying  out  a  magnificent 
scheme  to  secure  dominion  in  North  America.  Yet,  not- 
withstanding all  the  stimulus  the  French  cabinet  had  given 
to  discovery  and  colonization,  the  French  census  of  1688 
for  the  North-American  continent,  gave  a  population  of  only 
eleven  thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty-nine.  The  English 
Government  rather  depressed  than  encouraged  the  colo- 
nists ;  and  yet  they  had  reached  a  population  of  two  hun 
dred  thousand. 

Twelve  of  the  thirteen  original  colonies  were  then  (1688) 
founded.  Contemporary  descriptions,  printed  in  separate 
tracts,  or  in  general  compilations,  serve  to  show  their  prog- 
ress, relative  importance,  and  reputation.  Carolina  was 
already  famed  for  its  product  of  rice ;  but,  including  the 
great  territory  subsequently  called  Georgia,  it  contained  only 
about  eight  thousand  Europeans.  They  were  divided  be- 
tween the  flourishing  colony  of  South  Carolina,  of  which 

1  I  have  stated  above  (p.  34)  that  a  plate  of  a  map  of  America,  engraved  in 
1606,  was  used  in  English  publications  down  to  1659.  In  1671,  John  Ogilby,  "  his 
Majesty's  Cosmographer "  and  "  Geographic  Printer,"  published  at  London  his 
"America:  being  the  latest  and  most  accurate  description  of  the  New  World,"  &c., 
in  a  folio  volume.  It  has  what  is  called  "  a  new  and  accurate  map  of  America," 
which  has  the  names  N".  Plymouth,  New  England,  New  York,  Maryland,  Vir- 
ginia, Carolina,  and  Florida;  but  does  not  delineate  their  boundaries.  The  greater 
part  of  the  map  is  nearly  a  fac  simile  of  the  beautifully  engraved  map  of  N.  Vis 
scher.  The  ornaments  on  both  are  the  same.  Both  have  opposite  the  Virginia 
coast  "  Mare  Virginium."  Ogilby's  work  contains  several  local  maps,  as  of  Vir- 
ginia, New  York,  &c.  The  next  elaborate  English  publication  on  the  geography 
of  America  was  published  by  Richard  Blome  in  1682.  It  has  a  long  titlepage,  com- 
mencing "  Cosmography  and  Geography  in  two  parts,"  &c.,  from  "  Monsieur  Sanson." 
This  volume  (in  folio)  has  a  map  entitled  "A  new  mapp  of  America  Septentrionale, 
Designed  by  Monsieur  Sanson,  Geographer  to  the  French  King  and  rendered  into 
English  and  illustrated  by  Richard  Blome.  By  his  majesty's  special  command." 
It  has  New  England,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Carolina,  and  Florida.  The  fourth  edi- 
tion was  published  in  1693,  and  has  the  same  map.  The  rivers  in  the  region  of 
Florida  are  similar  to  the  Sanson  maps  of  1669  and  1657.  The  Mississippi  River  is 
not  laid  down,  though  at  that  time  (1693)  maps  of  it  had  been  printed.  The  com- 
pilations of  Robert  Burton  (1685)  and  of  Robert  Morden  (1700)  have  only  small 
maps.  The  map  nearest  to  the  date  of  1690,  of  value,  which  I  have  met,  is  that  of 
De  Lisle  (1700),  the  celebrated  French  geographer.  This  is  what  it  purports  to  be, 
a  new  map.  It  has  the  Mississippi  River  and  delineations  of  New  England,  New 
York,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Carolina,  and  Florida. 


74  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Charleston  was  the  chief  settlement,  and  the  settlements 
in  the  county  of  Albemarle,  which  were  the  beginnings  of 
the  colony  of  North  Carolina.1  Carolina  was  receiving  large 
accessions  of  the  persecuted  Huguenots.  The  splendid  do- 
main of  Virginia,  celebrated  for  its  crops  of  tobacco,  had  a 
population  of  over  fifty  thousand,  who  lived  on  plantations 
far  apart  from  each  other ;  the  nearest  approach  to  a  town 
being  a  cluster  of  buildings  located  around  "  The  State 
House "  at  Jamestown.  They  had  neither  printing-press, 
public  school,  nor  college.  It  was  written  of  Virginia,  that, 
"  as  it  came  out  of  the  hands  of  God,  it  was  certainly  one  of 
the  best  countries  in  the  world ;  "  but  as  it  respected  well- 
built  towns,  well-educated  children,  and  an  industrious  and 
thriving  people,  it  was  certainly  "  one  of  the  poorest,  misera- 
blest,  and  worst  countries  in  all  America  that  was  inhabited 
by  Christians."2  In  Maryland,  also,  the  people  did  not 
gather  in  towns.  This  colony  invited  settlers  by  promising 
"  toleration  in  religion  to  all  who  professed  faith  in  Christ."3 
Pennsylvania  had  been  founded  only  six  years.  The  large 
influence  of  William  Penn  and  the  mild  virtues  of  Quaker- 
ism attracted  emigrants.  The  city  of  Philadelphia  was 
described  as  increasing  rapidly,  and  as  a  place  scarcely  to 
be  paralleled  for  a  favorable  location.  New  Jersey,  then 
divided  into  East  and  West  New  Jersey,  and  its  neighbors, 
"  The  Delaware  Counties,"  were  characterized  as  having 
air,  soil,  ports,  and  harbors  not  inferior  to  those  of  any  other 
colony.  Several  towns  had  been  founded,  which  were  said 
to  be  in  a  flourishing  condition.  These  four  prosperous 
colonies  had  reached  a  population  of  forty-seven  thousand. 
The  colony  of  New  York  contained  twenty  thousand  inhabi- 
tants. The  city  was  described  as  having  five  hundred  houses, 


1  "At  a  general  court  that  was  held  the  28th  of  November,  1694,  the  list  of  taxa- 
bles  did  not  exceed  787."  —  Williamson's  North  Carolina,  i.  144. 

2  1  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  125.    An  account  of  Virginia  written  about  1696. 

8  This  was  said  in  "The  English  Empire  in  America"  by  (R.  B.)  Robert  Bur- 
ton.    This  compilation  contains  Herbert's  prophecy.    See  p.  70. 


INTER-COLONIAL   CORRESPONDENCE   AND   A   CONGRESS.       75 

built  of  fair  Dutch  brick,  and  as  being  famous  for  pleasure 
and  great  business  activity.  The  New-England  colonies  had 
a  population  of  seventy-five  thousand.  Plymouth  continued 
to  be  a  backward  colony ;  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island 
had  become  models  of  peace,  progress,  and  self-government ; 
Massachusetts  had  purchased  the  Province  of  Maine,  and 
was  rapidly  growing  in  importance ;  New  Hampshire,  con- 
stituted in  1680  an  independent  colony,  had  but  four  towns.1 
These  colonies  enjoyed  the  educational  influences  of  the 
town,  the  public  school,  the  college,  the  congregational 
church,  the  public  meeting,  and  the  general  assembly.  The 
spirit  of  commercial  enterprise  was  so  active,  and  the  cause 
of  religion,  as  viewed  by  earnest  souls,  seemed  in  comparison 
to  be  so  languid,  that  the  generation  who  were  about  leaving 
the  stage  mourned  over  the  departing  glory  of  New  Eng- 
land, and  prophesied  that  she  had  seen  her  best  days.  But 
it  can  now  be  seen,  that,  in  the  inner  life  of  religion,  the 
original  spirit  was  only  accepting  new  forms.  New  England 
outwardly  was  moving  forward  with  a  steady  step  towards 
wealth  and  power,  with  freedom  as  the  enlivening  principle 
of  its  pursuits,  and  the  accumulation  of  property,  landed 
and  personal,  as  the  invigorating  nerve  of  its  enterprise.2 
The  twelve  colonies,  viewed  as  a  whole,  were  characterized 
as  having  "  arrived  to  a  figure  so  considerable  as  might 
attract  the  emulation  of  neighboring  potentates,  — the  golden 
Peru  hardly  affording  so  great  a  treasure  to  the  Catholic 
crown  as  their  most  flourishing  plantations  produce  to  the 
crown  of  England."8 

This  glance  at  the  twelve  colonies,  "  The  English  Em- 
pire  in  America," 4  serves  to  show  their  relative  impor- 

1  Bancroft  (ii.  452)  has  a  careful  estimate  of  the  population  of  each  of  the  twelve 
colonies  in  1688.    He  estimates  the  total  at  200,000.    Chalmers  (Hist,  of  Revolt, 
i.  217)  estimates  it  at  250,000. 

2  The  words  are  in  "  Chalmers's  Annals." 

8  Blome,  in  the  preface  to  his  "  Present  state  of  His  Majesty's  Isles  and  Territo- 
ries in  America."     1687. 

4  This  is  the  title  of  a  volume  printed  in  London  in  1685. 


76  THE   RISE   OF    THE   REPUBLIC. 

tance  at  the  interesting  period  of  the  Revolution  of  1688. 
They  were  applying  the  principle  of  local  self-government. 
It  was,  under  their  situation,  a  necessity.  It  was  not  prac- 
ticable for  the  parliament  to  legislate  on  the  various  little 
wants  of  each  colony, — to  care  for  the  making  of  roads,  the 
building  of  churches,  and  the  maintenance  of  schools,  or  to 
frame  a  remedy  for  the  inconveniences  or  evils  that  a  change 
of  circumstances  daily  brought  forth.1  All  this  was  pro- 
vided for  under  the  general  powers  of  government  conveyed 
by  the  crown  to  each  colony,  either  directly,  as  in  the  char- 
ters which  were  granted  to  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and 
Khode  Island,  or  through  the  medium  of  the  proprietors  of 
the  soil,  as  in  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  New  Jer- 
sey, and  the  two  Carolinas,  or  by  instructions  sent  by  the 
crown  to  the  governors,  as  in  Virginia,  New  Hampshire, 
and  New  York,  which  were  called  royal  provinces.  Each 
colony  manifested  a  similar  spirit  of  freedom  in  exercising 
these  powers.  In  each  the  popular  will  was  expressed 
through  the  representative  assembly.  Each  adopted  so 
much  of  the  English  statute  law,  and  claimed  the  benefit 
of  so  much  of  the  common  law,  as  seemed  to  be  suited  to 
the  condition  of  its  inhabitants.  While  all  recognized  their 
subordination  to  the  acts  of  parliament  which  expressly 
named  the  colonies,  and  bound  them  as  integral  parts  of  the 
empire  in  a  general  system  framed  for  all,  and  for  the  bene- 
fit of  all,  they  also  recognized  the  common  law,  which 
united  the  colonies  to  the  parent  State  by  the  general  ties 
of  allegiance  and  dependency.2  In  this  spirit  each  com- 
munity framed  its  local  law.  Each  was  strongly  attached 
to  the  form  which  it  had  adopted,  and  thought  it  to  be 
the  best.3  In  each  there  was  a  State  without  nobles,  and 

1  Chalmers's  Annals,  45. 

2  Chalmers  (Annals,  140)  says,  "  A  colony  .  .  .  may  abrogate  that  part  of  the  com 
mon  law  which  is  unsuitable  to  its  new  situation ;  may  repeal  the  statute  law  wherein 
it  is  inapplicable  to  its  condition."  —  See  Story's  Commentaries,  i.  148. 

8  Andros  reported  in  1678,  "  I  do  not  know  that  there  is  any  superiority  of  one 
colony  over  another,  but  all  [are]  independent,  though  [they]  generally  give  place  to 


INTER-COLONIAL   CORRESPONDENCE   AND    A    CONGRESS.       77 

a  Church  without  a  bishop.  In  each  the  people  were 
governed  by  magistrates  whom  they  selected,  and  by  the 
laws  which  they  framed.1  Thus  organized,  the  twelve 
colonies  contained  the  elements  of  our  country  as  it  is 
to-day.2 

This  self-government  was  regarded  by  the  supreme  power 
as  a  growth  of  republicanism,  as  it  really  was.  To  meet 
and  to  check  this  element,  the  Clarendon  ministry  (1660  to 
1667),  as  has  been  stated,  devised  the  scheme  of  bringing 
the  colonies  more  under  the  control  of  the  prerogative ;  and 
this  continued  to  be  the  policy  of  the  Government.  On  the 
fall  of  Clarendon,  the  administration  known  as  the  Cabal 
wielded,  for  six  years  (1667  to  1673),  the  sovereignty.  The 
Council  for  Foreign  Plantations  was  enlarged  (March  20, 
1671),  and  the  Duke  of  York  and  several  high  personages 
were  created  members.  The  Danby  ministry  succeeded  the 
Cabal  (1673  to  1679),  when  the  Cavaliers  obtained  com- 
plete power.  During  this  period,  Charles  II.  gave  Virginia 
away  to  two  of  his  courtiers  for  thirty-one  years,3  and  he  re- 
newed (1674)  the  Duke  of  York's  patent.  He  dissolved 
(Dec.  24,  1674)  the  Council  for  Foreign  Plantations,  and 
appointed  (March  12,  1675)  a  committee  of  the  Privy 
Council  to  consider  matters  connected  with  the  American 
colonies.  They  were  directed  to  sit  once  a  week,  and  report 
their  proceedings  to  the  council.  This  arrangement  con- 
tinued not  only  till  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Charles,  but 
through  that  of  his  successor.4 

The  subject  of  American  affairs  occupied  the  attention  of 
the  Government  largely  during  this  period.     The  several 


and  are  most  influenced  by  the  Massachusetts,  both  in  State  and  religion.  I  do 
not  find  but  the  generality  of  the  magistrates  and  people  are  well  affected  to  the 
king  and  kingdom;  but  most,  knowing  no  other  government  than  their  own,  think 
it  best,  and  are  wedded  to  and  oppiniate  for  it." 

1  Rufus  Choate  (Life  and  Writings,  i.  379)  uses  these  terms  in  describing 
Geneva.  2  Bancroft,  ii.  453.  »  Burk's  Virginia,  App.,  44. 

4  The  Introduction  to  volume  three  of  the  "  Documents  relating  to  the  Colonial 
History  of  New  York  "  has  an  account  of  the  boards  of  trade  and  plantations. 


78  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

administrations  shrunk  from  a  decisive  interference  with  the 
internal  affairs  of  the  colonies.  When  it  was  judged  that 
events  required  bold  action,  the  debates  in  the  Privy  Coun- 
cil were  earnest.  "  The  question  was  considered  thoroughly 
whether  the  council  should  introduce  there  the  same  gov- 
ernment that  was  established  in  England,  or  should  subject 
the  colonists  to  the  rule  of  a  governor  and  council,  who 
should  have  all  authority  in  their  hands,  without  being 
obliged  to  observe  any  other  laws  than  those  which  should 
be  prescribed  in  England."  In  this  debate,  one  of  the 
members,  the  Marquis  of  Halifax,  maintained  "  with  vehe- 
mence, that  there  was  no  reason  to  doubt,  that  the  same 
laws  under  which  the  people  of  England  lived  ought  only 
to  be  established  in  a  country  composed  of  Englishmen. 
He  dwelt  strongly  on  this  point,  and  did  not  omit  other 
reasons  to  prove  that  absolute  government  is  neither  so 
happy  nor  so  secure  as  that  which  is  tempered  by  laws,  and 
which  bounds  the  authority  of  a  prince.  He  exaggerated 
the  inconvenience  of  sovereign  power,  and  declared  squarely 
that  he  could  not  agree  to  live  under  a  king  who  should 
have  it  in  his  power  to  take  when  he  pleased  the  money 
which  he  [Halifax]  had  in  his  pocket."  This  view  was 
opposed  by  all  the  other  ministers.  They  held  that  his 
majesty  "  could  and  ought  to  govern  countries  so  far  re- 
moved from  England  in  the  manner  which  should  appear 
to  him  the  most  proper  to  maintain  the  country  in  the 
state  in  which  it  is,  and  to  increase  still  more  its  strength 
and  riches.  It  was  resolved  that  the  governor  and  council 
should  not  be  obliged  to  call  assemblies  from  the  country 
to  make  taxes  and  to  regulate  other  important  matters,  but 
that  they  should  do  what  they  should  judge  proper,  render- 
ing an  account  only  to  his  Britannic  majesty."  1  This  was 
the  opinion  of  the  Duke  of  York.  He  held  that  the  colo- 
nies did  not  need  general  assemblies,  and  ought  not  to  have 

1  Barillon  to  Louis  XIV.    London,  Dec.  7, 1684.  in  Fox's  Jame?  TI.  Aj>p  vii 


INTER- COLONIAL    CORRESPONDENCE   AND    A    CONGRESS.       79 

them.1  This  view  prevailed.  It  was  determined  to  create 
a  government  by  a  general  governor  and  council.  Before 
this  conclusion  had  been  reached,  it  was  resolved  to  enforce 
rigidly  the  Navigation  Act.  Charles  II.  was  carrying  out 
this  policy  at  the  time  of  his  death  (1685).  His  successor, 
James  II.,  with  a  bold  hand,  executed  the  scheme  of  gov- 
erning the  colonies  which  he  had  done  much  to  inaugurate. 
Its  opponent  in  the  Privy  Council,  the  Marquis  of  Halifax, 
was  regarded  as  unfit  to  hold  power,  and  was  dismissed 
from  office.  It  is  a  curious  fact  that,  at  so  early  a  period,  a 
question  relating  to  American  liberty,  and  even  to  American 
taxation,  was  considered  to  be  a  test  of  principles,  friendly 
or  adverse  to  arbitrary  power  in  England.  In  truth, 
Charles  James  Fox  remarks,  "  Among  the  several  contro- 
versies which  have  arisen,  there  is  no  other  wherein  the 
natural  rights  of  man  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  authority 
of  artificial  institutions  on  the  other,"  are  "  so  fairly  put  in 
issue."  2 

This  scheme,  involving  a  change  in  the  basis  of  the  local 
governments  of  the  colonies,  pursued  with  more  or  less  vigor 
during  the  reigns  of  Charles  and  James,  caused  a  world  of 
anxiety  and  confusion.  It  was  the  key  to  their  political 
history  at  that  period.  Despotic  power,  like  the  wolf  in  the 
fable,  stood  at  the  head-springs  of  the  current  of  American 
liberty,  and  charged  those  who  were  drinking  below  with 
roiling  the  waters.  The  royal  tactics  were  of  a  low  order. 
Officials  sought  pretexts  on  which  to  frame  indictments 
against  the  colonies  for  violations  of  their  charters,  to  be 
used  in  the  courts,  that  a  foregone  conclusion  might  be 
carried  out  under  the  forms  of  justice.  Edward  Randolph 
was  one  of  them.  Busy,  vigorous,  and  unscrupulous,  he 
seemed  to  the  colonists  to  be  the  originator  of  their  troii- 
bles.  He  was  called  "  the  evil  genius  of  New  England." 
But,  as  he  went  back  and  forth  across  the  Atlantic,  laden  with 

1  New- York  Col.  Doc.,  iii.  230. 

2  Hbtory  of  James  II.,  by  Charles  James  Fox  (London  edition),  60 


50  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

calumnies  and  falsehoods1  about  the  colonists,  he  was  sim- 
ply doing  the  work  of  "  his  gracious  master,"  the  Duke  of 
York,  and  of  the  set  of  profligates  who  then  wielded  the 
supreme  power.  Their  arbitrary  scheme  was  the  proximate 
cause  of  the  political  troubles.  The  colonial  agents  in  Lon- 
don were  first  advised  that  great  designs  were  maturing 
against  colonial  liberties.2  At  length,  they  were  officially 
informed,  that  his  majesty  had  concluded  to  unite  under  one 
government  "  all  the  English  territories  in  America  from 
Delaware  Bay  to  Nova  Scotia."  In  the  general  consolidation 
of  the  northern  colonies  that  followed,  the  people  of  Rhode 
Island  and  of  Connecticut,  who  welcomed  and  recognized  the 
authority  of  the  royal  commissioners  in  1665,  fared  no  better 
than  the  people  of  Massachusetts,  who  refused  to  submit  to 
that  illegal  commission.  The  colonies  of  New  Jersey  and 
Delaware,  like  those  of  New  England,  were  obliged  to  meet 
writs  of  quo  warranto  against  their  charters.  Nor  did  Penn- 
sylvania, Virginia,  and  the  two  Carolinas  escape  from  an 
arbitrary  interference  with  their  internal  affairs.  In  all  the 
colonies  popular  functions  were  absorbed  by  the  crown.  It 
appointed  local  magistrates  and  county  commissioners.  It 
assumed  the  minute  detail  of  administration.  It  conferred 
on  a  "  governor  and  council "  the  function  of  legislation 
and  taxation.  Town-meetings  for  political  purposes  were 
forbidden.  The  representative  assemblies  were  either  abro- 
gated or  restricted.  The  object  avowed  in  official  papers 
was  "  to  bring  the  colonies  to  a  united  and  nearer  depend- 
ence on  the  crown."3  This  line  of  proceeding  was  an 

1  Randolph,  in  a  communication  to  the  committee  of  the  Privy  Council  (1676), 
states,  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  of  New  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  New 
Hampshire,  and  Maine,  were  in  favor  of  "  settling  a  general  government  for  the 
whole  country,"  and  were  "desirous  of  submitting  to  a  general  governor;"  on 
which  Hutchinson  (Coll.,  490)  says,  "Not  one  man  in  a  hundred  throughout  the 
governments  then  desired  it." 

2  John  Knowles,  in  a  letter  dated  April  16,  1674  (Hutchinson's  Coll.,  447),  ad- 
vised Governor  Leverett  that  there  was  "  a  great  design  on  foot  for  the  regulation  of 
New  England." 

»  Randolph's  letter  to  the  committee  of  the  Privy  Council,  Aug.  18, 1685 ;  in  Rhode 


INTER-COLONIAL   CORRESPONDENCE   AND   A   CONGRESS.       81 

attempt  to  carry  out  a  theory,  regardless  of  the  habits  and 
temper  of  the  people ;  and  that  theory  was  absolutism. 

This  exercise  of  absolute  power  roused  a  spirit  of  opposi- 
tion in  all  the  colonies.  They  did  not  act  in  concert.  They 
did  not  put  forth  the  republican  theory  as  the  basis  of  their 
action.  On  the  contrary,  their  prejudices  in  favor  of  monar- 
chy often  appear  in  their  utterances.1  They  found  themselves 
subjected  to  fitful,  irregular,  and  vexatious  stretches  of 
power.  Their  aim,  in  their  defence  of  their  rights  and  liber- 
ties, was  ever  distinct  and  practicable  ;  for  it  was  simply  the 
defence  of  a  right  to  mould  the  local  polity.  Their  claim, 
that  taxes  should  be  imposed  by  their  representative  assem- 
blies, was  maintained  with  great  force.  A  noble  argument 
in  behalf  of  New  Jersey,  and  against  an  illegal  tax,  is  based 
on  principles,  and  even  contains  phrases,  similar  to  those  of 
the  revolutionary  era.  It  maintained  that "  it  was  a  funda- 
mental in  their  constitution  and  government,  that  the  King 
of  England  could  not  justly  take  his  subjects'  goods  without 
their  consent."2 

The  tyranny  of  James  II.  had  fallen  upon  his  English 
and  his  transatlantic  subjects  alike :  neither  were  of  a  tem- 
per tamely  to  submit  to  it,  and  both  were  delighted  to  wel- 
come the  advent  of  William  and  Mary.3  When  the  report 
reached  Boston  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  had  landed  in 
England,  an  uprising  against  the  existing  rule  was  planned 
and  consummated.  The  general-governor,  Sir  Edmund  An- 

Island  Col.  Records,  iii.  178.  He  says  that  he  had  served  three  writs  upon  the 
proprietors  of  East  and  West  New  Jersey  and  Delaware.  An  Order  of  Council  of 
July  15,  1685,  named  five  quo  warrantos. 

1  Governor  Hinkley,  of  Plymouth,  in  a  letter  to  the  Lords  of  the  Privy  Council, 
April  24,  1685  (4  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  135),  in  describing  the  proclamation  in  that 
colony  of  James  II.  says,  "  I  have  not  observed  the  like  assembly  together  amongst 
us,  as  if  all  were  ambitiously  desirous  of  demonstrating  the  natural  and  innate  prin- 
ciple of  loyalty  engraven  on  their  hearts  to  the  crown  of  England." 

2  The  great  argument  of  New  Jersey  of  1680  against  an  arbitrary  tax  imposed 
by  Andros,  the  governor  of  New  York,  under  the  commission  of  the  Duke  of  York, 
is  in  Smith's  "  New  Jersey,"  117. 

8  The  words  in  the  text  are  those  of  Viscount  Bury,  in  the  "  Exodus  of  the 
Western  Nations,"  i.  391,  396,  printed  in  1865. 


82  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

dros,  and  some  of  his  associates,  were  imprisoned ;  and  a 
provisional  government,  in  the  name  of  William  and  Mary, 
was  established.  The  venerable  Simon  Bradstreet,  formerly 
the  governor,  was  the  first  name  in  the  commission.  The 
revolution  extended  to  the  Carolinas.  In  all  the  colonies, 
their  right  of  local  government  had  been  violated.  In  all, 
William  and  Mary  were  joyfully  proclaimed. 

There  was  then  a  period  of  confusion  and  of  transition. 
In  six  of  the  colonies,  the  people,  either  under  old  forms  of 
law,  or  acting  by  methods  arising  out  of  the  necessities  of 
their  situation,  in  the  name  of  William  and  Mary,  designated 
their  governors;  namely, in  Massachusetts, Simon  Bradstreet, 
eighty-seven  years  of  age,  and  identified  with  every  period 
of  the  history  of  the  colony ;  in  Plymouth,  Thomas  Hinckley ; 
in  Connecticut,  Robert  Treat ;  in  Rhode  Island,  Henry  Bull, 
an  Antinomian  ;  in  New  York,  Jacob  Leisler  as  lieutenant- 
governor  ;  and  in  South  Carolina,  Seth  Sothel  as  governor. 
In  New  Jersey  and  in  North  Carolina  so  much  confusion 
prevailed  that  there  were  hardly  regular  governments.  In 
Pennsylvania,  the  government  continued  under  the  old 
form.  In  Maryland,  the  popular  party  ruled  through  a 
convention.  In  Virginia,  the  royal  governor  being  in  Eng- 
land, the  government  was  in  the  hands  of  the  council,  of 
which  the  president  was  Nathaniel  Bacon,  a  popular  favor- 
ite. New  Hampshire,  on  the  petition  of  its  towns,  was 
re-united  to  Massachusetts  until  the  pleasure  of  the  king 
should  be  known.  The  people  were  not  unanimous  in  their 
action.  A  party  held,  that,  as  this  resumption  of  the  old 
governments  was  done  without  the  sanction  of  the  supreme 
authority,  it  was  in  opposition  to  and  in  contempt  of  the 
crown,  and  was  really  rebellion.1  To  this  it  was  replied, 
that  the  proceedings  were  in  the  name  and  for  the  cause 
of  William  and  Mary.2  It  was  a  period  of  angry  crimina- 

1  New- York  Col.  Doc.,  iii.  352. 

2  It  is  said,  in  "  The  Revolution  in  New  England  Justified,"  that  the  people,  in 
seizing  and  securing  the  governor,  did  no  more  than  was  done  in  England,  in  Hull, 
Dover,  and  Plvmouth. 


INTER-COLONIAL   CORRESPONDENCE   AND   A    CONGRESS.       83 

tion,  of  hot  words,  and  of  rash  acts.  If  the  people's  right 
to  election  was  fiercely  contested,  it  was  ably  and  zealously 
defended.  The  determined  spirit  of  the  popular  party  was 
illustrated  in  a  significant  declaration  of  Governor  Treat, 
of  Connecticut.  When  the  validity  of  his  government  was 
challenged,  he  said,  "  that  the  people  had  put  him  in,  and 
he  had  ventured  all  he  had  above  his  shoulders  on  this 
account,  and  therefore  he  would  maintain  it." 1  Such  was 
the  political  situation  when  the  colonies  received  the  Cir- 
cular Letter  of  the  Privy  Council,  announcing  the  accession 
of  William  and  Mary,  directing  their  proclamation,  and  sig- 
nifying their  pleasure,  "  that  all  men  being  in  offices  of 
government  should  so  continue  until  their  majesty's  fur- 
ther pleasure  be  known."2 

No  colony  had  suffered  more  from  arbitrary  power  than 
New  York.  The  popular  party  here  found  a  champion  in 
Jacob  Leisler.  He  was  a  native  of  Frankfort,  in  Germany, 
and  emigrated  as  a  soldier  to  New  Amsterdam  in  1660.  Four 
years  afterwards,  he  was  a  successful  merchant.  In  1683, 
he  was  appointed  one  of  the  commissioners  of  a  court  of 
admiralty.3  On  several  occasions,  he  evinced  a  bold  spirit 
in  acting  against  the  set  who  were  in  power,  and,  by  order 
of  Andros,  was  imprisoned,  preferring  the  jail  to  the  aban- 
donment of  what  he  considered  a  principle.4  He  was  the 
captain  of  one  of  the  five  military  companies  which  composed 
the  defensive  force  of  New  York.  When  the  people  over- 
threw the  government  established  by  James  II.,  they  flocked 
to  Leisler's  door.  At  their  request,  he  placed  himself  at 
their  head,  and  took  command  at  the  fort ;  and  subsequently 
accepted  an  appointment  of  lieutenant-governor  from  "  a 
committee  of  safety,"  composed  of  delegates  from  the  sev- 

1  Bulkeley's  "  Will  of  Doom,"  Conn.  Col.  Records,  iii.  460. 

2  This  Circular  Letter  of  the  Privy  Council  was  dated  Feb.  19,  1689,  and,  in 
relation  to  persons  holding  office,  is  nearly  a  copy  of  the  circular  sent  to  the  colo- 
nies on  the  accession  of  James  II. 

»  New-York  Doc.  Hist.,  21 :  Introductory. 

4  Hoffman,  in  Sparks's  Am.  Biography,  2d  series,  iii.  191. 


84  THE   RISE    OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

eral  towns  and  the  city.  Under  this  authority,  with  the 
committee  as  his  council,  he  wielded  the  government.  He 
took  possession  of  the  fort  at  Albany.  His  education  was 
limited,  and  he  was  rough  and  passionate  ;  but  he  had  cour- 
age, enterprise,  and  energy,  and,  under  strong  impulses, 
acted  generously  and  honestly.  His  zeal  for  William  and 
Mary  rose  into  enthusiasm. 

Leisler  had  to  meet  an  active,  powerful,  and  virulent 
party,  who,  not  content  with  hurling  at  him  the  foulest 
words,  defied  his  authority.  He  promptly  addressed  letters 
to  the  other  colonies,  informing  them  with  great  particu- 
larity of  the  proceedings  of  the  friends  of  William  and  Mary 
in  New  York,  and  sending  to  them  copies  of  the  declarations 
and  other  papers  which  the  occasion  had  elicited.1  I  need 
only  state,  that,  in  relating  the  difficulties  he  had  to  en- 
counter, he  declared  that  he  intended  to  exercise  power  no 
longer  than  until  he  should  receive  orders  from  the  Prince 
of  Orange ;  and  that,  meantime,  if  he  could  receive  the 
advice  and  approbation  of  the  adherents  of  the  Prince,  and 
"  if  the  colony  would  join  with  the  whole  country,"  it  would 
discourage  the  adverse  party,  who  were  daily  sowing  sedi- 
tion.2 This  was  an  invitation  extended  to  the  colonies  to 
correspond  on  political  subjects,  and  to  unite  in  support  of 
a  common  cause. 

These  letters  elicited  from  several  of  the  colonies  a  cor- 
dial response.  The  General  Court  of  Connecticut  advised 
Leisler  to  keep  the  fort  well  manned ;  to  suffer  no  Roman 
Catholic  to  enter  it  armed  or  without  arms ;  and  it  sent 
two  agents  to  Albany.3  On  their  arrival  at  this  place, 
they  wrote  to  Leisler  in  the  warmest  terms  of  praise,  ex- 
tolling his  "  loyalty,  courage,  prudence,  and  charge,"  and 
recognizing  his  good  service  to  God,  King  William,  and  the 


1  New-York  Col.  Doc.,  iii.  594. 

2  Leisler's  first  letter  to  the  Committee  of  Safety  at  Boston  is  dated  June  4,  1689. 
See  his  letter  to  Connecticut,  June  16,  1689.  —  Doc.  Hist,  of  New  York,  ii.  3  and  6. 

«  Conn.  Col.  Records,  iii  468. 


INTER-COLONIAL   CORRESPONDENCE   AND   A   CONGRESS.       85 

country  in  the  preservation  of  the  Protestant  religion.1  The 
letters  of  Governor  Bradstreet  are  cautious,  but  friendly. 
The  Assembly  of  Maryland  solicited  a  "  friendly  and  neigh- 
borly" correspondence  with  the  northern  colonies  at-aft 
times,  as  occasion  should  require,  concerning  all  matters 
conducive  in  any  way  to  their  majesties'  service  and  the 
welfare  of  their  subjects.2  "  We  return  you,"  Leisler  wrote 
to  the  Maryland  Assembly,  "  many  thanks  for  your  friendly 
and  neighborly  advice,  and  embrace  with  all  our  hearts  your 
offers  of  a  mutual  and  amicable  correspondence  with  you, 
which  we  shall  labor  to  keep  and  preserve  with  you  as  we 
do  with  Boston  and  Connecticut  Colony."  He  also  thanked 
the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  for  their  care  and  sympathy. 
Though  it  was  said,  that  the  adherents  of  James  in  several 
colonies  were  a  cabal3  against  the  Prince  of  Orange,  yet 
they  proved  to  be  few  in  numbers  and  without  power ;  the 
body  of  the  people  in  all  the  colonies  being  warmly  in  favor 
of  the  Revolution.  Hence  unusual  political  action  was  not 
necessary  to  promote  this  cause,  and  no  measure  embodying 
the  idea  of  union  grew  out  of  the  suggestion  of  Leisler. 
The  earliest  inter-colonial  correspondence  of  a  political 
nature,  however,  serves  to  show,  that,  underlying  the  law 
of  diversity  which  marked  the  development  of  American  so- 
ciety into  distinct  communities,  there  was  the  powerful 
element  of  political  affinity. 

At  that  interesting  period,  France  was  pursuing  with 
vigor  the  scheme  for  securing  dominion  in  America.  The 
designs  of  this  power  had  been  regarded  with  jealousy,  from 
the  first  settlement  of  the  colonies.  Henceforth,  for  seventy 
years,  the  endeavors  to  carry  out  these  designs  became  the 
fertile  source  of  alarm  and  peril  to  the  colonists,  and  the 
great  spur  to  political  and  military  effort. 

1  Letter  of  Nathan  Gold  and  James  Fitch,  June  26,  1689. 

2  Mass.  Archives,  xxxv.  60. 

8  Coodie,  of  Maryland,  wrote  to  Leisler,  Nov.  26,  1689,  "  I  believe  our  great  men 
of  this  province,  some  of  yours,  and  New  England,  were  a  cabal,  and  held  a  great 
correspondence  against  the  Protestant  interest."  —  New- York  Doc.  Hist.,  ii.  43 


86  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  earliest  result  tending  towards  union  which  the 
French  scheme  produced  took  place  when  Charles  II.  was 
a  pensioner  of  Louis  XIV.  The  dominion  to  which  France 
aspired  necessarily  involved  encroachment  on  the  hunting- 
grounds  of  the  Indians.  This  had  been  resisted  witli  great 
intrepidity  and  success  by  the  powerful  confederacy  of  the 
Five  Nations.  Some  of  the  tribes  comprising  this  league 
had  assaulted  the  English  settlements.  The  war-paths  of 
their  braves  extended  as  far  south  as  the  Carolinas,  in  the 
west  to  the  Mississippi,  and  in  the  east  into  Maine.  As  the 
signs  indicated  to  them  a  severer  struggle  than  ever  with  the 
French,  the  Five  Nations  desired  peace  with  the  English, 
and  made  this  known  through  Governor  Dongan  of  New 
York.  He  invited  a  conference  of  English  officials  at  Al- 
bany to  meet  the  chiefs  of  these  tribes.  It  was  held  in  July, 
1684.  Four  colonies  —  Virginia,  Maryland,  Massachusetts, 
and  New  York l  —  were  represented.  Lord  Howard,  gov- 
ernor of  Virginia,  in  the  name  of  the  English,  said  that  he 
was  willing  to  make  a  chain,  so  that  they  might  all  be 
brethren  and  great  King  Charles's  children,  which  should 
be  strong  and  lasting  to  the  world's  end.  Cadiane,  a  Mo- 
hawk chief,  said :  "  We  now  plant  a  tree  whose  top  will 
reach  the  sun,  and  its  branches  spread  far  abroad,  so  that 
it  shall  be  seen  afar  off,  and  we  shall  shelter  ourselves 
under  it,  and  live  in  peace  without  molestation."2  In  this 


1  There  were  present  "  The  Right  Hon.  Francis  Lord  Howard,  Baron  of  Effing- 
ham,  Governor  General  of  Virginia,"  also  acting  for  Maryland;  Colonel  Thomas 
Dongan,  governor  of  New  York,  and  the  magistrates  of  Albany;  Stephanus  Van 
Cortlandt,  as  the  agent  of  Massachusetts ;  and  several  Sachems. 

2  Colden's  Five  Nations,  ii.  49.     A  few  days  after  the  conference,  the  Maquese 
Sachems,  in  a  speech  addressed  to  the  Massachusetts  Agent,  thanked  their  '"  brethren 
of  Boston  "  for  the  proposals  made  to  them  three  years  before;  expressed  gratifica- 
tion that  the  covenant  had  been  kept  so  fast  on  both  sides,  and  said  that  the  chain 
must  be  kept  clean  and  bright.     "  We  all,  namely,  our  governor,  the  governor 
of  Virginia  and   the   Massachusetts  Colony,  and    Maquese,  are   in   one   covenant. 
We  do  plant  here  a  great  tree  of  peace,  whose  branches  spread  as  far  as  the 
Massachusetts  Colony,  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  all  that  are  in  friendship  with  us, 
and  do  live  in  peace,  unity,  and  tranquillity,  under  the  shade  of  said  tree."  — Mass. 
Archives,  xxx.  303. 


INTER-COLONIAL   CORRESPONDENCE   AND   A   CONGRESS.       87 

conference,  the  North  and  the  South  met  for  the  first  time, 
and  deliberated  for  the  attainment  of  a  common  object.  A 
treaty  was  formed,  which  embraced  territory  extending  from 
the  St.  Croix  to  Albemarle.1  Governor  Dongan  gave  the 
warriors  the  arms  of  the  Duke  of  York  to  affix  to  their 
castles.  The  act  was  interpreted  by  the  Indians  to  be  a 
pledge,  on  the  part  of  the  English  King,  to  give  them  aid  in 
their  wars  against  the  French ;  but  it  was  intended  by  the 
English  to  be  a  recognition  of  the  sovereignty  of  Great 
Britain. 

The  designs  of  the  French,  evinced  in  building  boats, 
collecting  materials  for  war,  and  disputing  the  right  of  the 
English  to  trade  at  certain  places,  grew  more  alarming  from 
year  to  year,  while  the  British  Government  continued  to  be 
indifferent  to  the  issue.  "  If  the  French,"  the  governor  of 
New  York  earnestly  wrote,  "  have  all  that  they  pretend  to 
have  discovered  in  these  parts,  the  King  of  England  will 
not  have  a  hundred  miles  from  the  sea  anywhere."2  After 
the  accession  of  William  and  Mary,  hostilities  were  declared 
between  France  and  England,  which  extended  to  America ; 
and  thus  began  the  first  inter-colonial  war.  The  French 
soon  planned  an  invasion  of  Boston  and  New  York.  The 
colonies  were  left  to  their  own  exertions  for  their  defence. 

When  the  combination  of  the  French  and  Indians  was 
alarming,  Governor  Bradstreet  naturally  reverted  to  the 
"  old  union  and  confederation,"  and,  in  letters  to  several 
of  the  governors,  suggested  its  revival.  The  proposal  was 
favorably  received  by  Governor  Treat,  of  Connecticut,  in  a 
reply  imbued  with  a  fraternal  and  patriotic  spirit.3  But, 


1  Bancroft,  ii.  255. 

2  New- York  Col.  Hist.  Doc.,  iii.  476.    The  paper  in  which  this  sentence  occurs  is 
dated  Sept.  8,  1687. 

8  Governor  Treat,  in  a  letter  dated  July  31, 1689,  acknowledged  a  letter  from  Brad- 
street  of  the  17th,  in  which  Treat  sajrs,  "  I  hope  we  shall  be  willing,  in  the  season  of 
it,  to  revive  the  ancient  confederation  upon  just  terras  and  articles,  holding  forth  a 
right  consideration  of  our  State  compared  with  the  other  colonies."  He  says  the 
General  Court  had  made  no  choice  of  any  commissioners. 


«»  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

though  there  were  conferences  between  the  New-England 
colonies,  the  confederacy  was  not  revived.  In  New  York, 
the  factions  kept  up  a  bitter  and  fierce  strife.  The  oppo- 
nents of  Leisler  maintained  an  organization  against  his 
authority.  He  had  severe  provocation  and  a  difficult  role. 
Making,  however,  every  allowance,  his  arbitrary  and  passion- 
ate course,  not  merely  with  his  opponents  but  with  others, 
evinced  great  lack  of  administrative  ability.  In  marked 
contrast  was  the  bearing  of  Bradstreet,  who  was  obliged  to 
hear  the  statements  of  both  sides  as  to  affairs  in  New  York. 
In  writing  of  them,  he  urged  "  all  true  Englishmen  to  lay 
aside  their  private  animosities  and  intestine  discords,  and  to 
unite  against  the  common  enemy."  * 

When  there  was  this  feud,  the  country  was  startled  by 
the  intelligence  of  an  invasion  of  New  York  by  the  French 
and  Indians.  On  the  8th  of  February,  1690,  a  war-party, 
who  had  come  stealthily  from  Canada,  entered  the  open 
gates  of  the  town  of  Schenectady,  when  it  was  snowing, 
and  broke  the  stillness  of  midnight  with  the  terrible  yell 
and  whoop  of  the  savages.  Men,  women,  and  children,  for 
two  hours,  were  mercilessly  butchered.  Their  dwellings 
were  burned.  The  whole  town  was  sacked.  The  spectacle 
presented  all  the  horrid  features  of  the  Indian  mode  of  war- 
fare. A  few  inhabitants,  escaping  from  the  tomahawk  or 
scalping-knife,  waded  in  the  deep  snow  to  Albany,  and, 
running  through  the  place  about  five  in  the  morning,  roused 
the  inhabitants  from  their  beds  by  crying  the  dreadful  news. 
The  intelligence  flew  through  the  colonies.  It  awakened 
the  keenest  sympathy.  A  popular  demand  then  rose  foi 
action  against  the  French.  Among  the  incidents  of  this 
time  of  panic  and  passion  was  a  visit  of  condolence  by 
chiefs  of  the  Five  Nations  at  Albany.  "  Brethren,"  they 


1  Letter,  dated  Boston,  Feb.  3,  1689-90,  to  Captain  Bull,  "  Here  are  some  gen- 
tlemen come  with  letters  from  New  York,  by  the  return  of  whom  the  Council  write 
to  Captain  Leisler,  and  labor  to  lay  before  him  the  mischief,"  &c.  —  Mass.  Archives, 
itxxv.  212.' 


INTER-COLONIAL   CORRESPONDENCE   AND   A    CONGRESS.       89 

said,  "  we  come  with  tears  in  our  eyes  to  bemoan  the  blood 
shed  at  Schenectady  by  the  perfidious  French.  Brethren, 
be  patient.  This  disaster  is  an  affliction  which  has  fallen 
from  heaven  upon  us.  The  sun,  which  hath  been  cloudy, 
will  shine  again  with  his  pleasant  beams.  Take  courage, 
courage,"  repeating  the  words.  "  Send  to  New  England. 
Tell  them  what  has  happened.  They  will  lend  us  a  helping 
hand." 

Schenectady  was  the  Fort  Sumter  of  that  day.  The 
event  had  a  political  effect.  It  shamed  the  factions  in  New 
York  at  least  into  a  truce.  It  roused  a  spirit  of  patriotism. 
The  governor  of  Massachusetts  urged,  in  letters  to  the  other 
colonies,  the  necessity  for  immediate  action  to  provide  for 
the  common  defence.  He  advised  Leisler  of  his  readiness 
to  engage  in  whatever  might  promote  his  majesty's  service, 
praying  that  God  might  give  success  to  the  great  under- 
takings then  on  foot  in  Europe  for  the  defence  and  advance 
of  the  Protestant  interest,  and  so  smile  on  the  endeavors 
for  the  recovery  of  the  lost  peace  of  the  colonies.1  "  'Tis 
pity,"  he  wrote  to  the  governor  of  Plymouth,  "  but  that  in 
this  time  of  action  New  England  should  be  found  doing 
something  towards  their  own  safety  and  defence." 2  The 
expedition  under  Sir  William  Phips,  undertaken  by  Massa- 
chusetts alone,  attests  that  he  reflected  the  spirit  of  the 
people. 

The  General  Court,  in  view  of  organizing  a  joint  effort 
of  the  colonies,  proposed  to  hold  a  congress.  The  call  for 
a  meeting  is  dated  the  19th  of  March,  1690.  It  relates, 
that  their  majesties'  subjects  had  been  invaded  by  the 
French  and  Indians ;  that  many  of  the  colonists  had  been 
barbarously  murdered,  and  were  in  danger  of  greater  mis- 

1  Letter,  dated  March  15,  1690.     Mass.  Archives,  xxxvi.  202. 

2  4th  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  v.  231.    Letter  to  Thomas  Hinckley,  March  11, 
1690.    The  governor  says,  "  Twas  midnight .  . .  when  those  poor,  divided,  secure 
wretches  were  surprised;  .  .  .  sixty  of  them  were  butchered,  of  whom  Lieutenant 
Taltnage  and  four  men  were  of  Captain  Bull's  company,  besides  five  of  said  com- 
pany carried  captive." 


90  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

chiefs;  and  it  proposed,  as  a  measure  of  prevention,  that 
the  neighboring  colonies,  and  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  the 
parts  adjacent,  should  be  invited  to  meet  at  New  York,  and 
conclude  on  suitable  methods  for  assisting  each  other  for 
the  safety  of  the  whole  land.  The  governor  of  New  York 
was  desired  to  transmit  this  invitation  to  the  southern 
colonies.1 

Such  was  the  first  call  for  a  general  congress  in  America. 
It  is  free  from  narrowness.  It  is  liberal  in  its  spirit,  sim- 
ple in  its  terms,  and  comprehensive  in  its  object.  It  invited 
all  the  English  colonies  to  send  delegates  to  meet  in  assem- 
bly, and  deliberate  for  the  common  good.  In  view  of  the 
greatness  of  the  power  that  threatened  them,  it  was  urged 
that  their  united  strength  would  be  found  little  enough 
against  the  common  enemy.2 

The  call  elicited  from  several  colonies  interesting  replies 


1  The  original  order  of  the  General  Court  is  in  the  following  terms:  "Their 
majesty's  subjects  in  these  northern  plantations  of  America,  having  of  late  been 
invaded  by  the  French  and  Indians,  and  many  of  them  barbarously  murdered  and 
are  in  great  danger  of  further  mischiefs:    For  the  prevention  whereof,  it  is  by  this 
court  thought  necessary  that  letters  be  written  to  the  several  governors  of  the  neigh- 
boring colonies,  desiring  them  to  appoint  commissioners  to  meet  at  New  York  on  the 
last  Monday  of  April  next,  then  to  advise  and  conclude  on  suitable  methods  in 
assisting  each  other  for  the  safety  of  the  whole  land.     And  that  the  governor  of  New 
York  be  desired  to  signify  the  same  to  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  parts  adjacent." 
Voted  in  the  affirmative  by  the  magistrates.     Isa.  Addington,  Secy.     The  Deputies 
consent  thereunto.    Daniel  Epps,  per  order.    19th  March,  1689-90.  —  Mass.  Archives, 
xxxv.  321.     In  the  reply  to  this  invitation  by  Governor  Bull,  dated  April  18,  he  names 
"York"  as  the  place  of  the  meeting,  which  shows  that  the  invitation  was  sent  to 
him  agreeably  to  the  order.     Yet,  on  the  Massachusetts  Records,  the  place  is  written 
plainly  "  Rhode  Island."     Trumbull  (Hist  Conn.,  i.  391)  says  the  invitation  was  to 
meet  at  Rhode  Island.    Holmes  (Annals)  and  Hollister  (Hist.  Conn.,  i.  330)  say  the 
meeting  was  held  in  Rhode  Island. 

Leisler's  Circular  Letter  addressed  to  the  governors  is  dated  April  2, 1690.  —  New- 
York  Doc.  Hist.,  ii.  211.  It  is  mainly  devoted  to  the  situation  of  the  French  army. 
It  states  as  the  object  of  the  proposed  meeting  to  conclude  what  might  conduce  most 
for  the  king's  interest,  the  welfare  of  the  provinces,  &c.  It  was  sent,  dated  April  3, 
to  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth,  and  appears  on  the  face  to  be  an  original  proposi- 
tion. Bradstreet  had  looked  to  the  "ancient  union  and  confederation"  (Letter, 
July  17,  1689),  and  this  call  was  an  extension  of  this  idea.  In  a  letter  to  Hinckley, 
dated  April  11,  1690,  Bradstreet  says  of  the  proposed  congress,  "  the  governor  of 
New  York  doth  accept  that  proposal."  —  4th  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  239. 

2  Bradstreet,  in  his  letter  to  Hinckley,  April  11,  1690. 


INTER-COLONIAL   COERESPONDENCE   AND   A   CONGRESS.       91 

Governor  Hinckley,  of  Plymouth,  entered  with  zeal  into 
the  measure,  and,  though  the  General  Court  was  not  in 
session,  appointed  a  commissioner.  The  Quaker-governor 
of  Rhode  Island,  Henry  Bull,  replied  in  an  excellent  spirit. 
He  said,  that  the  people  of  that  colony,  expecting  every 
day  a  visit  of  the  enemy  by  sea,  kept  continual  watch  and 
ward,  night  and  day,  and  were  building  shelters  for  such 
great  artillery  as  they  had ;  and,  though  the  time  was  too 
short  to  convene  the  assembly  for  the  appointment  of  com- 
missioners, he  promised  the  aid  of  that  colony  to  the  utmost 
of  its  ability  to  resist  the  French  and  Indians.1  The 
head  of  the  convention  of  Maryland  wrote,  that  it  was  the 
design  of  the  assembly  to  send  arms  and  men  to  aid  in  the 
general  defence ;  though  the  great  distance  between  Mary- 
land and  New  York,  the  unsettled  state  of  their  constitu- 
tions, and  the  uncertainty  respecting  his  majesty's  pleasure 
respecting  the  province,  so  discouraged  their  councils,  that 
they  could  come  to  no  definite  conclusion  on  this  point; 
they  had,  however,  sent  two  agents  to  the  conference  to  act 
in  their  name,  and  report  to  the  convention  the  proceedings 
of  the  meeting.2  President  Bacon,  of  Virginia,  replied,  that 
the  proposition  would  require  the  action  of  the  assembly, 
and  that  nothing  would  be  done  until  the  arrival  of  the  daily 
expected  governor.3  The  replies  to  the  invitation  were  cor- 
dial. 

The  commissioners  of  four  colonies  met  at  New  York. 
The  delegates  from  Massachusetts  carried  a  commission 
empowering  them  to  fix  upon  such  methods  as  should  be 
judged  most  suitable  to  provide  for  the  general  defence  and 
security,  and  for  subduing  the  common  enemy.4  The  de- 


1  Letter,  dated  Newport,  April  18,  1690.  —  Mass.  Archives,  xxxvi.  16. 

2  New- York  Doc.  Hist.,  ii.  249.  8  ibid. 

4  The  delegates  from  Massachusetts  were  William  Stoughton  and  Samuel  Sewall. 
Their  commission,  signed  by  Simon  Bradstreet,  is  dated  April  15,  1690. — Mass. 
Archives,  xxxvi.  5.  Connecticut  was  represented  by  Nathaniel  Gold  and  "William 
Pitkin ;  Plymouth,  by  John  Walley ;  and  New  York,  by  Leisler  and  P.  D.  Lanoy,  the 
mayor  of  the  city. 


92  THE   BISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

liberations  led  to  a  unanimous  result.  On  the  1st  of  May, 
an  agreement  was  signed  by  the  delegates,  in  behalf  of  the 
five  colonies,  to  raise  a  force  of  eight  hundred  and  fifty-five 
men  for  the  strengthening  of  Albany,  and,  "  by  the  help  of 
Almighty  God,  subduing  the  French  and  Indian  enemies." 
It  was  agreed,  that  the  lieutenant-governor  of  New  York 
should  name  the  commander  of  this  force ;  that  it  should 
not  be  employed  on  any  other  service  without  the  consent 
of  the  five  colonies  ;  and  that  the  officers  should  be  required 
to  preserve  among  their  men  good  order,  punish  vice,  keep 
the  sabbath,  and  maintain  the  worship  of  God.1  No  propo- 
sition appears  to  have  been  entertained  for  a  permanent 
organization.  Indeed,  the  government  of  Massachusetts 
said  that  they  called  the  congress  "  to  meet  a  conjuncture, 
until  more  express  commands  should  be  received  from  the 
king." 

1  The  following  is  copied  from  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  xxxvi.  47 :  — 

New  York,  Primo  May,  1690. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Province  of  New  York  and  the  Colonies  of  the 
Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  and  Connecticut. 

It  is  concluded  as  their  unanimous  result,  that,  in  the  present  expedition  for  the  strength- 
ening of  Albany,  the  pursuing,  and,  by  help  of  Almighty  God,  subduing  the  French  and 
Indian  enemies  continuing  in  hostility  against  their  majesties,  that  each  of  the  colonies  afore- 
said shall  provide  and  furnish  the  under-mentioned  proportions  of  soldiers,  with  answerable 
provisions,  at  their  own  charge,  to  be  sent  with  all  speed,  viz. : — 

By  New  York,  four  hundred 400 

By  the  Massachusetts  Colony,  one  hundred  and  sixty 160 

By  Plymouth  Colony,  sixty 60 

By  Connecticut  Colony,  one  hundred  thirty-five 135 

By  Maryland,  by  promise 100 

In  all,  eight  hundred  fifty-five 855 

Further  agreed  that  the  major  be  appointed  by  the  lieutenant-governor  of  New  York,  and 
the  next  captain  to  be  appointed  by  the  colonies  of  the  Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  and  Con- 
necticut. 

That  all  plunder  and  captures  (if  any  happen)  shall  be  divided  to  the  officers  and  soldiers 
according  to  the  custom  of  war. 

That  all  matters  of  great  concernment  be  directed  and  ordered  by  the  council  of  war,  con- 
sisting of  the  major  with  the  rest  of  the  commissioned  officers,  or  so  many  of  them  as  there  is 
opportunity  for. 

That  the  soldiers  sent  out,  or  to  be  sent  out,  be  not  employed  in  any  other  service  or  expe- 
dition than  what  is  now  agreed  on,  without  further  consent  of  the  several  colonies. 

That  the  officers  be  required  to  maintain  good  order  amongst  the  soldiers,  to  discountenance 
and  punish  vice,  and  as  much  as  may  be  to  keep  the  sabbath,  and  maintain  the  worship  of 
God. 

Jacob  Leisler,  William  Stoughton,  Samuel  Sewall,  P.  D.  Lanoy,  John  Walley,  Nathaniel 
Gold,  William  Pitkin. 


INTER-COLONIAL   CORRESPONDENCE   AND    A    CONGRESS.       93 

Efforts  were  made  to  obtain  additional  aid  from  New  Jer- 
sey, Pennsylvania,  and  Rhode  Island.  Leisler,  in  a  letter 
addressed  to  the  governments  of  these  colonies,  said :  "  I 
hope  you  will  not  be  wanting  so  blessed  a  work  at  this  time 
to  please  God  and  our  gracious  king.  Losing  the  opportu- 
nity and  neglecting  the  season  may  cause  the  next  genera 
tion  to  curse  us."  l 

I  need  only  state,  as  the  result  of  this  congress,  that  it 
was  resolved  to  attempt  the  reduction  of  Canada  by  two 
lines  of  attack,  —  one  to  conquer  Acadia,  and  then  to  move 
on  Quebec ;  and  the  other,  by  the  route  of  Lake  Champlain, 
to  assault  Montreal.  The  New-England  forces  under  Sir 
William  Phips,  assigned  to  the  first  route,  captured  Acadia 
and  Port  Royal,  and  sailed  for  Quebec,  in  the  expectation 
of  being  aided  by  the  other  forces  who  marched  by  the 
Champlain  route.  But  they,  under  Fitz-John  Winthrop,  with 
the  title  of  major,  were  not  successful.  Leisler,  with  char- 
acteristic rashness,  accused  the  commander  of  treachery ; 
while  the  officers  charged  the  commissary,  Jacob  Milborne, 
of  New  York,  with  inefficiency  in  procuring  supplies.  The 
failure  of  Winthrop  occasioned  the  retreat  of  Phips.  The  de- 
feat of  this  enterprise  left  the  French  at  liberty  to  pursue 
their  schemes. 

In  the  interesting  events  bearing  on  local  government 
and  union  which  have  been  related,  —  the  revolution,  inter- 
colonial correspondence,  and  a  congress,  —  two  characters 
filled  a  large  space  in  the  public  eye,  Jacob  Leisler  and 
Simon  Bradstreet. 

Leisler  lacked  judgment  and  wisdom  in  administrative 
affairs,  but  his  aims  were  comprehensive  and  patriotic.  His 
words  are  imbued  with  a  reverent  spirit,  and  were  evidently 
the  utterances  of  an  honest  man.  It  was  his  lot  to  encounter 
an  opposition  led  by  persons  who  held  office  under  King 
James.  They  pursued  him  with  a  relentless  spirit,  and  at 
length  managed  to  frame  an  indictment  against  him  for 

l  Leisler  to  all  the  Western  governments,  May  13,  1690. 


94  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

high  treason.  A  court,  of  which  Joseph  Dudley,  a  degen- 
erate son  of  Massachusetts,  was  the  chief  justice,  passed 
sentence  of  death  on  him ;  and  also  on  his  son-in-law,  Jacob 
Milborne,  who  had  been  associated  with  Leisler  in  the  gov- 
ernment.1 The  new  governor,  Sloughter,  signed  the  death- 
warrant.  The  victims  and  their  families  petitioned  that 
execution  might  be  deferred  until  his  majesty's  pleasure 
could  be  known  ;  and  this  touching  appeal  was  supported 
by  a  memorial  signed  by  a  large  portion  of  the  people." 
But  the  same  relentless  party  spirit  that  desecrated  the 
temple  of  justice,  steeled  the  licentious3  royal  governor 
against  a  plea  for  mercy.  Leisler  and  Milborne  were  led 
to  the  gallows  at  New  York,  on  the  16th  of  May,  1691, 
in  the  midst  of  a  heavy  rain.  A  great  number  of  the  in- 
habitants were  present ;  and  a  company  of  British  soldiers, 
newly  arrived,  under  Ingolsby,  were  drawn  up  to  overawe 
them.  The  patriots,  innocent  as  they  certainly  were  of  the 
crime  alleged  against  them,  were  calm  and  manly.  Mil- 
borne  prayed  for  the  king  and  queen  and  for  the  governor 
and  council ;  but  to  a  party-leader  who  stood  near,  Robert 
Livingston,  he  said,  "  You  have  caused  the  king  that  I 
must  now  die ;  but  before  God's  tribunal  I  will  implead  you 
for  the  same."  He  said  to  Leisler,  "  We  are  thoroughly 


1  Contemporary  records  attest  the  deep  feeling  which  this  proceeding  occasioned 
in  Massachusetts.     The  following  incident  occurred  before  the  execution  could  have 
been  known  at  Boston:  Lawrence  Hammond  writes  (Journal  in  the  Archives  of  the 
Mass.  Hist.  Society),  under  the  date  of  May  19,  1691,  "  Captain  Sprague  told  me, 
that,  in  his  hearing  at  George  Marsh's  in  Boston,  and  in  the  hearing  of  many  more, 
Mr.  Andrew  Belcher,  of  Charlestown,  on  the  18th  inst.,  did  say,  that  the  jury  that 
found  Leisler  and  his  accomplices  guilty,  and  Dudley,  the  judge  who  condemned 
them  to  death,  deserved  to  be  hanged  themselves,  and  it  was  a  pity  Dudley  had 
not  been  hanged  when  he  was  in  England."     Increase  Mather,  in  a  letter  addressed 
to  Dudley,  dated  Jan.  20,  1708  (1st  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  iii.  127)  wrote,  "I  am  afraid 
that  the  guilt  of  innocent  blood  is  still  crying  in  the  ears  of  the  Lord  against  you: 
I  mean  the  blood  of  Leisler  and  Milborne.     My  Lord  Bellamont  said  to  me,  that 
he  was  one  of  the  committee  of  the  parliament  who  examined  the  matter,  and  that 
those  men  were  not  only  murdered,  but  barbarously  murdered." 

2  The  petition  was  signed  by  "  more  than  eighteen  hundred  persons."  —  New 
York  Doc.  Col.  Hist.,  iii.  812. 

8  Sloughter  was  "  licentious  in  his  morals"  and  avaricious. 


INTER-COLONIAL   CORRESPONDENCE   AND    A    CONGRESS.       95 

wet  with  rain ;  but  in  a  little  while  we  shall  be  rained 
through  with  the  Holy  Spirit."  Leisler  had  a  wife  and  chil- 
dren, and  had  been  irreproachable  in  private  life.  His  mind 
was  divided  between  his  country  and  his  agonized  family. 
He  recurred  repeatedly  to  their  condition,  and  implored  all 
not  to  allow  them  to  suffer  on  his  account,  but  to  deal  in 
Christian  charity  with  the  fatherless  and  the  widow.  To 
Milborne  he  said,  "  Why  must  you  die  ?  You  have  been  but  a 
servant  to  us."  He  confessed  that  he  had  committed  errors, 
some  through  ignorance,  some  through  fear  that  disaffected 
persons  would  not  be  true  to  the  interest  of  the  crown  of 
England,  some  through  misinformation,  some  through  pas- 
sion, haste,  and  anger ;  and  for  these  errors  lie  asked  pardon 
of  God  and  of  all  whom  he  had  offended.  "  I  am  a  dying 
man,"  he  said,  "  and  do  declare  before  God  and  the  world, 
that  what  I  have  done  was  for  King  William  and  Queen 
Mary,  for  the  defence  of  the  Protestant  religion  and  the 
good  of  the  country.  I  am  ready — I  am  ready."1  They 
were  hung,  and  their  heads  were  severed  from  the  bodies. 
The  fainting  and  the  piercing  screams  of  the  women  and 
the  shrieks  of  the  people  were  the  wail  of  humanity  at 
the  commission  of  so  foul  a  deed.  "  Some,"  a  writer  says, 
"  rushing  forwards  ere  the  life  of  their  beloved  ruler  was  ex- 
tinct, cut  off  pieces  of  his  garments  as  precious  relics,  and 
his  hair  was  divided  out  of  great  veneration  as  for  a  mar- 
tyr." 2  It  is  the  office  of  history  to  bear  witness  to  Jacob 
Leisler's  integrity  as  a  man,  his  loyalty  as  a  subject,  and  his 
purity  as  a  patriot.8 

Far  different  was  the  close  of  the  life  of  Simon  Brad- 
street,  who  was  called  the  Nestor  of  New  England.  He 
was  born  in  England,  was  educated  at  Emanuel  College, 
and,  emigrating  to  Salem,  in  Massachusetts,  was  chosen, 

1  The  dying  speeches  of  Leisler  and  Milborne  are  in  the  "  Documentary  History 
of  New  York,"  by  Dr.  E.  B.  O'Callaghan,  ii.  376. 

2  Hoffman's  Life  of  Leisler,  Sparks's  Biography,  xiii.  230. 

8  An  Address  by  Frederick  de  Peyster,  before  the  New- York  Historical  Society, 
1864,  23. 


V)6  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

in  1630,  one  of  the  assistants.  He  continued  fifty  years  in 
the  magistracy.  He  was  six  years  the  deputy-governor  and 
five  years  the  governor,  and  was  repeatedly  chosen  one  of  the 
commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies.  His  action  during 
the  revolution  was  firm  and  patriotic.  It  is  to  his  honor 
that  he  gave  encouragement  and  recognition  to  Leisler,  and 
opposed  the  proceedings  relating  to  witchcraft.  He  lived 
to  a  patriarchal  age,  and  died  in  peace.  His  long  career 
was  characterized  by  piety,  a  spirit  of  self-sacrifice,  and,  in 
a  season  of  danger,  of  moral  heroism ;  and  if  he  was  not  a 
great  man,  he  yet  rendered  good  service  to  the  cause  of 
liberty  and  his  country.1 

Bradstreet  and  Leisler  were  imbued  with  a  spirit  of  loy- 
alty. This  is  seen  in  the  brief  and  stormy  career  and  in  the 
sublime  dying  speech  of  Leisler  and  in  the  long  service  of 
Bradstreet.  In  respect  to  the  essential  element  of  sover- 
eignty, they  may  be  considered  as  representative  men.  They 
were  enthusiasts  in  behalf  of  William  and  Mary.  The 
popular  feeling  in  the  colonies  was  not  merely  a  cold  acqui- 
escence in  their  accession,  but  a  high  enthusiasm  for  it.  It 
created  joyful  hearts.2  It  was  hailed  as  a  promise  of  a 
revival  and  guarantee  of  English  liberties ;  and,  with  them, 
of  a  restoration  to  the  colonists  of  their  ancient  customs 
and  rights.  When  this  hope  animated  the  people,  it  was 
said  in  print,  that  it  was  not  merely  individual  sentiment, 
but  public  opinion  in  the  colonies,  that  the  English  nation 
was  never  so  happy  in  a  king  and  queen.  The  prayer  was 
added,  "  The  God  of  Heaven,  who  has  set  them  on  the 


1  Bradstreet  died  at  Salem,  March  27,  1697,  aged  ninety-five. 

2  Increase  Mather  was  agent  of  Massachusetts  in  1689.     On  the  14th  of  March, 
he  was  introduced  to  King  William,  who  remarked,  that  he  would  direct  the  king 
and  queen  to  be  proclaimed  by  the  former  magistrates.     Mather  replied,  "  Sir,  they 
will  do  it  with  the  joyfullest  hearts  in  the  world."     Mather  also  said  to  the  King  of 
New  England,  "  Your  majesty  may,  by  the  assistance  of  New  England,  become  the 
Emperor  of  America.     I  durst  engage,  that  your  subjects  there  will  readily  venture 
their  lives  in  your  service.    All  that  is  humbly  desired  on  their  behalf  is  onlv  that 
they  may  enjoy  their  ancient  rights  and  privileges." — Cotton  Mather's  Remark a- 
bles. 


INTER-COLONIAL   CORRESPONDENCE   AND   A    CONGRESS.       97 

throne  of  these  kingdoms,  grant  them  long  and  prosper- 
ously to  reign  !  " 1 

A  set  of  officials,  however,  continued  to  represent,  that 
the  colonies,  and  especially  New  England,  desired  and 
aimed  to  cast  off  their  dependence  on  the  mother  country ; 
and  the  question  was  debated  in  the  Council  for  Foreign 
Plantations  what  form  it  was  expedient  to  use  in  addressing 
colonies  that  were  ripe  for  rebellion.2  It  was  said,  that 
the  popular  leaders  must  have  had  orders  from  William  un- 
known to  others,  or  that  they  meant  to  cast  off  their  depen- 
dence or  obedience  to  the  crown  of  England.  The  basis  of 
truth  in  this  allegation  was  their  attachment  to  their  local 
self-government,  and  the  spirit  in  which  the  colonies,  each  in 
its  own  mode,  opposed  the  designs  of  arbitrary  power.  The 
servile  doctrine  of  passive  obedience  and  non-resistance 
never  had  a  foot-hold  in  British  North  America.3  Tlie  events 
known  as  the  Cul pepper  insurrection  in  Carolina,  and  Ba- 
con's rebellion  in  Virginia,  were  manifestations  of  the  same 
spirit  which  effected  the  revolution  that  extended  from  the 
Potomac  to  the  St.  Croix.  Whatever  might  have  been  the 
ultimate  tendency,  the  whole  action  was  but  a  claim  for  old 
customs  and  liberties.  And  the  closest  inspection  of  the 
inter-colonial  correspondence,  and  of  the  object  of  those 
who  called  the  first  American  congress,  will  fail  to  discover 

1  Preface  to  "  The  Revolution  in  New  England  Justified,"  printed  in  1691,  in 
which  the  allegation  that  li  the  New  Englanders  were  common-wealth's-men,  ene- 
mies to  monarchy  and  to  the  Church  of  England,"  was  pronounced  to  be  a  sham. 

2  Evelyn's  Diary,  ii.  60,  61.    June  6, 1671,  "  I  went  to  council,  where  was  pro- 
duced a  most  ample  and  exact  information  ...  of  the  best  expedients  as  to  New 
England,  on  which  there  was  a  long  debate."  — "  We  understood  they  were  on  the 
very  brink  of  renouncing  any  dependence  on  the  crown."    Aug.  3.  The  matter  in 
debate  was  whether  we  should  send  a  deputy  to  New  England,  with  an  open  com- 
mission, "  but  in  truth  with  secret  instructions  to  inform  us  ...  whether  they  were 
of  such  power  as  to  be  able  to  resist  his  majesty,  and  declare  for  themselves  as  inde- 
pendent of  the  crown." 

8  The  first  paragraph  of  "  The  Revolution  of  New  England  Justified  "  (1691)  is  as 
follows:  "  The  doctrine  of  passive  obedience  and  non-resistance,  which  a  sort  of  men 
did  of  late,  when  they  thought  the  world  would  never  change,  cry  up  as  divine 
truth,  is,  by  means  of  the  happy  revolution  in  these  nations,  exploded;  and  the 
asserters  of  it  become  ridiculous." 

7 


98  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

hostility  to  the  monarchical  principle,  or  any  desire  to  set 
up  an  independent  nation.1 

Indeed,  the  twelve  colonies  were  not  in  a  condition  to  es- 
tablish a  separate  nationality.  They  had  no  bond  of  union. 
They  had  no  naval  force.  Their  means  of  inter-communi- 
cation was  very  imperfect.  George  Fox,  in  1671,  travelled 
from  Rhode  Island  to  Carolina  through  woods  and  the  wil- 
derness, over  bogs  and  across  moors,  sometimes  being  a  day 
without  a  sight  of  man  or  woman  or  dwelling-place,  sleep- 
ing in  the  woods  and  in  Indian  wigwams,  and  not  without 
danger  to  his  life.  Six  years  later,  another  relation  of  a 
journey  shows  that  there  was  then  no  regular  road  through 
the  colonies.  Nor  was  there,  in  1690,  a  general  post-office. 
In  a  word,  there  were  only  the  germs  of  a  nation,  —  ideas 
and  their  tendencies  as  applied  by  prosperous  communities. 

The  colonies  contained  varied  fields  of  enterprise.  The 
rugged  clime  of  New  England  fostered  free  labor  and  com- 

1  Chalmers  (Annals,  593)  remarked  of  this  congress,  "Massachusetts,  New  Ply- 
mouth, and  Connecticut  formed  a  league  with  Leisler.  ...  Of  New  England,  it  is  a 
remarkable  characteristic,  that  she  has  at  all  times  found  delight  amid  scenes  of 
turbulence."  In  the  preface  to  his  ''  Opinions  of  Eminent  Lawyers,"  printed  first 
in  1814,  he  stated,  that,  among  the  documents  in  the  Board  of  Trade  and  Paper 
Office,  there  were  "the  most  satisfactory  proofs  ".of  the  settled  purpose  of  the  colo- 
nies, from  "the  epoch  of  the  Revolution  of  1688,"  "to  acquire  direct  independence." 
He  presented,  however,  none  of  these  proofs.  It  is  stated  by  Viscount  Bury,  iu  his 
"Exodus  of  the  Western  Nations"  (i.  395),  that,  soon  after  the  accession  of  William 
and  Mary,  the  colonies  "  formed  the  resolution  of  becoming  independent  of  the  mother 
country."  He  does  not,  however,  state  any  evidence  to  sustain  this  assertion. 

The  denial  of  this  charge  was  as  continuous  as  was  its  repetition.  Among  the 
actors  of  the  period  I  have  reviewed  in  this  chapter  was  Thomas  Danforth  He  was 
an  able,  upright,  and  wise  man,  and  had  great  influence  in  the  direction  of  public 
affairs  in  1665,  und  in  1690  particularly.  He  died  in  1699,  at  the  age  of  77.  In  an 
elaborate  letter,  dated  July  6,  1689,  and  addressed  to  Increase  Mather  (Hutchinson's 
Coll.,  567),  he  refers  repeatedly  to  the  loyalty  of  the  people  to  the  crown.  He 
wrote,  "  Nature  hath  taught  us  self-preservation :  God  commands  it  as  being  the 
rule  of  charity  towards  our  neighbor.  Our  great  remoteness  from  England  denies 
us  the  opportunity  of  direction  and  order  from  thence  for  the  regulating  ourselves  in 
all  emergencies,  nor  have  we  means  to  know  the  laws  and  customs  of  our  nation. 
These  things  are  our  great  disadvantage  We  have  always  endeavored  to  approve 
ourselves  loyal  to  the  crown  of  England,  and  are  well  assured  that  none  of  our  worst 
enemies  dare  to  tax  us  in  that  matter;  and  we  have  also  labored  to  attend  the  direc- 
tions of  our  charter,  under  the  security  whereof  were  laid  by  our  fathers  the  founda 
tions  of  this  his  majesty's  colony." 


INTER-COLONIAL   CORRESPONDENCE   AND   A   CONGRESS.       99 

mercial  activity.  The  thick  forests  of  New  York  abounded 
in  game,  and  supplied  furs  and  skins ;  the  soil  of  Maryland 
and  Virginia  yielded  great  crops  of  tobacco ;  and  the  Caro- 
linas  were  famed  for  rice  and  maize.  The  people  of  each 
colony  desired  to  exchange  their  surplus  products  for  {he 
articles  they  needed,  and  they  could  see  no  sin  in  doing  this 
in  ships  built  and  manned  by  themselves.  This  was  the 
beginning  of  a  mutually  profitable  commerce  between  the 
rising  colonies. 

The  spectacle  of  prosperity  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
British  writers  on  political  economy.  They  divided  the 
American  colonies  into  two  distinct  classes,  —  one  the  pro- 
ductions of  which,  as  sugar  or  tobacco,  did  not  come  in 
competition  with  the  products  of  the  mother  country ;  and 
the  other,  specifying  New  England,  which  imitated  Old  Eng 
land  in  tillage,  fishing,  manufactures,  and  trade,  and  which, 
supplying  the  other  colonies  with  provisions,  took  in  ex- 
change their  sugar  or  rice  or  tobacco,  and  carried  them 
to  foreign  ports.  Legislators  were  advised  to  discriminate 
wisely  between  the  depending  and  profitable,  and  the  de- 
tached and  undermining,  colonies,  and  to  rightly  apply 
"  tentatives  and  corrosives."  If  any  were  to  be  neglected 
and  discouraged,  it  was  suggested  they  should  only  be 
those  which  pursued  a  method  that  rivalled  the  native  king- 
dom, and  "  threatened  in  time  a  total  independence  there- 
from." i 

This  speculation,  that  the  colonies  might  be  in  a  condition 
to  become  independent,  is  seen  also  in  verse.  The  thought 
was  expressed  by  Sir  Thomas  Browne,  in  a  prophecy  con- 
cerning the  future  state  of  America,  which  occurs  in  a  series 
of  rather  vague  foreshadowings.  It  was  of  a  time,  — 

"  When  America  shall  cease  to  send  out  its  treasure, 
But  employ  it  at  home  in  American  pleasure; 
When  the  new  world  shall  the  old  invade, 
Nor  count  them  their  lords,  but  their  fellows  in  trade.** 

1  Harlean  Miscellany,  ii.  360.    Tract  printed  in  1690. 


100  THE   RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

"  That  is,"  the  author  wrote,  "  when  America  shall  be 
better  civilized,  new  policied,  and  divided  between  great 
princes,  it  will  come  to  pass  that  they  will  no  longer  suffer 
their  treasure  of  gold  and  silver  to  be  sent  out  for  the 
luxury  of  Europe  and  other  parts ;  but  rather  employ  it  to 
their  own  advantages,  in  great  exploits  and  undertakings, 
magnificent  structures,  wars,  or  expeditions  of  their  own. 
.  .  .  When  America  shall  be  so  well  peopled,  civilized,  and 
divided  into  kingdoms,  they  are  like  to  have  so  little  re- 
gard of  their  originals  as  to  acknowledge  no  subjection  unto 
them ;  they  may  also  have  a  distinct  commerce  between 
themselves,  or  but  independently  with  those  of  Europe,  and 
may  hostilely  and  piratically  assault  them,  even  as  the  Greek 
and  Roman  colonies  after  a  long  time  dealt  with  their  origi- 
nal countries."  l 

1  Sir  Thomas  Browne's  Works,  iii.  261,  266.  This  prophecy  was  first  printed  in 
1684. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

THE  IDEAS  OP  LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT  AND  OP  UNION  FOR  SEV- 
ENTY YEARS,  AND  THEIR  COMBINATION  IN  THE  PLAN  ADOPTED  BY 
THE  ALBANY  CONVENTION. 

1690  TO  1760. 

THE  New-England  Confederacy,  inter-colonial  correspond- 
ence, and  a  congress,  are  memorials  of  the  working  of  union 
elements,  during  seventy  years  of  the  colonization  of  North 
America.  As  population  and  wealth  increased,  and  the 
scheme  of  Prance  to  obtain  dominion  unfolded,  the  greater 
became  the  want  of  a  way  to  regulate  the  growing  com- 
mercial intercourse,  and  to  provide  for  the  general  security. 
The  method  naturally  suggested  to  attain  these  ends  was 
to  unite  the  colonies  into  a  common  polity.  Accordingly, 
one  class  urged  the  formation  of  a  union  based  on  principles 
in  harmony  with  the  genius  of  American  institutions ;  but 
union  was  also  pressed  by  royal  officials  and  others  as  an 
instrumentality  to  check  popular  power,  to  consolidate  func- 
tions in  the  prerogative,  to  secure  the  advantages  of  a  mer- 
cantile monopoly,  and  to  inaugurate  a  system  of  taxation ; 
and,  when  a  convention  at  Albany,  called  by  the  crown, 
recommended  a  plan  of  union  to  be  authorized  by  an  act  of 
Parliament,  it  was  unanimously  rejected  by  the  colonial 
assemblies.  Thus  the  law  of  diversity  continued  to  be  para- 
mount for  another  period  of  seventy  years,  with  the  result, 
at  its  close,  of  thirteen  colonies,  independent  of  each  other 
in  respect  to  their  local  affairs,  but  united  by  the  tie  of 
loyalty  to  the  crown  in  the  bonds  of  a  common  country. 

When  the  plan  of  union  referred  to  was  rejected,  a  new 
claimant  had  appeared  for  a  portion  of  the  soil  of  North 


102  THE   RISE   OF    THE   REPUBLIC. 

America.  The  European  discoverers  followed  the  course  of 
the  sun  from  the  east  to  the  land  of  the  west  over  the  Atlan- 
tic ;  but  the  Russians,  passing  over  their  territories  from 
the  west  to  the  east,  made  discoveries  and  settlements  on 
the  northwest  coast,  which  entitled  them  to  possessions  com- 
prising an  area  of  about  half  a  million  of  square  miles.1 
England,  France,  and  Spain,  beside  being  claimants  of  the 
soil,  were  rivals  for  a  monopoly  of  its  commerce.  At  that 
period,  maps  were  printed  in  England  delineating  the  vast- 
ness  of  the  region  which  the  French  were  attempting  to 
hold.  It  was  represented  to  be  a  broad  belt  of  territory, 
beginning  at  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and  extending  along 
the  basins  of  the  great  lakes,  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi 
Rivers,  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  on  which  were  shown  the 
forts  and  missionary  posts  which  had  been  established.2 

1  Kohl  (Discovery  of  America,  ii.  146)  says  the  Russians  opened  the  overland 
route  to  America.    The  chase  of  the  sable  carried  the  Cossacks  from  the  Ural  to  the 
Amoor,  and  the  chase  of  the  sea-otter  carried  them  to  the  new  continent.  —  Ibid.,  ii. 
178.     Kamtchatka  had  been  known  by  report  in  Yakutsk  since  1690.    Behring's  first 
expedition  was  in  1725,  and  was  finished  in  three  years;  his  second  and  great  expe- 
dition, which  lasted  sixteen  years,  sailed  July  4,  1741.     From  1743,  expeditions 
penetrated  further  east  from  promontory  to  promontory.    In  1760  (ibid.,  ii.  179),  the 
traders  touched  at  Alaska. 

2  The  maps  of  North  America  are  too  numerous  to  specify.     It  is  stated,  that 
the  French  and  English  commissioners,  at  and  after  the  Treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
in  1748,  collected,  consulted,  and  criticised  as  many  as  'fifty  American  maps.  — 
Kohl's  Lectures  on  the  Charts  and  Maps  of  America.     The  Ebeling  Collection,  in 
the  Library  of  Harvard  College,  is  rich  in  American  maps.     Douglass,  the  author  of 
"A  Summary,  Historical  and  Political,"  of  the  British  settlements  in  North  America, 
in  a  letter  to  Cadwallader  Colden,  dated  Sept.  14,  1729,  says  there  was  not  a  map  of 
the  provinces  of  New  England  but  was  "  intolerably  and  grossly  erroneous."     The 
best  map  of  America  at  this  time  was  De  Lisle's  of  1722.     In  this  map,  Louisiana  is 
delineated  as  a  great  region.     The  maps  of  Henry  Popple  of  1733  are  very  elaborate. 
The  most  accurate  map,  however,  was  that  of  the  celebrated  D'Anville.     This  was 
adopted  by  Douglass  in  his  history,  —  the  edition  of  1755.     The  map  is  entitled 
"  North  America,  from  the  French  of  Mr.  D'Anville,  improved  with  the  back  settle- 
ments of  Virginia,  and  course  of  the  Ohio  illustrated,  with  Geographical  and  Historical 
remarks."     The  date  on  this  map  is  May,  1755.     The  "  Gentleman's  Magazine  "  for 
July,  1755,  contains  "  A  Map  of  the  British  and  French  Settlements  in  North  Ameri- 
ca," in  which  the  region  claimed  by  France  appears  in  a  darker  shade  than  the  rest 
of  the  map.    In  1755,  Huske  published  "  A  New  and  Accurate  Map  of  North  Amer- 
ica, wherein  the  errors  of  all  preceding  British,  French,  and  Dutch  maps,  respect- 
ing the  rights  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Spain,  and  the  limits  of  each  of  his 
majesty's  provinces,  are  corrected." 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.    103 

Tne  splendid  territory,  called  Florida  by  the  Spaniards  and 
Louisiana  by  the  French,  extended  on  the  Atlantic  coast  to 
Carolina.  Treaty  stipulations  between  the  European  powers 
left  boundary  questions  in  such  an  indefinite  state,  the 
rivalry  for  the  colonial  trade  was  so  great,  and  national  in- 
terests had  become  so  complicated,  that  Voltaire  wrote,  "  A 
shot  fired  in  America  may  be  the  signal  of  the  conflagration 
of  Europe." l 

The  population  of  the  colonies,  in  seventy  years,  increased 
from  two  hundred  thousand  to  a  million  and  a  half.  It  was 
described  as  "  a  mixture  of  English,  Scotch,  Irish,  French, 
Dutch,  Germans,  and  Swedes."  2  Only  small  groups  of  Irish 
and  Scotch  were  seen  in  the  colonies  in  the  seventeenth 
century ;  but,  in  the  reigns  of  Anne  and  George  I.,  oppres- 
sion and  scarcity  of  food  drove  large  numbers  of  them  to 
America.  They  were  termed  Scotch-Irish.  They  were  gen- 
erally Presbyterians ;  and  wherever  they  settled,  they  adopted 
the  usages  of  the  Church  of  Scotland.8  Germans  also  emi- 
grated in  large  numbers,  and  chiefly  into  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania.4  The  African  race  rapidly  multiplied,  by 
fresh  importations  as  well  as  by  natural  increase.  Their 
numbers  were  estimated  to  be  in  New  England  eleven 
thousand ;  in  New  York  and  in  Pennsylvania,  including 
Delaware,  each  eleven  thousand ;  in  New  Jersey,  fifty-five 
hundred  ;  and  in  the  other  colonies  two  hundred  and  twenty- 
two  thousand.5  The  great  body  of  them  were  slaves.  At 
that  period,  the  slave-trade  was  a  part  of  the  British  Consti- 
tution,6 and  a  share  of  its  gains  went  into  the  national  trea- 
sury. All  the  efforts  of  the  colonists  to  check  the  horrid 

1  Essay  on  Universal  History,  iv.  186. 

2  "  Letters  from  an  American  Farmer,"  and  by  J.  Hector  St.  John,  48.    These 
letters  are  dated  from  "  Carlisle  in  Pennsylvania."     In  the  first  letter,  it  is  stated, 
that,  when  it  and  some  of  the  succeeding  letters  were  written,  the  troubles  that 
convulsed  the  colonies  had  not  broken  out.    I  quote  from  a  new  edition  printed  in 
1783.    They  were  written  by  a  Frenchman  (Crevecoeur),  who  came  over  in  1754. 

8  Scotch- Irish  Immigrations  to  America  by  William  Willis. 

4  Gordon's  Pennsylvania,  208.  *  Bancroft,  iv.  130. 

•  Henry  Thomas  Buckle. 


104  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

traffic  were  futile.  English  cupidity  and  the  avarice  of 
unnatural  Americans  continued  to  transport  Africans  from 
their  native  country  to  the  colonies,  and  thus  a  terrible 
legacy  was  inflicted  on  posterity. 

All  the  colonies  exercised  powers  of  government  under 
authority  derived  from  the  crown.  In  seven  of  them,  the 
forms  remained  the  same  as  they  were  at  the  close  of  the 
former  period.  Virginia  and  New  York  continued  royal  gov- 
ernments ;  and  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  retained  their 
proprietary  character,  the  three  lower  counties  of  the  lat- 
ter becoming  the  independent  province  of  Delaware.  Con- 
necticut and  Rhode  Island  were  permitted  to  resume  their 
charters.  The  crown  decreed  important  territorial  and 
political  changes  in  the  five  other  colonies.  It  granted  to 
Massachusetts  a  charter  which  included  the  Plymouth  juris- 
diction, and  embraced  the  "  Province  of  Maine  ;  "  but  took 
from  the  people  the  election  of  the  governor.  It  constituted 
the  towns  of  New  Hampshire  a  separate  province ;  united 
into  one  colony  East  and  West  New  Jersey ;  divided  Caro- 
lina into  the  two  colonies  of  North  Carolina  and  South  Caro- 
lina ;  and  it  founded  Georgia,  —  giving  to  these  five  colonies 
royal  governments.  The  rights  conveyed  by  charters  and 
royal  instructions  were  necessarily  vague  and  indefinite ; 
but  under  each  form  the  people  shared  in  the  control  of 
local  affairs  through  representative  assemblies.  When  the 
question  of  forming  a  union  occupied  the  public  mind,  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  thirteen  colonies  was  determined,  their 
constitutions  were  organized,  the  groundwork  of  their  juris- 
prudence was  laid,  and  the  character  of  their  inhabitants 
was  established. 

A  glance  at  the  statistics  of  the  population  of  the  several 
sections  of  the  country  will  indicate  their  political  weight. 
New  England  had  increased  from  75,000,  in  1688,  to  436,000 
in  1754 ;  New  York,  from  20,000  to  96,000  ;  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  New  Jersey,  and  Maryland,  from  47,000  to 
432,000 ;  Virginia,  from  50,000  to  284,000 ;  and  the  Caro- 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.    105 

linas  and  Georgia,  from  8,000  to  ITTjOOO.1  "  Some  few 
towns  excepted,"  a  colonist  wrote,  "  we  are  all  tillers  of 
the  earth,  from  Nova  Scotia  to  West  Florida.  We  are  a 
people  of  cultivators,  scattered  over  an  immense  territory, 
communicating  with  each  other  by  means  of  good  roads  and 
navigable  rivers,  united  by  the  silken  bands  of  mild  gov- 
ernment, all  respecting  the  laws,  without  dreading  their 
power,  because  they  are  equitable."2 

The  homogeneity  of  race  and  the  similarity  of  develop- 
ment of  the  New  England  colonies  elicited  remarks  on  them 
of  the  kind  which  has  been  quoted.3  It  was  said,  that,  as  a 
people,  the  New  Englanders  were  renowned  for  their  love  of 
letters  and  their  wisdom,  for  their  industry  and  their  enter- 
prising genius,  and  for  universal  loyalty ;  that  there  never 
was  a  people,  who,  with  an  ungrateful  soil,  had  done  more 
in  so  short  a  time ;  and  that  in  their  governments  lay  the 
main  strength  of  the  British  interest  on  the  continent.* 


1  Bancroft  (iv.  130)  estimates  the  population  of  each  colony,  whites  and  blacks, 

in  1754,  as  follows:  — 

White.  Black. 

New  England    .    .    .    Massachusetts     ..........    207,000  ) 

New  Hampshire  ..........     60,000  j  ' 

Connecticut   ...........    133,000  8,600 

Rhode  Island  ...........      35,000  4,500 

The  Middle  Colonies  .    New  York  ............      86,000  11,000 

New  Jersey     ...........      73,000  6,500 


..........  «**> 

Maryland    ............    104,000  44,000 

Southern  Colonies     .    Virginia  .............    168,000  116,000 

North  Carolina    ..........      90,000  20,000 

South  Carolina    ..........      40,000  40,000 

Georgia  .............        6,000  2,000 

2  Letters  from  an  American  Farmer,  147. 
8  See  pages  44,  75,  99. 

4  Letter,  dated  "  New  York,  Sept.  20,  1756,"  attributed  to  Governor  Livingston 
and  two  lawyers  of  New  York.  —  1  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vii.  139.  In  the  "  Boston 
Gazette,"  Aug.  23,  1754,  it  is  said,  "His  majesty  had  not  a  more  universally  loyal 
people  in  all  his  dominions."  —Letters  from  an  American  Farmer,  49.  This  writer 
says,  "1  know  it  is  fashionable  to  reflect  on  them  (the  New-England  provinces), 
"but  I  respect  them  for  what  they  have  done,  for  the  accuracy  and  wisdom  with 
which  they  have  settled  their  territory,"  &c.  See  also  page  68  The  speech  of  the 
Bishop  of  St.  Asaph  (Rev.  Dr.  Jonathan  Shipley),  intended  to  have  been  spoken  in 
the  House  of  Lords,  and  which  was  circulated  in  the  American  newspapers  of  the  fall 


106  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

It  was  remarked  that  the  New  Englanders  "  were  the 
unmixed  descendants  of  Englishmen ;  "  1  and  the  numbers 
of  other  lineage  were  so  few  as  not  to  affect  society. 
This  homogeneity  is  not  seen  in  any  other  group  of  colo- 
nies. The  Dutch,  French,  Germans,  Irish,  and  Scotch  were 
so  numerous  in  other  sections  as  to  constitute  a  feature  of 
the  population.  This  fact  suggested  a  broad  and  inspiring 
generalization.  The  colonies  were  termed  "  a  great  Ameri- 
can asylum."2  In  it  the  poor  from  the  various  nations 
of  Europe,  by  some  means,  met  together.  To  what  pur- 
pose, it  was  said,  should  they  ask  one  another  what  coun- 
trymen they  were?  Alas!  two-thirds  of  them  had  had  no 
country.  They  had  been  numbered  in  no  civil  list  but  that 
of  the  poor.  They  had  not  owned  a  single  foot  of  land. 
They  had  no  harvests  from  the  fields  which  they  had  tilled. 
Their  lives  had  been  scenes  of  sore  affliction  or  of  pinching 
penury.  They  had  been  assailed  by  hunger,  want,  and  war. 
And  they  were  "  only  as  so  many  useless  plants,  wanting 
the  vegetable  mould  and  the  refreshing  showers."  But  in 
this  asylum  they  rank  as  citizens.  They  are  stamped  by  the 
laws  with  the  symbol  of  adoption.  They  acquire  lands  as 
the  reward  of  their  industry :  this  gives  them  the  title  of 
freemen ;  and  to  this  title  is  affixed  every  benefit  man  can 
acquire.  These  laws  proceed  from  the  government ;  and 
the  government  is  derived  from  the  original  genius  and 
strong  desire  of  the  people.  This  is  the  picture  every  prov- 
ince exhibits.  This  is  the  great  chain  that  links  us  all. 
The  country  for  the  emigrant  is  that  which  gives  him  land, 
bread,  protection,  and  consequence.  "He  is  an  American, 

of  1774,  has  the  following  allusion  to  the  service  New  England  rendered  in  the  colo- 
nial wars :  "  Let  us  not  forget  that  the  people  of  New  England  were  themselves, 
during  the  last  war,  the  most  forwurd  of  all  in  the  national  cause;  that  every  year 
we  voted  them  a  considerable  sum  in  acknowledgment  of  their  zeal  and  their  ser- 
vices; that  in  the  preceding  war  they  alone  enabled  us  to  make  the  Treaty  of  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  by  furnishing  us  with  the  only  equivalent  for  the  towns  that  were  taken 
from  our  allies  in  Flanders;  and  that  in  times  of  peace  they  alone  have  taken  from 
us  sin  times  as  much  of  our  woollen  manufactures  as  the  whole  kingdom  of  Ireland." 
1  Letters  from  an  American  Farmer,  48.  2  Ibid.,  49. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.    107 

who,  leaving  behind  him  all  his  ancient  prejudices  and  man- 
ners, receives  new  ones  from  the  new  mode  of  life  he  has 
embraced,  the  new  government  he  obeys,  and  the  new  rank 
he  holds.  He  becomes  an  American  by  being  received  in 
the  broad  lap  of  our  great  Alma  Mater.  Here  individuals 
of  all  nations  are  melted  into  a  new  race  of  men,  whose 
labors  and  posterity  will  one  day  cause  great  changes  in  the 
world.  Americans  are  the  western  pilgrims,  who  are  carry- 
ing along  with  them  that  great  mass  of  arts,  sciences,  vigor, 
and  industry  which  began  long  since  in  the  East.  They 
will  finish  the  great  circle." l 

The  colonies,  moulded  and  directed  by  a  race  of  freemen, 
continued  to  be  treated  by  the  mother  country  in  the  auto- 
cratic spirit  which  has  been  described.  The  revolution,  pro- 
nounced the  most  beneficent  of  all  revolutions  for  England,2 
proved  little  more  than  a  succession  of  an  unnatural  policy 
for  America.  The  col-onial  administration  of  William,  and 
Mary  embodied  a  zealous  attachment  to  the  prerogative  and 
a  stern  exercise  of  arbitrary  power.3  Royal  officials,  who  had 
been  imprisoned  by  the  colonists  for  their  oppressions,  were 
installed  governors  and  judges.  The  same  spirit  controlled 
the  colonial  action  during  most  of  the  reigns  of  Queen  Anne 
and  George  I.  and  George  II.  At  times,  decisions  were 
wisely  taken,  as  was  the  case  when  Sir  Robert  Walpole  de- 
clined to  tax  America.  But,  in  the  main,  Great  Britain, 
like  an  unnatural  parent,  treated  her  colonies,  during  sev- 
enty years,  as  aliens  and  rivals. 

The  superintendence  of  colonial  affairs  continued,  for  a 
few  years  after  the  accession  of  William,  in  the  hands  of  the 

1  Letters  from  an  American  Farmer,  49,  50,  51,  63. 

2  Macaulay's  Hist.  England,  ii.  661. 

8  "  In  the  colonial  administration  of  William  III.,  we  see  the  attachment  to  pre- 
rogative of  James  I.  and  his  son,  the  bustle  of  the  protector,  the  contrariety  of 
Charles  II.,  and  the  arbitrariness  of  the  banished  king.  By  denying  to  the  colonists 
the  liberty  of  the  press,  after  it  had  thrown  off  its  shackles  in  England,  he  even 
deprived  them  of  freedom  of  mind.  By  refusing  them  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus, 
he  withheld  the  strongest  fence  of  personal  freedom."  —  Chalmers's  Revolt  of  the 
American  Colonies,  i.  307. 


108  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

Privy  Council.  In  1696,  at  the  instance  of  Lord  Somers,  a 
board  was  created,  entitled  "  The  Lords  of  Trade  and  Plan- 
tations." At  first,  it  consisted  of  a  president  and  seven 
members,  but  was  subsequently  enlarged,  and  was  continued 
through  the  colonial  age.  Several  of  the  English  statesmen, 
whose  names  are  familiar  to  Americans,  from  their  connec- 
tion with  colonial  politics,  were  members  of  this  board.  To 
it  was  assigned  the  duty  of  a  general  oversight  of  American 
affairs,  and  of  recommending  measures  relative  to  the  colo- 
nies, and  it  was  the  channel  of  official  intercourse  with  them. 
In  a  circular  (Sept.  26,  1696)  to  the  governors,  it  required 
frequent  and  full  information  of  the  condition  of  their  gov- 
ernments respecting  commercial  and  political  affairs ;  and 
particularly  accounts  of  the  proceedings  of  the  assemblies,  of 
the  sums  assessed  for  the  public  service,  and  how  they  were 
expended.  The  royal  agents  in  the  colonies  and  others 
addressed  their  letters  to  this  board.  It  was  the  lion's 
mouth  into  which  the  accusations  and  complaints  against 
the  colonies  were  indiscriminately  cast. 

While  the  spirit  and  proceedings  of  this  Board  evinced  a 
purpose  to  interfere  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  colonies, 
the  scheme  of  France  to  extend  her  dominion  in  America 
was  a  continual  menace.  There  were  intervals  of  peace 
during  the  period  of  seventy  years  ;  but  even  in  these  times 
the  establishment  of  a  new  military  station  was  the  occasion 
of  fresh  alarm  to  the  colonists.  In  the  long  wars  that  were 
waged,  the  French  and  their  Indian  allies  hurled  the  arrows 
of  death  and  desolation  on  the  back  settlements  of  Carolina, 
Virginia,  and  Pennsylvania,  and  even  into  the  heart  of  New 
England.  The  English  colonists  felt  equal  to  the  work  of 
defending  themselves  from  the  attacks  of  the  French  colo- 
nists ;  but  they  asked  that  English  troops  might  be  sent  over 
by  the  Government  to  meet  French  troops.  The  colonies, 
however,  for  many  years  were  left  to  their  own  resources  for 
their  defence.  This  external  danger  made  that  whole  period 
one  of  anxiety,  struggle,  and  sorrow ;  of  taxation  that 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.    109 

pressed  heavily  on  industry ;  and  of  a  flow  of  precious  blood 
that  transformed  the  home  into  the  house  of  mourning.  It 
can  now  be  seen,  however,  that,  in  this  providential  school  of 
adversity  and  of  difficulty,  statesmen  and  soldiers,  imbued 
with  the  spirit  of  a  new  and  rich  political  life,  were  trained 
in  civil  and  in  military  affairs  for  the  work  of  founding  the 
republic. 

This  common  danger  naturally  suggested  to  the  thought- 
ful the  value  of  union  to  provide  for  the  general  defence. 
"  Without  a  general  constitution  for  warlike  operations,"  it 
was  said,  "  we  can  neither  plan  nor  execute.  We  have  a 
common  interest,  and  must  have  a  common  council,  —  one 
head  and  one  purse."  l  Then,  as  population  and  wealth  in- 
creased, and  commercial  exchanges  multiplied,  the  want  was 
the  more  sensibly  felt  of  regulations  applicable  to  all,  rela- 
tive to  the  collection  of  debts,  the  currency,  weights  and 
measures,  and  "  to  establish  an  equal  liberty  of  trade  in  all 
the  plantations  on  the  continent  of  America."2  It  was 
urged,  that  an  umpire  was  needed  to  settle  the  fierce  dis- 
putes between  the  colonies  about  their  boundaries.  It  was 
said,  that  no  one  could  tell  what  was  law  and  what  was  not  law 
in  the  plantations,  and  that  hence  there  was  doubt  and  un- 
certainty in  matters  of  the  greatest  moment;8  and  that  the 

1  1  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vii.  162. 

2  Essay  upon  the  Government  of  the  English  Plantations,  &c.    By  an  Ameri- 
can.   London:  1701,  p.  55.     The  writer  was  a  Virginian. 

8  The  following  extract  from  the  "Essay  upon  the  Government,"  &c.  (1701),  p.  18, 
describes  the  condition  of  the  law  in  the  colonial  age:  "  It  is  a  great  unhappiness, 
that  no  one  can  tell  what  is  law  and  what  is  not  in  the  plantations.  Some  hold  that 
the  law  of  England  is  chiefly  to  be  respected,  and,  where  that  is  deficient,  the  laws 
of  the  several  colonies  are  to  take  place;  others  are  of  opinion,  that  the  laws  of  the 
colonies  are  to  take  the  first  place,  and  that  the  law  of  England  is  of  force  only 
where  they  are  silent ;  others  there  are  who  contend  for  the  laws  of  the  colonies,  in 
conjunction  with  those  that  were  in  force  in  England  at  the  first  settlement  of  the 
colony,  and  lay  down  that  as  the  measure  of  our  obedience,  alleging  that  we  are 
not  bound  to  observe  any  late  acts  of  parliament  in  England,  except  such  only 
where  the  reason  of  the  law  is  the  same  here  that  it  is  in  England.  But,  this  leaving 
too  great  a  latitude  to  the  judge,  some  others  hold  that  no  late  act  of  the  parliament 
of  England  do  bind  the  plantations,  but  those  only  wherein  the  plantations  are  par- 
ticularly named.  Thus  are  we  left  in  the  dark  in  one  of  the  most  considerable 
points  of  our  rights;  and,  the  case  being  so  doubtful,  we  are  too  often  obliged  to  de- 


110  THE  RISE   OP   THE  REPUBLIC. 

chief  thing  wanting  to  render  the  inhabitants  of  the  planta- 
tions happy  was  "  a  free  constitution."  Those  who  advocated 
this  averred  that  they  desired  "  a  just  and  equal  govern- 
ment, that  they  might  enjoy  their  obscurity  and  the  poor 
way  of  living  which  nature  was  pleased  to  afford  them 
out  of  the  earth  in  peace,  and  be  protected  in  the  possession 
thereof  by  their  lawful  mother  England."  1  The  mode  that 
naturally  suggested  itself  to  obtain  such  a  constitution  was 
through  the  representative  principle  and  by  a  congress,  or 
by  forming  a  union. 

One  of  the  earliest  of  the  plans  was  that  of  the  noble 
founder  of  Pennsylvania,  William  Penn,  proposed  in  1698. 
It  is  entitled  "  A  brief  and  plain  scheme  whereby  the  Eng- 
lish colonies  may  be  made  more  useful  to  the  crown  and 
one  another's  peace  and  safety  with  an  universal  concur- 
rence." It  provided  that  each  province  should  appoint 
two  persons  well  qualified  for  sense,  sobriety,  and  substance 
to  form  a  congress,  and  to  meet  once  a  year,  and  oftener 
in  time  of  war,  and  at  least  once  in  two  years  in  times  of 
peace ;  and  that  this  congress  should  mature  measures 
for  the  better  understanding  of  the  colonies  with  each 
other,  and  promote  the  public  tranquillity ;  namely,  the 
settlement  of  disputes  between  province  and  province,  the 
prevention  of  injuries  to  commerce,  and  provisions  for 
the  general  safety.  It  provided  that  the  presiding  officer 
of  this  body  should  be  a  high  commissioner,  appointed  by 
the  crown,  who,  in  time  of  war,  should  command  the  colo- 
nial forces.  The  provision  relating  to  supplying  quotas  of 
men  and  money,  gives  as  a  reason  for  an  adjustment  by 
congress  rather  than  by  "  an  establishment"  in  England, 
that  the  provinces  knew  their  own  condition  the  best,  and 


pend  upon  the  crooked  cord  of  a  judge's  discretion  in  matters  of  the  greatest  moment 
and  value." 

1  "  Essay  upon  the  Government,"  1701.  In  this  early  argument  urging  a  union, 
the  word  "  constitution  "  is  repeatedly  used.  One  constitution  was  advocated  by 
one  class  of  Americans. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.    Ill 

could  better  adjust  and  balance  their  affairs  for  the  com- 
mon safety.  This  plan  recognized  colonial  customs,  and  is 
marked  by  the  spirit  of  fraternity  and  patriotism,  and  by 
that  aim  at  the  common  good  which  characterized  the  career 
of  William  Penn.1 

In  1698,  Charles  Davenant,  an  English  writer  of  note, 
discussed  elaborately  the  question  of  colonial  policy  in  a 
"  Discourse  on  the  Plantation  Trade."  Though  he  advo- 
cated an  exercise  of  the  full  power  of  the  mother  country 
over  the  colonies,  yet  he  urged  also  a  principle  constantly 
put  forth  by  them ;  namely,  that,  in  any  government  that 
might  be  established  over  them,  care  should  be  taken  to 


1  I  copy  this  plan  from  the  "  New- York  Colonial  Documents,"  iv.  297.  It  is 
placed  in  the  table  of  contents  under  the  date  of  Feb.  8,  1698:  — 

MR.  PENN'S  PLAN  FOB  A  UNION  OF  THE  COLONIES  IN  AMERICA. 

A  brief  and  plain  scheme  how  the  English  colonies  in  the  North  parts  of  America,  —  viz., 
Boston,  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  New  York,  New  Jerseys,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Vir- 
ginia, and  Carolina,  —  may  be  made  more  useful  to  the  crown  and  one  another's  peace  and 
safety  with  an  universal  concurrence. 

1.  That  the  several  colonies  before  mentioned  do  meet  once  a  year,  and  oftener  if  need  be 
during  the  war,  and  at  least  once  in  two  years  in  times  of  peace,  by  their  stated  and  appointed 
deputies,  to  debate  and  resolve  of  such  measures  as  are  most  advisable  for  their  better  under- 
standing and  the  public  tranquillity  and  safety. 

2.  That,  in  order  to  it,  two  persons,  well  qualified  for  sense,  sobriety,  and  substance,  be 
appointed  by  each  province  as  their  representatives  or  deputies,  which  in  the  whole  make  the 
congress  to  consist  of  twenty  persons. 

3.  That  the  king's  commissioner,  for  that  purpose  specially  appointed,  shall  have  the  chair 
and  preside  in  the  said  congress. 

4.  That  they  shall  meet  as  near  as  conveniently  may  be  to  the  most  central  colony  for  ease 
of  the  deputies. 

5.  Since  that  may  in  all  probability  be  New  York,  both  because  it  is  near  the  centre  of  the 
colonies  and  for  that  it  is  a  frontier  and  in  the  king's  nomination,  the  governor  of  that  colony 
may  therefore  also  be  the  king's  high  commissioner  during  the  session,  after  the  manner  of 
Scotland. 

6.  That  their  business  shall  be  to  hear  and  adjust  all  matters  of  complaint  or  difference  be- 
tween province  and  province.     As,  1st,  where  persons  quit  their  own  province  and  go  to 
another,  that  they  may  avoid  their  just  debts,  though  they  be  able  to  pay  them ;  2d,  where 
offenders  fly  justice,  or  justice  cannot  well  be  had  upon  such  offenders  in  the  provinces  that 
entertain  them;  3d,  to  prevent  or  cure  injuries  in  point  of  commerce  ;  4th,  to  consider  the 
ways  and  means  to  support  the  union  and  safety  of  these  provinces  against  the  public  enemies. 
In  which  congress  the  quotas  of  men  and  charges  will  be  much  easier  and  more  equally  set  than 
it  is  possible  for  any  establishment  made  here  to  do ;   for  the  provinces,  knowing  their  own 
condition  and  one  another's,  can  debate  that  matter  with  more  freedom  and  satisfaction,  and 
better  adjust  and  balance  their  affairs  in  all  respects  for  their  common  safety. 

7.  That,  in  times  of  war,  the  king's  high  commissioner  shall  be  general  or  chief  commander 
of  the  several  quotas  upon  service  against  the  common  enemy,  as  he  shall  be  advised,  for  the 
good  and  benefit  of  the  whole. 


112  THE   RISE   OP   THE  REPUBLIC. 

observe  sacredly  the  charters  and  terms  under  which  the 
emigrants,  at  the  hazard  of  their  lives,  had  effected  dis- 
coveries and  settlements.  After  giving  an  abstract  of 
Penn's  plan  of  union,  he  commended  it  as  a  "  constitution" 
contrived  with  good  judgment,  and  likened  it  to  the  Grecian 
court  of  the  Amphictyons.  Among  his  suggestions  is  that 
of  the  formation  of  a  "  national  assembly  "  for  the  consid- 
eration of  all  matters  relative  to  the  general  welfare ;  and 
one  of  his  liberal  remarks  is,  that  the  stronger  and  greater 
the  colonies  grow,  "  the  more  they  would  benefit  the  crown 
and  the  kingdom ;  and  nothing  but  such  an  arbitrary 
power  as  shall  make  them  desperate  can  bring  them  to 
rebel." l 

In  1701,  a  Virginian  printed  in  London  "  An  Essay  upon 
the  Government  of  the  English  Plantations  on  the  Conti- 
nent," in  which  the  schemes  of  Penn  and  Davenant  are 
sharply  criticised.  He  held  it  to  be  a  defect  in  the  plan  for 
the  proposed  general  assembly,  that  it  should  consist  of  an 
equal  number  of  deputies  from  each  province,  when  the 
colonies  were  so  vastly  different  in  numbers,  extent  of  ter- 
ritory, and  the  value  of  their  trade ;  and  he  suggested  what 
he  regarded  as  a  more  equal  apportionment.2  Pie  held  that 
it  would  be  unreasonable  that  the  province  of  New  York 
and  its  governor  should  be  advanced  in  dignity  above  the 
rest  of  the  colonies  and  their  governors,  as  would  be  the 
case  if  the  general  council  always  met  in  New  York,  and  its 


1  "  Davenant's  Works,"  ii.  11.    He  thought  that  the  danger  that  New  England 
or  other  parts  would  set  up  manufactures  was  very  remote,  as  this  was  the  last  work 
of  a  people  settled  three  or  four  hundred  years. 

2  The  writer  of  the  essay  (p.  69)  proposed  the  deputies  should  be  as  follows: 
Virginia,    four;    Maryland,   three;    New  York,  two;    Boston,  three;    Connecticut, 
two;  Rhode  Island,  two;  Pennsylvania,  one;  the  two  Carolinas,  one ;  and  each  of  the 
two  Jerseys,  one.    The  title  of  this  essay  is  as  follows:  "An  Essay  upon  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  English  Plantations  on  the  Continent  of  America.     Together  with  some 
remarks  upon  the  Discourse  on  the  Plantation  Trade,  written  by  the  author  of  the 
Essay  on  Ways  and  Means,  and  published  in  the  second  part  of  his  Discourses  on 
the  Public  Revenues,  and  on  the  Trade  of  England.     By  an  American.    Londor  • 
1701." 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOB  SEVENTY  YEARS.    113 

governor  was  the  high  commissioner.  He  proposed  to  obvi- 
ate this  objection  by  forming  five  circuits,  in  each  of  which, 
in  its  turn,  the  deputies  should  hold  their  meetings.  This 
would  enable  them  to  become  informed  as  to  the  condition 
of  the  whole  continent,  and  it  would  tend  to  make  the  most 
considerable  persons  of  each  province  personally  acquainted. 
It  would  be  looked  upon  as  a  part  of  a  genteel  education 
for  the  sons  of  the  deputies  to  go  in  their  company  to 
these  conventions.  This  essay  urged  the  general  considera- 
tions which  have  been  already  stated  in  favor  of  such  a 
union. 

In  1722,  Daniel  Ooxe,  who  held  several  high  offices  in 
New  Jersey,  printed  a  volume  at  London,  intended  to  call 
public  attention  to  the  designs  of  France.  He  proposed  that 
all  the  British  colonies  on  the  continent  should  be  "  united 
under  a  legal,  regular,  and  firm  establishment,  over  which  a 
lieutenant  or  supreme  governor  should  be  constituted  and 
appointed  to  preside  on  the  spot,  to  whom  the  governors  of 
each  colony  should  be  subordinate ; "  that  "  two  deputies 
should  be  annually  elected  by  the  council  and  assembly  of 
each  province,  who  are  to  be  in  the  nature  of  a  great  coun- 
cil or  general  convention  of  the  states  of  the  colonies,"  to 
consult  for  the  good  of  the  whole,  and  fix  on  the  quotas  of 
men  or  money  that  each  government  was  to  raise  for  the 
mutual  defence,  in  which  the  governor-general  was  to  have 
a  negative ;  and  that  the  quota  of  each  colony  "should  be 
levied  and  raised  by  its  own  assembly  in  such  manner  as 
they  should  judge  most  easy  and  convenient."  Other  pro- 
visions were  left  for  future  consideration.  Coxe  enforced 
this  proposal  in  a  spirited  strain  of  remark.  He  portrayed 
the  folly  of  the  past  disunion  of  the  colonies,  and  urged 
that  "  a  coalition  or  union  would  lay  a  sure  and  lasting 
foundation  of  dominion,  strength,  and  trade."  —  "Let  us 
consider,"  he  said,  "  the  fall  of  our  ancestors,  and  grow  wise 
by  their  misfortunes.  If  the  ancient  Britons  had  been 
united  amongst  themselves,  the  Romans,  in  all  probability, 

8 


114  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

had  never  become  their  masters : "  they  fought  in  separate 
bodies,  and  the  whole  island  was  subdued.1 

These  citations  serve  to  show  the  germs  of  the  union  that 
grew  into  favor.  It  was  to  be  formed  on  the  basis  of  repre- 
sentation ;  to  be  as  extensive  as  the  continent ;  to  be  under 
one  constitution ;  and,  while  protecting  the  rights  and  in- 
terests of  the  colonists,  was  to  be  consistent  with  loyalty  to 
the  crown.  But  no  great  event  had  occurred  to  create  a 
fraternal  feeling  between  the  colonies.  Their  rivalries  were 
sharp,  and  their  interests  were  distinct.  Nor  was  there  the 
common  bond  of  joint  memories.  Though  they  were  by  no 
means  political  orphans,  yet  their  sentiment  of  nationality 
was  rooted  in  the  glories  of  the  mother  country.  Then 
whatever  growing  disposition  to  favor  union  there  might 
have  been  was  checked  by  the  fact,  that  royal  officials  and 
others  zealously  urged  this  great  step  as  a  means  to  pro- 
mote the  objects  which  they  had  in  view. 

The  party  of  the  prerogative  recommended  union,  or 
rather  unity,  during  the  whole  period  of  seventy  years. 
They  regarded  with  alarm  the  growth  of  popular  power  in 
the  colonies,  and  as  a  means  to  check  it,  they  continually 
petitioned,2  that  the  various  local  governments  might  be  con- 

1  Daniel  Coxe  was  a  son  of  a  large  land  proprietor,  had  resided  fourteen  years  in 
America,  been  speaker  of  the  New  Jersey  Assembly,  and  had  visited  the  most  con- 
siderable colonies.     His  book  is  entitled  "  A  Description  of  the  English  Province  of 
Carolana,  by  the  Spaniards  called  Florida,  and  by  the  French  La  Louisiane,"  &c. 
London,  1722.    He  was  a  judge  of  the  Superior  Court  of  New  Jersey,  and  died  in 
office  at  Trenton,  in  May,  1739.  —  Smith's  New  Jersey,  427. 

2  Petitions  of  this  character  were  sent  over  even  before  the  formation  of  the  Lords 
of  Trade.     Thus  the  Governor  and  Council  of  New  York,  after  elaborate  argument, 
say,  in  a  petition  (Aug.  6,  1691)  to  the  king,  "There  can  be  nothing  in  America 
more  conducive  to  your  majesty's  dignity  and  advantage,  and  for  the  safety  of  your 
majesty's  subjects  upon  this  continent,  than  that  Connecticut,  East  and  West  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  the  three  lower  counties  (Delaware),  be  re-annexed  to  3rour 
majesty's  province  (New  York),  which  will  then  be  a  government  of  sufficient  ex- 
tent."    The  main  grievance  alleged  is  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  trade.     Nelson,  of 
New  York,  in  a  memorial  (Sept.  24,  1691),  says,  "  I  am  now  to  make  another  remark 
on  the  principal  and  greatest  defect  and  mistake  in  which  we  have  been  and  are  yet 
under.     I  mean  the  number  and  independency  of  so  many  small  governments, 
whereby  our  strength  is  not  only  divided  and  weakened,  but,  by  reason  of  their 
several  interests,  are  become  and  do  esteem  each  as  foreigners,  the  one  unto  the  other, 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.     115 

* 

solidated  into  one  government  over  all  the  colonies,  or  at 
least  into  two  or  more  large  and  powerful  governments. 
Some  recommended  the  establishment  of  a  nobility.  With 
this  was  connected  the  suggestion  of  taxation  by  parlia- 
ment. This  line  of  recommendation  had  so  much  weight 
with  the  Lords  of  Trade,  and  harmonized  so  completely 
with  their  views  and  designs,  that  a  remodelling  of  the 
internal  affairs  of  the  colonies  and  unity  became  at  length 
the  corner-stones  of  their  policy. 

The  petitions  for  the  appointment  of  a  general  governor, 
and  for  a  consolidation  of  the  colonies,  elicited,  in  1697,  an 
elaborate  report  in  the  Board  on  this  subject.  After  stating 
the  arguments  of  those  who  opposed  this  measure,  the 
Report  says  that  it  required  the  exercise  of  a  higher  power, 
and  was  at  that  time  impracticable.  It,  however,  recom- 
mended to  the  crown  the  appointment  of  a  military  head  of 
the  several  colonies.  Accordingly,  Lord  Bellamont  was 
soon  commissioned  as  captain-general  over  the  provinces  of 
New  Jersey,  New  York,  New  Hampshire,  and  Massachu- 
setts. 

In  1701,  Robert  Livingston,  of  New  York,  in  a  letter  to 
the  Lords  of  Trade,  recommended  that  "  one  form  of  gov- 
ernment be  established  in  all  the  neighboring  colonies  on 
this  continent,"  and  that  they  be  grouped  into  three  divi- 
sions or  unions.  He  proposed  to  divide  Connecticut  be- 
tween two  of  these  governments,  thus  ignoring  its  charter- 
go  that  whatever  mischiefs  doth  happen  in  one  part,  the  rest,  by  the  reason  of  this 
disunion,  remain  unconcerned  and  our  strength  thereby  weakened ;  whereas,  were 
the  colonies  of  New  England,  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York 
joined  in  one,"  &c.  —New-York  Col.  Doc.,  iv.  209.  Colonel  Robert  Quarry,  in  a  me- 
morial addressed  (June  16,  1703)  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  gave  an  elaborate  description 
of  the  internal  concerns  of  the  colonies,  and  especially  as  to  the  political  opinions 
prevalent  in  them.  He  was  high  in  the  confidence  of  the  Government,  and  was 
judge  of  admiralty  in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania.  He  writes,  "I  may  now  say, 
that  now  or  never  is  the  time  to  support  the  queen's  prerogative,  and  put  a  stop  to 
those  wrong,  pernicious  notions,  which  are  improving  daily,  not  only  in  Virginia, 
but  in  all  her  majesty's  governments.  ...  I  cannot  recommend  a  more  effectual 
means  than  what  I  formerly  mentioned,  —  the  reducing  all  her  majesty's  govern- 
ments on  the  main  under  one  constitution  and  government  as  near  as  possible." 


116  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

privileges.  He  presented  the  solid  argument  in  favor  of  his 
scheme,  that,  as  the  work  of  defence  was  a  general  concern, 
so  it  ought  to  be  a  general  charge.1 

In  1752,  Archibald  Kennedy,  the  receiver-general  of  New 
York,  recommended  a  scheme  of  union  in  a  pamphlet 
printed  in  London.  He  proposed  that  commissioners  from 
all  the  colonies  should  meet  annually  in  New  York  or 
Albany,  to  determine  on  the  quotas  each  should  contribute 
for  the  general  defence,  and  that  the  exaction  of  these 
quotas  should  be  enforced  by  act  of  parliament.  He  said, 
"  From  upwards  of  forty  years'  observations  upon  the  con- 
duct of  our  colonial  assemblies,  and  the  little  regard  paid 
by  them  to  instructions,  if  it  is  left  altogether  with  them, 
the  whole  will  end  in  altercation  and  words."  He  proposed 
to  confer  power  on  the  commissioners  to  lay  out  and  allot 
the  lands  on  the  frontiers  of  the  colonies  in  townships,  after 
the  New-England  manner,  each  to  have  sufficient  territory 
for  sixty  families,  and  to  be  clear  of  all  taxes  and  quit-rents 
for  ten  years,  and  also  power  to  erect  forts  and  block- 
houses and  to  regulate  the  trade  with  the  Indians.  He 
proposed  that  the  colonies  should  jointly  pay  the  expense 
of  transporting  emigrants  to  these  townships.  He  referred 
to  the  provinces  that  formed  the  republic  of  Holland  as  a 
model  for  such  a  union,  remarking  that  the  very  name  of 
such  a  confederacy  would  strike  terror  into  the  French,  and 
in  twenty  years  put  the  whole  fur-trade  into  British  hands.2 

In  1752,  Governor  Dinwiddie,  of  Virginia,  recommended 
to  the  Board  of  Trade  the  formation  of  two  great  political 

1  This  scheme  of  Livingston,  dated  May  13,  1701,  recommended  to  the  Lords  of 
Trade,  "  That  one  form  of  goverment  be  established  in  all  the  neighboring  colonies 
on  this  continent.     That  they  be  divided  into  three  distinct  governments,  to  wit :  — 

"That  Virginia  and  Maryland  be  annexed  to  South  and  North  Carolina. 

"  That  some  part  of  Connecticut,  New  York,  East  and  West  New  Jersey,  Penn- 
sylvania, and  New  Castle  be  added  together. 

"  And  that  to  the  Massachusetts  be  added  New  Hampshire  and  Rhode  Island 
and  the  rest  of  Connecticut."  —  New-York  Col.  Doc  ,  iv.  874. 

2  Importance  of  Gaining  and  Preserving  the  Friendship  of  the  Indians,  &c 
London,  1752. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.     117 

» 

divisions,  —  the  northern  and  the  southern  ;  and,  connected 
with  it,  a  scheme  for  an  alliance  between  the  Indians  and 
all  the  British  Indians  on  the  continent.  He  urged  this 
plan  with  great  zeal. 

The  above  review  of  the  propositions  for  the  formation 
of  an  American  constitution  shows  the  conception  of  union 
entertained  by  the  popular  party  and  by  the  prerogative 
men.  They  harmonized  to  a  certain  extent  in  their  objects 
and  views.  They  agreed  in  deploring  the  increasing  evils 
of  distinct  and  rival  communities,1  in  looking  forward  with 
confidence  to  benefits  that  would  flow  from  a  common 
polity,  and  in  aiming  at  the  statesman-like  object  of  uni- 
formity in  the  laws.  Both  parties  looked  with  pride  on 
their  connection  with  the  mother-country,  and  desired  such 
a  constitution  as  would  be  consistent  with  their  obligation 
to  the  crown.  But  the  differences  between  the  two  par- 
ties in  objects  and  views  in  other  things  were  important 
and  vital.  One  party  desired  such  a  union  as  would  rec- 
ognize and  protect  the  customs  and  privileges,  the  capaci- 
ties and  powers,  the  native  traits  of  the  American,  —  his 
spirit  of  freedom  and  equality,  —  the  new  society  which  had 
grown  up  naturally  as  the  new  race  hewed  their  way  into 
the  wilderness  and  built  up  communities :  the  other  party 
regarded  this  spectacle  of  a  social  system  without  an  estab- 
lished aristocracy,  or  religion,  or  a  nobility,2  or  hereditary 

1  Governor  Hunter  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  in  1715,  "  It  is  matter  of  wonder, 
that  hitherto  no  effectual  method  has  been  thought  of  for  uniting  the  divided  strength 
of  these  provinces  on  the  continent  for  the  defence  of  the  whole" — New- York 
Col.  Doc.,  v.  417. 

2  Francis  Bernard,  in  his  "  Principles  of  Law  and  Polity,"  &c.,  written  in  1764, 
after  he  had  been  governor  of  New  Jersey  and  while  governor  of  Massachusetts, 
printed  in  London,  says  (83),  "  To  settle  the  American  governments  to  the  greatest 
possible  advantage,  it  will  be  necessary  to  reduce  the  number  of  them ;  in  some 
places  to  unite  and  consolidate;  in  others  to  separate  and  transfer;  and  in  general 
to  divide  by  natural  boundaries  instead  of  imaginary  lines.     If  there  should  be  but 
one  form  of  government  established  for  the  North-American  provinces,  it  would 
greatly  facilitate  the  reformation  of  them.  ...  A  nobility,  appointed  by  the  king  for 
life  and  made  independent,  would  probably  give  strength  and  stability  to  the  Ameri- 
can governments  as  effectually  as  hereditary  nobility  does  to  that  of  Great  Britain." 
He  thought  America  would  not  be  ripe  for  an  hereditary  nobility  for  many  years  to 
come. 


118  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

rulers,  as  dangerous ;  and  looked  at  the  instrumentality  of 
union,  not  merely  to  provide  for  the  common  defence,  but 
to  curb  the  rising  popular  power.  One  party  sought  union  to 
establish  equality  of  trade :  the  other  party  sought  union 
to  enforce  the  mercantile  system.  One  party  aimed  to  pre- 
serve the  principle  of  local  self-government  in  full  vigor: 
the  other  party  aimed  to  abridge  its  powers  by  the  process 
of  absorption,  centralization,  and  consolidation.  One  party, 
in  the  conviction  that  reason  would  in  time  bring  the  colo- 
nies together,  were  in  favor  of  a  voluntary  union  :  the  other 
party,  who  regarded  force  to  be  all  in  all  of  government, 
advocated  a  compulsory  union,  with  the  design  of  having 
it  enforced  by  an  act  of  parliament. 

I  have  not  been  unmindful  of  the  fact,  that  congresses 1 

1  It  may  be  useful  to  state  a  few  facts  relating  to  these  congresses.  It  would 
extend  the  note  too  far  to  name  all  the  interviews  of  governors  with  the  Indians, 
and  I  select  the  most  important. 

1684.  —  A  convention  was  held  at  Albany,  consisting  of  officials  representing 
Virginia,  New  York,  Massachusetts,  and  Maryland,  and  the  sachems  of  the  Five 
Nations.  See  page  86. 

1693.  —  Governor  Fletcher,  of  New  York,  pursuant  to  a  circular  from  the  king, 
proposed  a  meeting  of  commissioners  from  the  New  England  governments,  Virginia, 
Maryland,  and  Pennsylvania,  to  be  held  at  New  York,  to  agree  upon  the  quota  of 
men  and  money  each  should  contribute  for  the  common  defence.    He  says  (New- York 
Col.  Doc.,  iv.  74)  that  "some  sent  commissioners,  others  none.     Those  that  came 
pretended  they  could  not  proceed  to  act  without  a  full  meeting ;  so  that  design  was 
frustrated." 

1694,  Aug.  15.  —  Governor  Fletcher,  of  New  York;  Governor  Hamilton,  of  New 
Jersey;  John  Pynchon,  Samuel  Sewall,  and  Penn  Townsend,  of  Massachusetts;  and 
John  Allen  and  Caleb  Stanley,  of  Connecticut,  as  commissioners,  met  at  Albany  to 
hold  a  treaty  with  the  Five  Nations.     Twenty-five  sachems  were  present,  who  were 
accompanied  by  other  Indians.  —  Holmes's  Annals,  i.  451.     The  object  of  the  treaty 
was  to  prevent  the  Five  Nations  from  making  a  peace  with  the  French.    Rev.  Benja- 
min Wads  worth  went  with  the  Massachusetts  commissioners.     His  journal  is  in, 
4  Mass.  Coll.,  i.  102. 

1709,  Oct.  14.  —  At  the  request  of  Colonel  Vetch,  a  congress  of  several  governors 
was  held  at  New  London,  to  consult  on  an  intended  expedition  against  Canada. 
The  British  fleet  not  arriving  as  was  expected,  nothing  was  done.  —  Hutchinson's 
Mass.,  ii.  161;  Gordon,  i.  104. 

1711,  June  21.  —  In  June,  General  Nicholson  arrived  at  Boston  with  the  news 
that  a  fleet  might  be  expected  soon,  and  with  her  majesty's  orders  to  attack  Canada: 
bearing  orders  that  the  governments  of  New  England,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and 
Pennsylvania  should  have  their  quotas  in  readiness.  A  congress  of  governors  was 
held  at  New  London,  on  the  21st,  who  agreed  upon  the  quotas  for  the  several  colo- 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND-  UNION  FOB  SEVENTY  YEARS.     119 

and  conventions  were  held  at  intervals  during  the  period  I 
have  reviewed.  They  were  convened  under  the  authority 

nies.  The  officials  mentioned  as  present  are  Hunter,  Dudley,  Saltonstall,  Cranston, 
and  Schuyler.  The  expedition  under  Nicholson  and  Walker  met  with  disaster.  — 
New-York  Col.  Doc-,  v.  257.  Another  congress  was  called  this  year  at  the  suggestion 
of  General  Nicholson  and  Colonel  Vetch.  The  circular  is  dated  Boston,  Nov.  13, 1711, 
and  commences,  "  The  underwritten  governors  and  persons  deputed  from  her  ma- 
jesty's government  of  the  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode 
Island,  having  used  all  means  to  obtain  service  of  the  Five  Nations,  dependent 
upon  his  majesty's  government  of  New  York,  in  the  common  service  against  the 
French  and  Indians  of  Canada,  that  have  these  nine  years  last  past  annoyed  those 
her  majesty's  provinces,  and  at  last  moved  a  congress  of  the  governors  and  deputy 
of  the  aforesaid  governments  to  obtain  the  services  of  the  Six  Nations  which  we  can 
come  at."  This  circular  was  signed  by  Penn  Townsend  and  Andrew  Belcher  of  the 
Council  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  Addington  Davenport  and  Thomas  Hutchin- 
son  of  the  assembly ;  Samuel  Penhallow  of  the  council  and  Thomas  Atkinson  of  the 
assembly  of  New  Hampshire;  also  by  Ff.  Nicholson  and  Samuel  Fetch.  —  Mass.  Ar- 
chives, ii.  454.  Governor  Hunter,  in  a  reply  dated  Nov.  26,  1711,  said  he  would 
lay  the  scheme  before  the  assembly,  and  they  (Smith's  New  York,  148)  declared 
against  it. 

1722,  Sept.  10.  —  A  congress  was  held  at  Albany,  at  which  were  present  Gov- 
ernor Keith  and  four  members  of  the  Council  of  Pennsylvania,  the  governor  and 
seven  "commissioners  for  Indian  affairs"  from  New  York,  and  the  chiefs  of  the 
Five  Nations.  Tanachaha  was  the  Indian  speaker.  His  words  were  translated  into 
Dutch,  and  then  by  Robert  Livingston  into  English.  The  former  league  was  re- 
newed. The  "Historical  Register"  for  1723  has  the  proceedings.  Another  con- 
gress was  held  at  the  same  place  on  the  14th  of  September,  which  was  attended  by 
Burnett  of  New  York,  Spottswood  of  Virginia,  and  Keith  of  Pennsylvania.  —  New- 
York  Col.  Doc.,  v.  567. 

1744,  June.  —  A  congress  was  held  at  Lancaster,  Penn.  It  consisted  of  commis- 
sioners from  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  Pennsylvania.  They  held  a  treaty  with  the 
deputies  of  Six  Nations,  who,  with  their  followers  and  attendants,  were  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty-two.  The  journal  of  the  secretary  of  the  Maryland  commissioners  is 
in  1  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vii.  172-201;  Bancroft,  iii.  455. 

1748,  July  23.  —  A  congress  was  held  at  Albany  to  cultivate  friendship  with  the 
Six  Nations  and  their  allies,  and  keep  them  in  dependence  on  England.  It  con- 
sisted of  the  governor  of  New  York,  George  Clinton,  and  Cadwallader  Colden,  Philip 
Livingston,  James  Delancy,  and  Archibald  Kennedy  of  the  New-York  Council;  the 
governor  of  Massachusetts,  William  Shirley,  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Andrew  Oliver, 
and  John  Choate  as  commissioners.  There  were  present  officers  of  "  The  Independ- 
ent Company"  and  several  gentlemen  of  New  York  and  Massachusetts,  and  a 
greater  number  of  Indians  than  any  person  living  had  seen  before  there.  The 
Indians  promised  to  send  no  delegation  to  Canada,  and  to  keep  their  warriors  in 
readiness  whenever  the  English  should  call  for  them.  —  New- York  Col.  Doc  ,  vi.  437. 
Clinton  and  Shirley,  in  a  joint  letter  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  Aug.  18,  1748,  advised 
lhat  the  quotas  each  colony  was  to  raise  should  be  fixed  by  royal  instruction; 
and  that  it  was  requisite  "  to  think  of  some  measure  to  enforce  them."  Oliver, 
Hutchinson,  and  Choate  of  Massachusetts  united  in  a  similar  memorial.  —  Baa- 
croft,  iv.  29. 


120  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

of  the  crown.  They  were  called  to  fix  on  the  quotas  of 
men  and  money  which  each  colony  was  expected  to  raise 
for  the  common  defence,  and  to  hold  treaties  with  the 
Indians.  They  were  composed  of  governors,  or  prominent 
characters,  called  usually  commissioners.  The  details  rela- 
ting to  these  congresses  are  voluminous,  and  the  proceedings 
not  without  interest  and  importance.  The  treaty  concluded 
in  1744,  at  Lancaster,  with  the  Indians,  was  appealed  to  by 
the  English  in  the  beginning  of  the  great  struggle  for  do- 
minion in  America,  to  fortify  their  title  to  the  soil  as  against 
France.  The  prominent  members  of  the  congress  of  1748 
petitioned  the  king  that  measures  might  be  taken  to  compel 
the  colonies  to  contribute  their  quotas  for  the  common  de- 
fence ;  it  being  considered  a  vital  object  to  preserve  peace 
with  the  Six  Nations.  In  the  congress  of  1751,  Governor 
Clinton  of  New  York,  as  he  handed  a  belt  to  their  chiefs, 
told  them  that  one  of  the  commissioners  was  from  South 
Carolina,  which,  being  a  great  way  off,  had  never  sent  one 
before.  He  said,  "  I  now,  by  this  belt,  in  your  father  the 
king  of  Great  Britain's  name,  and  in  behalf  of  all  his  ma- 
jesty's subjects  in  North  America,  renew  and  confirm  the 
covenant  chain.  ...  If  all  the  Indian  nations  united  in 
friendship  with  Carolina,  Virginia,  Maryland,  Pennsylvania, 


1751,  July  6.  —  Governor  George  Clinton  invited  all  the  governors  from  New 
Hampshire  to  South  Carolina  to  join  with  him  in  an  interview  with  the  Six  Nations, 
and  the  other  nations  depending  on  them,  to  defeat  the  intrigues  of  the  French,  and 
to  prevent  their  encroachments  on  the  Indian  territory  which  Great  Britain  claimed 
under  the  treaty  of  Utrecht.  He  also  invited  the  colonies  to  send  proper  presents  to 
make  to  the  Indians;  but  the  assemblies,  including  that  of  New  York,  generally  de- 
clined, excepting  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  South  Carolina.  The  latter  sent  a 
commissioner  and  six  Indian  delegates,  together  with  a  present,  much  too  small, 
however,  to  answer  a  good  purpose.  —  Clinton's  Letter,  Jan.  13,  1751.  This  was  the 
first  time  South  Carolina  sent  commissioners  to  a  Congress.  The  six  Indians  were 
from  the  Catawbas,  who  had  been  the  hereditary  enemies  of  the  Six  Nations.  The 
commissioners  were  from  New  York,  Governor  Clinton,  and  of  the  council  Cadwalla- 
der  Golden,  James  Alexander,  James  Delancy,  and  Edward  Holland;  from  Massa- 
chusetts, Jacob  Wendell,  Joseph  Dwight,  and  Oliver  Partridge;  from  Connecticut 
William  Pitkin  and  John  Chester;  and  from  South  Carolina  William  Bull,  Jr.  "A 
Journal  of  the  Commissioners"  of  Massachusetts  is  in  "Mass.  Archives,"  xxxviii 
160. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.     121 

this  government  (New  York),  Connecticut,  Massachusetts 
Bay,  New  Hampshire,  were  truly  and  firmly  united  in  the 
same  council  with  love  and  friendship,  how  great  would 
that  power  be !  What  dread  it  would  strike  all  their  ene- 
mies !  And  who  would  dare  attempt  to  hurt  them !  "  The 
proceedings  of  these  congresses  show  a  habit  of  joint  action 
in  colonial  affairs,  and  embrace  much  Indian  talk-.  They 
were  not,  however,  connected  with  popular  movements ;  but 
they  belong  to  the  order  of  events  that  occur  and  leave  no 
marked  impress  on  the  times. 

The  crown  was  exceedingly  jealous  of  any  movement  of 
the  colonies  in  behalf  of  concert  of  action,  without  its  sanc- 
tion. It  was  not  unusual  for  the  general  assemblies  to  cor- 
respond with  each  other,  without  the  intervention  of  the 
executive,  in  relation  to  the  common  defence.  In  1697, 
the  Massachusetts  Assembly  addressed  a  circular  letter  to 
the  assemblies  as  far  south  as  Maryland,  describing  the 
state  of  the  colonial  forces  at  Newfoundland,  and  asking 
aid  for  them ; 1  and,  in  1723,  it  sent  a  similar  letter  to  the 
neighboring  governments,  inviting  their  co-operation  in  the 
war  against  the  Indians.  About  this  time  the  same  assembly 
suggested  that  a  convention  of  the  colonies  should  be  held, 
which  was  pronounced  at  the  Board  of  Trade  a  mutinous 
proposal.2  A  convention  of  the  ministers  was  held  in  Bos- 
ton in  1725.  In  view  of  a  great  and  visible  decay  of  piety, 
"  the  growth  of  many  miscarriages,"  and  the  fact  that  forty 
years  had  passed  since  the  churches  had  held  a  synod,  the 
convention  agreed  on  an  address  to  the  general  court,  ask- 
ing it  to  appoint  the  time  to  hold  one.  The  two  branches 
disagreed,  and  the  matter  was  postponed.8  On  hearing 
of  this  proposition,  the  Lord's  Justices,  in  a  letter,  repri- 
manded those  officials  who  had  assented  to  it,  terming 
the  proposition  an  invasion  of  his  majesty's  supremacy.4 

The  above  narrative  of  events  having  a  bearing  on  the 

1  Mass.  Archives,  iii.  58.  2  Hutchinson's  Mass.,  iii.  119. 

«  Ibid  ,  ii.  293.  *  Mass.  Archives,  Iii.  301. 


122  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

idea  of  union  embraces  many  facts  which  show  the  condi- 
tion of  self-government.  The  development  of  this  prin- 
ciple was  seen  in  social  life,  as  the  American,  imbued  with 
a  spirit  of  individual  freedom,  went  on  quietly  creating  his 
own  proper  sphere  of  action  as  the  unit  of  a  free  State.  He 
was  met  by  laws  enacted  by  parliament  forbidding  him  to 
manufacture  certain  articles  and  restricting  him  in  the 
petty  detail  of  trade.  This  incited  him  to  reason  on 
the  natural  right  of  labor  to  choose  its  fields,  and  to  enjoy 
its  earnings.1  His  conclusions,  after  a  manner,  justified  the 
practice  which  ignored  such  laws  as  violated  the  most  sa- 
cred rights  of  mankind.2  It  is  easy  now  to  see  that  this 
was  a  part  of  the  process  in  America  of  solving  the  prob- 
lem, how  a  large  measure  of  individual  liberty  may  be 
combined  with  obedience  to  every  requirement  of  just  law, 
how  a  high  degree  of  self-government  may  exist  and  be  con- 
sistent with  the  performance  of  every  patriotic  duty  to  the 
nation.  Again,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  this  development  of 
individual  freedom  was  quietly  undermining  the  old  pater- 
nal theory  of  government.  This  was  based  on  the  idea  that 
the  body  of  the  people  do  not  possess  the  capacity  to  take 
care  of  their  own  personal  concerns,  but  require  to  be  con- 
trolled in  their  dress,  diet,  business,  and  opinions.  I  can, 
however,  only  thus  casually  refer  to  the  social  side  of  this 
subject,  —  the  theme  in  hand  requiring  an  adherence  to 
facts  more  strictly  political. 


1  The  succession  of  acts  discouraging  the  Americans  from  manufacturing  —  too 
often  related  to  need   more  than  a  reference  —  provoked  sharp  queries.     In  the 
"  Boston  Gazette"  of  April  29,  1765,  is  the  following:  "  Whose  natural  right  is  in- 
fringed by  the  erection  of  an  American  windmill,  or  the  occupation  of  a  watermill  on 
a  man's  own  land,  provided  he  does  not  flood  his  neighbors  ?  .  .  .  A  colonist  cannot 
make  a  button,  a  horseshoe,  nor  a  hob-nail,  but  some  sooty  ironmonger  or  respectable 
button-maker  of  Britain   shall  bawl  and  squall  that  his  honor's  worship  is  most 
egregiously  maltreated,  injured,  cheated,  and  robbed  by  the  rascally  American  re- 
publicans." 

2  McCulloch's  Smith,  261.     Smith  remarks  (262),  that,  though  the  policy  of 
Great  Britain  was  dictated  by  the  same  mercantile  spirit  as  that  of  other  nations,  it 
had,  upon  the  whole,  been  less  illiberal  and  oppressive  than  that  of  any  of  them. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.    123 

The  fidelity  of  the  colonists  to  the  principle  of  local  self- 
government  was  constant  through  the  whole  of  this  period 
(1690  to  1760).  It  is  an  interesting  fact,  that  Europeans, 
by  advertisements  in  tracts  and  newspapers,  were  promised, 
on  their  arrival  and  settlement  in  America,  a  share  in 
making  the  laws  under  which  they  were  to  live.  This 
formed,  to  many,  one  of  the  inducements  to  leave  their  na- 
tive land,  and  meet  the  hardships  in  the  life  of  a  pioneer. 
The  promise  was  vague  in  its  terms ;  but  there  were  no 
such  exceptions  in  the  charters  or  the  advertisements  as 
that  immigrants,  in  their  new  homes,  should  not  be  allowed 
to  make  their  own  clothes,  should  not  work  up  their  rags 
into  paper,  should  not  carry  the  wool  which  they  might 
grow  over  a  river  to  a  market,  should  not  sell  a  hat  to  each 
other.  And  even  after  the  acts  severely  restrictive  on  labor 
were  passed,  it  might  have  been  said,  to  do  away  with  the 
unfavorable  impression,  that  they  were  in  a  great  measure 
inoperative  in  the  colonies.1  It  was  held  out  as  an  induce- 
ment to  emigrate,  that  the  lands  were  so  productive  as  to 
render  it  certain  that  industry  would  enable  the  emigrant 
to  better  his  condition,  and  that  he  would  enjoy  large  civil 
liberties. 

The  colonies  held  these  liberties  under  general  powers 
derived  from  the  crown.  As  time  rolled  on,  they  were  more 
and  more  prized,  as  they  were  embodied  in  their  free  institu- 
tions. Ardent  as  was  the  attachment  of  the  people  of  eacli 
colony  to  its  local  polity,  still  they  went  beyond  it  to  meet 
and  satisfy  the  great  sentiment  of  country.  They  claimed 
to  be  in  partnership  with  a  noble  empire.  They  regarded 
their  connection  with  the  mother  country  to  be  a  fountain 
of  good.  They  looked  upon  the  English  Constitution  as 
their  own.  It  was  said  in  the  press,  "  Our  Constitution  is 
English,  which  is  another  name  for  free  and  happy ;  and 

1  Governor  Bernard,  in  a  letter  dated  Jan.  7,  1764,  says,  "  The  publication  of 
orders  for  the  strict  execution  of  the  Molasses  Act  has  caused  a  greater  alarm  in  thia 
country  than  the  taking  of  Fort  William  Henry  did  in  1757." 


124  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

is  without  doubt  the  perfectcst  model  of  civil  government 
that  has  ever  been  in  the  world."  1  The  colonists  claimed 
the  advantage  of  the  great  moral  discoveries  of  Habeas 
Corpus  and  Trial  by  Jury,  of  a  Popular  Representation  and 
a  Free  Press.2  It  was  through  the  provisions  of  law  that 
had  grown  up  under  their  local  governments  that  these  dis- 
coveries, fraught  with  perennial  blessings,  were  brought  to 
their  doors.  In  a  word,  they  aimed  to  preserve  their  liber- 
ties and  also  to  preserve  their  union  with  Great  Britain. 
The  banner  of  St.  George  was  to  the  subject  in  the  colonial 
age  what  the  flag  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes  is  to  the  citizen 
of  the  United  States. 

The  royal  governors,  in  dealing  with  the  representative 
branches  of  their  several  governments,  came  directly  in  con- 
tact with  this  development  of  self-government.  They  re- 
garded some  of  the  pretensions  set  up  by  the  general 
assemblies  as  invasions  of  the  royal  prerogative.  They 
characterized  the  colonies  as  imbued  with  pernicious  politi- 
cal principles,  as  animated  by  a  spirit  of  disobedience  to 
law,  and  as  aiming  at  throwing  off  their  dependence  on  the 
crown.8  They  were  continually  invoking  a  vigorous  asser- 
tion of  the  prerogative,  or  of  the  power  of  parliament,  by 
remodelling  the  local  governments,  and  with  a  view  of 
checking  the  growth  of  popular  power. 

These   representations  were   sent   to   successive    British 

1  Independent  Advertiser,  May  29,  1749. 

2  Sir  James  Mackintosh  (Edinburgh  Review,  Oct.   1821)  says,  "  The  glory  of 
England  is  the  establishment  of  liberty  in  a  great  empire.     To  her  belong  the  great 
moral  discoveries  of  Habeas  Corpus  and  Trial  by  Jury,  of  a  Popular  Representation 
and  a  Free  Press.     These  institutions  she  sent  forthwith  her  colonies  into  the  wilder- 
ness.    By  these  institutions  they  have  grown  into  a  great  nation." 

3  In  1701.  when  a  court  in  New  Hampshire  refused  to  allow  an  appeal  to  the 
king,  the  Lords  of  Trade  wrote  to  Lord  Bellamont,  "  This  declining  to  admit  appeals 
to  his  majesty  in  council  is  a  matter  that  you  ought  very  carefully  to  watch  against 
in  all  your  governments.     It  is  a  humor  that  prevails  so  much  in  proprietary  and 
charter  colonies,  and  the  independency  the}7  thirst  after  is  now  so  notorious,  that  it 
has  been  thought  fit  these  considerations,  together  with  other  objections  against  these 
colonies  should  be  laid  before  parliament;   and  a  bill  has  thereupon  been  brought 
into  the  House  of  Lords  for  re-uniting  the  right  of  government  in  th'-ir  colonies  to 
the  crown." — Belknap's  New  Hamp.,  i.  247. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.     125 

ministers,  who  were  always  sensitive  on  the  point  of  sover- 
eignty, and  were  zealous  for  the  prerogative  or  for  the  par- 
liament, as  the  tory  or  the  whig  schools  predominated. 
Their  spirit  in  dealing  with  the  rising  colonies  is  seen  in  the 
royal  instructions,  which  aimed  to  restrain  the  liberty  of 
the  press,  thus  denying  to  the  colonists  freedom  of  mind, 
and  in  refusing  to  allow  them  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus, 
which  deprived  them  of  the  great  guard  of  personal  lib- 
erty.1 It  is  seen  in  the  instructions  that  were  given  to  the 
governors,  from  time  to  time,  to  maintain  the  prerogative ; 
in  the  successive  measures  brought  forward  in  parliament 
to  override  the  charters,  and  to  enlarge  the  powers  of  the 
Board  of  Trade  ;  and  in  the  conclusion  that  was  reached  to 
revise  the  local  governments.  At  length,  in  1750,  at  a 
meeting  of  the  Privy  Council,  the  Lords  of  Trade  were  di- 
rected to  propose  such  measures  as  would  retain  and  estab- 
lish the  prerogative  in  its  utmost  extent  throughout  the 
colonies.  All  branches  of  the  home  government  deter- 
mined to  shape  the  colonies  into  new  modes  of  being,  and 
no  other  pattern  was  thought  of  than  that  of  England.2 

An  exercise  of  the  royal  prerogative  by  the  governors, 
which  was  regarded  by  the  assemblies  to  be  illegal,  evoked 
in  the  colonies  a  sturdy  defence  of  the  rights  that  they  held 
to  be  constitutional.  The  struggles  between  these  branches 
were  at  times  severe  and  acrimonious.  A  glance  at  a  few 
of  the  issues  raised,  will  show  the  political  situation  when 
the  crown  invited  the  assemblies  to  deliberate  on  the  great 
question  of  iinion. 

In  New  Hampshire,  the  issue  turned  on  the  question  of 
representation,. which  the  crown  held  was  a  privilege  that 
it  might  give  or  withhold  at  its  pleasure,  but  which  the 
colonies  held  was  a  right  to  which  they  were  entitled  under 
the  law.  In  the  course  of  the  long  controversy,  the  Lords 
Justices  directed  the  governor  to  issue  the  king's  writ  to 

*  Chalmers's  Revolt  of  the  Colonies,  i.  307. 
2  Bancroft,  iv.  55,  92. 


126  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

choose  representatives  only  to  a  portion  of  the  towns,  and 
this  with  a  view  to  strengthen  the  prerogative.  The  people 
were  so  sturdy  in  their  opposition  to  arbitrary  power,  that, 
in  1751,  they  were  represented  by  royal  officials  to  be  in 
rebellion.1  In  Massachusetts,  the  issue  for  many  years  was 
mainly  on  the  salary  of  the  governors,  royal  instructions  di- 
recting that  they  should  be  settled  and  made  permanent,  so 
that  the  governors  might  be  independent  of  successive  as- 
semblies ;  while  the  assemblies  held  that  the  grants  should 
be  made  annually,  in  order  to  insure  responsibility.  At  this 
time  (1754),  William  Shirley  was  the  governor,  who  was  a 
champion  of  the  prerogative,  and  was  the  most  prominent 
political  character  in  the  colonies.2  In  New  York,  the  con- 
troversies between  the  two  branches  had  been  carried  on 
with  great  heat ;  and  the  governors  repeatedly  represented 
that  the  assembly  and  the  people  aimed  to  throw  off  his 
majesty's  authority.3  In  no  colony  was  the  claim  of  the 
assembly  to  be  a  free  deliberative  body  put  forth  earlier  or 
maintained  with  more  intelligence  and  tenacity  than  it  was 
in  Virginia.4  Although  there  had  been  great  political  tran- 


1  Belknap  (ii.  209)  gives  a  clear  view  of  this  controversy,  and  remarks  on  the 
documents  of  the  two  parties,  that  the  style  of  the  governors'  messages  was  peremp- 
tory and  severe;   and  that  the  answers  and  remonstrances  of  the  assemblies  were 
calm  but  resolute,  and  in  some  instances  satirical. 

2  The  same  party  who  maintained  the  charter-privileges  in  the  time  of  Charles  II. 
and  James  II.  continued  to  be  the  advocates  of  popular  rights  under  their  successors. 
Minot  remarks  (Hist,  of  Mass.  i.  51),  "From  this  period  (1683)  we  may  date  the 
origin  of  two  parties,  —  the  patriots  and  prerogative  men,  —  between  whom  contro- 
versy scarcely  intermitted  and  war  never  ended  until  the  separation  of  the  two  coun- 
tries." 

8  Governor  Clinton,  April  3,  1750  (New-York  Col.  Doc.,  vi.  556),  represented  to 
the  Duke  of  Bedford  that  such  "  were  the  usurpations  of  the  assembly  on  the  pre- 
rogative, that  it  assumed  the  whole  executive  powers  of  government."  James 
Alexander  and  Robert  Morris  (Dec.  23,  1746)  adduced  two  riots  at  Newark  as  "at- 
tempts to  throw  off  his  majesty's  authority  and  their  dependence  on  the  British 
throne,"  and  they  said  that  the  infection  was  spreading.  —  New -York  Col.  Doc.,  vi. 
327. 

4  Colonel  Quarry,  a  judge  of  the  admiralty,  of  the  council  of  five  governments 
at  one  time,  —  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  — in 
his  memorial  of  1703,  says  that  Virginians  consider  their  province  "  of  far  greater 
importance  to  her  majesty  than  all  the  rest  of  the  provinces  on  the  Maine,  and  there' 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.     127 

quillity  in  South  Carolina,  yet  its  governor  complained  that 
the  whole  power  was  in  the  hands  of  the  people. 

It  would  require  too  much  space  to  describe  these  local 
controversies.  They  elicited  a  world  of  political  writing. 
This  constitutes  to-day  dreary  reading.  The  governors  came 
over  with  high  ideas  of  their  own  importance,  and  with  not 
a  little  of  the  feudal  spirit,  which  regarded  the  possessors 
of  power  as  the  holders  of  so  much  personal  property  that 
they  might  turn  to  their  own  private  uses  ;  while  the  assem- 
blies were  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  the  great  idea,  that 
government  is  an  agency  or  trust,  which  was  to  be  exercised 
for  the  common  good.  It  is,  however,  not  necessary  to 
maintain  that  the  governors  were  always  wrong  in  their 
positions,  or  that  the  assemblies  were  always  right  in  their 
methods ;  but  it  was  the  steady  aim  of  the  governors,  of 
their  superiors  and  the  end  of  their  own  action  to  check  the 
growth  of  popular  power,  while  it  was  the  object  of  the 
assemblies  to  defend  their  constitutional  rights.  They  were 
met  by  the  indefinite,  imperious,  and  mysterious  claims  of 
the  royal  prerogative,  which  were  urged  by  needy  gov- 
ernors with  an  arrogance  and  conceit  that  made  the  claims 
doubly  offensive.  This  was  occurring  constantly  through 
the  colonial  age.  It  is  difficult  to  say  precisely  what  the 
prerogative  was.  As  defined  by  the  great  jurist  of  that  age, 
it  was  something  out  of  the  ordinary  course  of  common  law, 
and  inherent  in  the  royal  dignity.1  As  a  practical  thing, 

fore  they  falsely  conclude  that  they  ought  to  have  greater  privileges  than  the  rest  of 
her  majesty's  subjects.  The  assembly  conclude  themselves  entitled  to  all  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  an  English  parliament,  and  begin  to  search  into  the  records  of 
that  honorable  house  for  precedents  to  govern  themselves  by.  The  council  have 
vanity  enough  to  think  that  they  almost  stand  upon  equal  terms  with  the  Right 
Honorable  the  House  of  Lords.  These  false  and  pernicious  notions,  if  not  timely 
prevented,  will  have  very  ill  consequences.  ...  As  I  have  already  hinted  to  your 
Lordships,  commonwealth  notions  improve  daily;  and,  if  they  be  not  checked  in 
time,  the  rights  and  privileges  of  English  subjects  will  be  thought  too  narrow."  — 
3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vii.  233,  235. 

1  Blackstone  began  to  read  lectures  on  law  in  1753.  He  thus  defines  the 
prerogative:  "By  the  word  prerogative  we  usually  understand  that  special  pre- 
eminence which  the  king  hath  over  and  above  all  other  persons,  and  out  of  the 


128  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

embodied  in  royal  instructions  and  applied  to  the  detail  of 
affairs,  it  embraced  well  nigh  the  whole  field  of  administra- 
tion. It  was  in  theory  utterly  hostile  to  the  principle  of  local 
self-government.  In  meeting  it,  the  members  of  the  assem- 
blies often  manifested  a  zeal  and  an  ability  worthy  of  admi- 
ration. In  doing  this,  they  were  ever  mindful  to  keep  in  view 
their  readiness  to  recognize  a  just  claim  for  the  prerogative.1 
Indeed,  whether  the  colonists  spoke  through  the  assembly 
or  the  press,  the  liberty  which  they  defended  never  meant 
an  absence  of  law.  A  sentence  of  the  press  runs,  "  It  would 
fill  us  with  the  deepest  shame  and  grief,  could  we  be  justly 
charged  with  really  opposing  that  sacred  ordinance  from 
heaven,  civil  government."2 

The  executive  speeches  and  the  replies  of  the  assemblies 
elicited  in  these  local  contests  were  widely  circulated  in  the 
press.  The  newspapers  had  a  too  intimate  connection 


ordinary  course  of  common  law,  in  right  of  his  regal  dignity.  It  signifies  in  its 
etymology  (from  prce  and  rogo]  something  that  is  required  and  demanded  before 
or  in  preference  to  others.  And  hence  it  follows  that  it  must  be  in  its  nature 
singular  and  excentrical;  that  it  can  only  be  applied  to  those  rights  and  capacities 
which  the  king  enjoys  alone  in  contradistinction  to  others,  and  not  to  those  which 
he  enjoys  in  common  with  any  of  his  subjects:  for,  if  once  any  prerogative  of  the 
crown  could  be  held  in  common  with  the  subject,  it  would  cease  to  be  prerogative 
any  longer.  And,  therefore,  Finch  lays  it  down  as  a  maxim,  that  the  prerogative  is 
that  law  in  the  case  of  the  king,  which  is  law  in  no  case  of  the  subject."  —  Commen- 
taries, i.  239.  On  which  Professor  St.  George  Tucker  (ed.  of  Blackstone,  ii.  239), 
whose  notes  were  printed  in  1803,  remarks,  "  This  definition  of  prerogative  is 
enough  to  make  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  shudder  at  the  recollection  that  he 
was  born  under  a  government  in  which  such  doctrines  are  received  as  catholic." 

1  The  tone  of  the  prerogative  men  and  the  assemblies  is  illustrated  in  the  mes- 
sages that  passed,  1753,  between  the  executive  and  the  legislature  of  New  York.    The 
lieut.-governor,  James  DeLancy,  in  a  speech,  said, "  His  majesty  is  displeased  at  the 
neglect  and  contempt  shown  to  his  royal  commission  and  instructions  by  your  pass- 
ing laws  of  so  extraordinary  a  nnture,  and  by  your  unwarrantable  proceedings." 
The  council  replied,  that  its  action  was  taken  from  their  view  of  the  exigency  in 
affairs,  and  "  not  with  any  view  to  encroach  on  his  majesty's  prerogative;  "  and  the 
house  replied,  that  it  was  "greatly  at  a  loss  to  discover  in  what  instance  the  peace 
and  tranquillity  of  the  colony  had  been  disturbed,  or  wherein  order  and  govern- 
ment had  been  subverted,  or  what  there  was  to  justify  certain  malicious  misrepre- 
sentations to  their  most  gracious  sovereign,"  having  "not  the  least  thought  or  most 
distant  inclination  to  invade,  lessen,  or  diminish  any  of  his  majesty's  just  or  right- 
ful prerogatives."  —  Boston  Evening  Post,  Nov.  26,  1753. 

2  Independent  Advertiser,  Dec.  5,  1749. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.  129 

with  the  fornication  of  public  sentiment  to  allow  their  ap- 
pearance to  pass  without  remark.  The  first  permanent 
newspaper  in  the  colonies  was  established  in  Boston  in 
1704,  and  in  about  half  a  century  journals  were  printed 
in  ten  of  the  thirteen  colonies.1  This  is  the  most  efficient 
instrument  used  in  the  political  world  ;  for  "  nothing  but  a 
newspaper  can  drop  the  same  thought  into  a  thousand  minds 
at  the  same  moment."2  It  soon  began  to  play  a  great  part 
in  American  history.  The  springs  of  this  history  are  not 
to  be  found  so  much  in  the  foresight  and  wise  planning  of  a 
few,  however  great  and  essential  may  have  been  individual 
worth  and  influence,  as  in  the  impulses  and  aims  of  the 
many.  At  epochs  in  public  affairs,  the  body  of  the  people, 
at  the  call  of  some  great  right,  or  by  the  commission  of 
some  great  wrong,  have  instinctively  and  spontaneously 
joined  in  a  common  effort,  when  society  has  been  impelled 
forward  by  a  master-passion,  until  the  culmination  of  great 
crises.  In  these  periods,  the  newspaper  has  been  a  power- 
ful agency,  not  merely  by  passionate  appeals,  but  by  virtue 
of  its  prime  office  of  collecting  and  circulating  intelligence ; 


1  The  first  newspaper  that  was  printed  in  the  colonies  was  entitled  "  Public 
Occurrences,  both  Foreign  and  Domestic,"  dated  Boston,  Thursday,  Sept.  25,  1690, 
One  number  only  was  printed.     It  is  republished  in  the  "  Historical  Magazine"  for 
August,  1857,  from  a  copy  made  by  Dr.  Samuel  A.  Green,  from  an  impression  pre- 
served in  the  Colonial  State  Paper  Office  in  London.     The  first  permanent  news- 
paper was  "  The  Boston  News  Letter."     The  first  number  is  dated  "  from  Monday, 
April  17  to  Monday,  April  24, 1704."    The  second  was  "  The  Boston  Gazette,"  Dec.  21. 
1719.    The  first  printed  in  Philadelphia  was  "  The  American,"  —  Dec.  22,  1719.    The 
first  in  New  York  was  "The  New- York  Gazette  from  Monday,  Oct.  16  to  Oct.  23, 
1725 ; "  the  first  in  Maryland  was  "  The  Maryland  Gazette,"  printed  at  Annapolis  in 
June,  1728 ;  the  first  in  South  Carolina  was  "  The  South-Carolina  Gazette,"  printed  at 
Charleston,  Jan.  8,  1732;   the  first  one  in  Rhode  Island  was  "The  Rhode-Island 
Gazette,"  printed  at  Newport,  Sept.  27,  1732;  the  first  in  Virginia  was  "The  Vir- 
ginia Gazette,"  printed  at  Williamsburg  in   1736;   the  first  in  Connecticut  was 

The  Connecticut  Gazette,"  Jan.  1,  1755,  printed  at  New  Haven;  the  first  in  North 
Carolina  was  "  The  North-Carolina  Gazette,"  printed  at  Newbern,  December,  1755; 
the  first  in  New  Hampshire  was  "  The  New-Hampshire  Gazette,"  printed  at  Ports 
mouth,  and  dated  "  Friday,  August,  1756."  Thus,  prior  to  1760,  journals  had  been 
printed  in  all  the  colonies  except  Delaware,  New  Jersey,  and  Georgia.  —  Thomas's 
History  of  Printing. 

2  De  Tocqueville's  Democracy,  ii.  135. 


130  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

by  disseminating  the  facts  that  enabled  the  public  opinion 
of  one  community  or  political  centre  to  act  on  other  com- 
munities. In  thus  adding  to  the  momentum,  the  newspaper 
chronicles  the  progress  of  popular  movements,  and,  after 
its  temporary  office,  it  remains  to  do  historical  service.  It 
is  a  dial  which  measures  and  marks  the  play  of  the  inner 
forces  of  society,  as  the  meter  marks  the  passage  of  the 
sources  of  light.  The  pages  of  an  unfettered  press  are 
a  mirror  which  reflects  the  past  of  a  collective  life,  when 
it  was  stirred  by  fear,  when  it  glowed  with  hope,  when  it 
was  inspired  into  heroic  action  by  the  presence  and  the 
power  of  great  ideas. 

The  press,  about  a  century  ago,  was  circulating  the  great 
facts  that  France  had  communication  by  water  along  the 
whole  continent  from  Cape  Breton  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi  River;  and, contrary  to  the  spirit  of  solemn  trea- 
ties, was  building  forts  and  effecting  settlements  on  the 
Ohio.1  It  was  said  that  this  was  the  finishing  stroke  of 
a  series  of  ambitious  and  dreaded  encroachments  which 
"  called  aloud  upon  the  whole  British  continent  of  America 
to  rise  as  one  man,"  and  enter  into  a  well-concerted  project 
of  resistance.2  Several  governors  sent  accurate  and  minute 
relations  of  this  aggression  to  the  Lords  of  Trade. 

That  Board  had  for  many  years  been  indifferent  to  this 
progress  of  the  French.  It  was  said,  that,  while  England 
readily  granted  generous  subsidies  to  petty  German  princes, 
to  preserve  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe,  it  neglected  to 
maintain  its  undoubted  rights  in  America.3  In  1748,  Lord 
Halifax  was  placed  at  its  head;4  and  on  the  llth  of  March, 
1752,  it  was  intrusted,  by  an  order  of  the  Privy  Council, 
with  the  duties  of  corresponding  with  the  colonies  except 

1  It  was  stated  in  the  "  Gentleman's  Magazine  "  for  January,  1752,  page  40,  that 
the  French,  with  an  army,  had  gone  into  the  southwest  parts  of  North  America,  and 
were  building  forts. 

2  The  New-York  Weekly  Gazette  of  Sept.  23,  1754,  in  an  elaborate  summary  of 
the  state  of  the  continent. 

8  London  Magazine,  August,  1754.  <  Bancroft,  iv.  36. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.    131 

on  special  occasions,  and  with  the  nomination  of  the  entire 
list  of  their  civil  officers.  Halifax  gave  much  attention  to 
colonial  affairs.  He  looked  upon  America  as  a-vast  continent 
which  Great  Britain  might  rule  and  use  for  its  own  benefit ; 
and  he  soon  promised  to  consider  those  defects  in  the  local 
constitutions  which  embodied  elements  regarded  by  him  as 
destructive  of  all  order  and  government.1  One  of  the  mem- 
bers of  this  Board  was  Charles  Townshend,  a  young  orator 
of  brilliant  talents,  who  had  made  his  mark  in  parliament. 
He  was  indefatigable  in  the  study  of  colonial  questions, 
and  was  warmly  in  favor  of  remodelling  the  local  govern- 
ments. The  Lords  of  Trade  were  occupied  with  schemes 
for  a  new  colonial  administration,  when  the  expulsion  of  the 
English  traders  from  the  valley  of  the  Miami  prompted 
royal  officials  in  America  to  ask  for  specific  instructions  to 
regulate  their  conduct. 

The  crown  at  length  determined  to  contest  the  claims  of 
France.  The  Secretary  of  State,  Earl  Holdernesse,  in  a  cir- 
cular,2 dated  Aug.  28,  1753,  addressed  to  the  governors,  in- 

1  Bancroft,  iv.  41. 

2  The  circulars  named  in  the  text  are  connected  in  the  documents  of  the  conven- 
tion, and  constitute  the  official  calls.    In  the  circular  of  the  Earl  of  Holdernesse  to 
the  governors  in  America  (Whitehall,  Aug.  28,  1753),  he  said,  "  In  case  the  subjects 
of  anv  foreign  prince  or  State  should  presume  to  make  any  encroachments  on  the 
limits  of  his  majesty's  dominions,  or  to  erect  forts  on  his  majesty's  land,  or  commit 
any  other  act  of  hostility,  you  are  immediately  to  represent  the  injustice  of  such 
proceeding,  and  to  require  them  to  forthwith  desist  from  any  such  unlawful  under- 
taking; but  if  ...  they  should  still  persist,  you  are  then  to  draw  forth  the  armed 
force  of  the  province,  and  to  use  your  best  endeavors  to  repel  force  by  force.    But,  as 
it  is  his  majesty's  determination  not  to  be  the  aggressor,  I  have  the  king's  com- 
mands most  strictly  to  enjoin  you  not  to  make  use  of  the  armed  force  under  your 
direction  excepting  within  the  undoubted  limits  of  his  majesty's  dominions.  ...  In 
case  ...  of  any  hostile  attempts,  you  are  immediately  to  assemble  the  general  assem- 
bly, and  lay  before  them  the  necessity  of  a  mutual  assistance,  and  engage  them  to 
grant  such  supplies  as  the  exigency  of  affairs  may  require." 

The  Lords  of  Trade  sent  to  the  governor  of  New  York  an  elaborate  letter,  direct- 
ing a  congress  to  be  called,  dated  Sept.  18,  1754;  and  the  following  circular  was  sent 
to  the  governors  of  New  Jersey,  Virginia,  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  Mary- 
land, and  Pennsylvania:  — 

To  Jonathan  Belcher,  Esquire,  Governor  of  New  Jersey. 

SIR,  —  His  majesty  having  been  pleased  to  order  a  sum  of  money  to  be  issued  for  presents 
to  the  Six  Nations  of  Indians,  and  to  direct,  his  governor  of  New  York  to  hold  an  interview 


132  THE   RISE    OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

structed  them  first  to  protest  against  any  encroachments  on 
his  majesty's  dominions ;  and,  if  this  should  prove  unavail- 
ing, then  to  use  their  best  endeavors  to  muster  the  militia 
of  the  colonies,  and  repel  force  by  force.  The  Lords  of 
Trade,  in  a  letter  of  the  18th  of  September,  1753,  sent 
to  several  of  the  governors,  required  them  to  recommend  to 
their  respective  assemblies  to  appoint  commissioners  to  meet 
in  convention,  and  hold  a  treaty  with  the  Six  Nations  ;  and, 
by  making  presents  and  in  other  ways,  prevent  them  from 
aiding  the  French,  or  uniting  with  the  Indians  under  French 
influence.  The  objects  of  the  proposed  convention,  more 
precisely  specified,  were  to  determine  whether  the  colonies 
would  "  confirm  and  establish  the  ancient  friendship  of  the 
Five  Nations,"  and  would  "  enter  into  articles  of  union  and 
confederation  with  each  other  for  the  mutual  defence  of  his 
majesty's  subjects  and  interests  in  North  America,  as  well 
in  time  of  peace  as  war."  The  governor  of  New  York,  in 
a  separate  letter,  was  directed  to  fix  on  the  time  and  place 
for  holding  the  convention,  and  "  to  take  care  that  all  the 
provinces  be  comprised,  if  practicable,  in  one  general  trea- 
ty." This  was  the  second  call  for  an  American  congress 
based  on  the  principle  of  representation,  or  for  a  body  to  be 
composed  of  delegates  chosen  by  the  several  assemblies. 


with  them  for  delivering  those  presents,  for  burying  the  hatchet,  and  for  renewing  the  cove- 
nant chain  with  them,  we  think  it  our  duty  to  acquaint  you  therewith.  And  as  we  find  it  has 
been  usual,  upon  former  occasions,  when  an  interview  has  been  held  with  those  Indians,  for 
all  his  majesty's  colonies  whose  interest  and  security  is  connected  with  and  depends  upon 
them,  to  join  in  such  interview ;  and  as  the  present  disposition  of  those  Indians,  and  the 
attempts  which  have  been  made  to  withdraw  them  from  the  British  interest,  appears  to  us  to 
make  such  a  general  interview  more  particularly  necessary  at  this  time,  — we  desire  you  will  lay 
this  matter  before  the  council  and  general  assembly  of  the  province  under  your  government, 
and  recommend  to  them  forthwith  to  make  a  proper  provision  for  appointing  commissioners, 
to  be  joined  with  those  of  the  other  governments,  for  renewing  the  covenant  chain  with  the 
Six  Nations,  and  for  making  such  presents  to  them  as  has  been  usual  on  the  like  occasions. 
And  we  desire,  that,  in  the  choice  and  nomination  of  commissioners,  you  will  take  care  that 
they  are  men  of  character,  ability,  and  integrity,  and  well  acquainted  with  Indian  affairs. 

As  to  the  time  and  place  of  meeting,  it  is  left  to  the  governor  of  New  York  to  fix  it ;  and  he 
has  orders  to  give  you  early  notice  of  it.  —  We  are,  sir, 

Your  very  loving  friends  and  humble  servants. 

DUNK  HALIFAX. 

JAM  :  GRENVILLK 
WHITEHALL,  Sept.  18, 1753.  DUPPLIN. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.     133 

.  This  proposition  of  the  crown  connected  two  objects, 
which  require  to  be  kept  distinct  from  each  other  in  a  nar- 
rative, as  they  were  in  the  public  mind. 

Over  half  a  century  before,  the  colonists  had  earnestly 
called  the  attention  of  the  ministry  to  the  claims  and  en- 
croachments of  the  French.  One  of  their  early  petitions  to 
the  king  termed  Canada  "  the  unhappy  fountain  whence  had 
issued  all  their  miseries  ;  "  l  arid  since  the  sack  of  Schenec- 
tady,  its  reduction  had  been  a  passion  with  them.  The  blood 
they  had  shed  in  the  battle-fields  of  three  colonial  wars 
attested  their  heroism  and  patriotism.  They  welcomed  the 
decision  of  the  crown  as  implying  an  assurance  that  a  great 
burden  was  about  to  be  removed,  and  some  of  the  colonies 
enthusiastically  prepared  to  second  the  efforts  of  the  gov- 
ernment. It  is  only  necessary  to  refer  to  the  interesting 
train  of  events  that  opened  the  great  field  of  war ;  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Ohio  Company  in  occupying  a  large  tract 
of  western  territory  ;  the  expulsion  by  the  French  of  Ameri- 
can traders  from  the  banks  of  the  Ohio ;  the  mission  of 
George  Washington,  and  his  early  campaigns  in  the  wilds 
of  America.  A  speech  he  delivered  to  his  command,  on 
formally  proclaiming  war,  is  characteristic  of  the  patriotism 
that  was  personified  in  his  long  career,  and  of  the  loyalty 
that  animated  the  Americans.  "  Let  us,"  Washington  said, 
"  show  our  willing  obedience  to  the  best  of  kings,  and,  by  a 
strict  attachment  to  his  royal  commands,  demonstrate  the 
love  and  loyalty  we  bear  to  his  sacred  person ;  let  us,  by 
rules  of  unerring  bravery,  strive  to  merit  his  royal  favor, 
and  a  better  establishment  as  a  reward  for  our  services." 2 

1  Representation  of  Lieutenant-governor  and  Council  of  Massachusetts  to  the 
king,  Sept.  24,  1756.    This  prays  his  majesty  "  to  take  under  his  royal  consideration 
the  reducing  of  Canada." 

2  War  was  not  formally  declared  between  France  and  England,  until  May  19, 1756. 
Washington,  then  a  colonel,  was  at  Winchester.      The  address  contained  in  the 
following  letter  is  not  referred  to  by  Marshall,  Sparks,  Irving,  or  other  biographers 
whose  works  I  have  seen.    I  copy  from  the  "  Pennsylvania  Gazette  "  of  Sept.  16, 
1756 :  "  Winchester,  Aug.  17,  1756.     On  Sunday,  Colonel  Washington  having  re- 
ceived his  majesty's  declaration  of  war  against  the  French  king,  with  the  governor's 


134  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

There  was  not  merely  a  public  opinion  in  favor  of  the  expul- 
sion of  the  French,  but  a  conviction  that  it  was  essential  to 
the  security  of  the  colonies. 

The  proposition  of  the  crown  for  a  convention  to  form  a 
union  was  differently  received.  It  was  submitted  and  ear- 
nestly urged  by  governors  who  had  been  zealous  for  the  royal 
prerogative.  Indeed,  the  executive  whom  the  crown  had 
instructed  to  rule  New  York  in  the  spirit  of  James  II.,  was 
selected  to  take  the  lead  in  this  vital  measure.1  The  Ian- 
command  to  proclaim  it  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  he  ordered  the  three  companies 
of  the  Virginia  regiment  at  this  place  to  appear  under  arms  on  the  grand  parade,  at 
three  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  the  next  day;  when,  :>ttended  by  the  principal  gentle- 
men of  this  town,  they  marched  in  regular  order  to  Fort  London,  where,  the  soldiery 
being  properly  drawn  up,  the  declaration  was  read  aloud,  his  majesty's  and  many 
other  loyal  healths  were  drank,  success  to  his  majesty's  arms,  and  a  total  extirpa- 
tion of  the  French  out  of  America,  under  a  triple  discharge  of  the  artillery  and 
three  rounds  of  musketry,  with  loud  acclamations  of  the  people.  After  this,  they 
marched  in  regular  order  round  the  town,  proclaimed  it  at  the  cross  streets,  and,  being 
returned  to  the  grand  parade,  it  was  again  read,  and  the  men  dismissed  by  Colonel 
Washington  with  the  following  exhortation :  '  You  see,  gentlemen  soldiers,  that  it 
has  pleased  our  most  gracious  sovereign  to  declare  war  in  form  against  the  French 
king,  and  (for  divers  good  causes,  but  more  particularly  for  their  ambitious  usurpa- 
tions and  encroachments  on  his  American  dominions)  to  pronounce  all  the  said 
French  king's  subjects  and  vassals  to  be  enemies  to  his  crown  and  dignity,  and  hath 
willed  and  required  all  his  subjects  and  people,  and  in  a  more  especial  manner  com- 
manded his  captain-general  of  his  forces,  his  governors,  and  all  other  his  command- 
ers and  officers,  to  do  and  execute  all  acts  of  hostility  in  the  prosecution  of  this  just 
and  honorable  war;  and  though  our  utmost  endeavors  can  contribute  but  little  to 
the  advancement  of  his  majesty's  honor  and  the  interest  of  his  governments,  yet  let 
us  show  our  willing  obedience  to  the  best  of  kings,  and,  by  a  strict  attachment  to 
his  royal  commands,  demonstrate  the  love  and  loyalty  we  bear  to  his  sacred  person ; 
let  us,  by  rules  of  unerring  bravery,  strive  to  merit  his  royal  favor,  and  a  better  estab- 
lishment as  a  reward  for  our  services.'  " 

1  The  spirit  of  the  government  is  embodied  in  the  instructions  of  the  Lords 
of  Trade  to  the  governor  of  New  York,  dated  Aug.  13,  1753;  and  it  is  worthy  of 
remark  that  they  were  printed  in  the  American  papers  and  in  the  "  Gentleman's  Maga- 
zine "  of  February,  1754.  In  the  preamble,  his  majesty  avers  that  the  assembly  had 
"trampled  upon"  the  royal  prerogative  and  authority;  had  assumed  to  them- 
selves the  disposal  of  the  public  mone}';  and  that  some  of  the  council  had  "joined 
and  concurred  with  the  assembly  "in  these  unwarrantable  measures.  The  gover- 
nor was  directed  to  recommend  a  permanent  revenue  for  defraying  the  necessary 
charges  of  the  government,  and  to  take  care  that  "such  law  shall  be  indefinite  and 
without  limitation."  All  moneys  raised  for  the  supply  of  the  government  were  to 
be  applied  by  a  warrant  from  the  governor  and  council,  though  the  assembly  were 
to  be  permitted,  from  time  to  time,  "to  view  and  examine  the  accounts  of  money 
disposed  of."  Horace  Walpole  said  that  "these  instructions  seemed  better  calculated 
for  the  latitude  of  Mexico,  and  for  a  Spanish  tribunal,  than  for  a  free,  rich,  British 
settlement" 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.     135 

guage  of  the  governors,  in  submitting  the  proposition  to  the 
assemblies,  was  earnest,  high-toned,  and  patriotic,  and  con- 
tained no  allusions  to  alterations  in  the  local  constitutions 
or  to  taxation.  Their  spirit  is  seen  in  the  messages  of 
Governors  Shirley  of  Massachusetts,  and  Belcher  of  New 
Jersey.  They  portrayed  in  glowing  terms  the  progress  of 
the  French,  as  marked  by  their  line  of  forts  from  Canada 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi ;  their  denial  of  the  right  of 
the  English  to  trade  with  the  Indians ;  the  danger  the  colo- 
nies would  be  in,  should  the  sixteen  thousand  warriors  of 
the  Six  Nations  go  over  to  the  French  ;  the  wisdom  of  estab- 
lishing "  one  general  league  of  friendship  comprising  all 
his  majesty's  colonies,"  and  the  proof  of  paternal  care  his 
majesty  had  given  in  directing  the  governors  to  promote 
this  union.  "  In  forming  this  union,"  Shirley  said,  "  there 
is  110  time  to  be  lost.  The  French  seem  to  have  advanced 
themselves  further  towards  making  themselves  masters  of 
the  continent  within  the  last  five  or  six  years  than  they 
have  done  since  the  first  beginning  of  their  settlements  upon 
it."  These  messages  announced  that  the  convention  would 
be  held  at  Albany  on  the  14th  of  June.1  The  enthusiasm 
in  behalf  of  this  measure  was  confined  to  the  circle  of  royal 
officials.  The  newspapers  contain  but  few  references  to  it. 
I  have  not  met  with  an  account  of  a  single  public  meeting 
in  favor  of  it.  The  "  Philadelphia  Gazette,"  conducted  by 
Franklin,  had  the  union  device  with  the  motto  "  Join  or 
Die;"2  and  the  measure  was  urged  in  pamphlets.  Only 
seven  of  the  assemblies  appointed  commissioners. 

1  The  speech  of  Governor  Shirley  is  dated  April  2,  1754,  and  occupies  one  half 
of  the  "Boston  Gazette"  of  April  30.  The  speech  of  Governor  Belcher  of  New 
Jersey  is  dated  April  25,  1754;  and  it  gave  rise  to  an  acrimonious  dispute  between 
the  executive  and  the  assembly.  The  messages  that  passed  between  them  were 
copied  into  the  Boston  papers. 

-  2  This  device  is  appended  to  a  spirited  piece,  dated  Philadelphia,  May  9,  describ- 
ing the  terror  occasioned  by  the  assaults  of  the  French,  copied  into  the  "  Boston 
Gazette"  of  May  21,  1754.  The  following  is  an  extract:  '•  The  confidence  in  the 
French  in  this  undertaking  seems  well  grounded  on  the  present  disunited  state  of  the 
British  colonies,  and  the  extreme  difficulty  of  bringing  so  many  different  govern- 


136  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  Congress  met  on  the  19th  of  June,1  1754,  at  Albany, 
an  old,  compact  Dutch  city  of  about  three  hundred  houses 
and  twenty-six  hundred  inhabitants.2  It  was  enclosed  by 
pickets  on  the  side  of  the  forest,  was  protected  on  the  other 
side  by  the  Hudson  River,  and  had  a  fort  built  of  stone. 
Here  the  whites  for  a  long  time  had  held  treaties  with  the 
Indians.  It  was  soon  to  be  the  base  of  important  military 
operations.  There  was  then  a  condition  of  actual  war. 
France  was  moving  troops  into  the  Valley  of  the  Missis- 
sippi ;  and  all  the  colonies  were  in  the  utmost  confusion  and 
hurry  from  the  approaching  danger.3  Some  were  sending  out 
their  youth  to  the  frontier ;  but  others,  under  various  pre- 
texts, were  shamefully  neglectful  of  their  duty.4  In  Maine, 
Governor  Shirley,  at  the  head  of  a  thousand  militia,  was 
preparing  to  meet  attacks  in  that  quarter.  In  the  basin  of 
the  Ohio,  Washington,  in  the  skirmish  with  the  French 

merits  and  assemblies  to  agree  in  any  speedy  and  effectual  measures  for  our  common 
defence  and  security,  while  our  enemies  have  the  very  great  advantage  of  being 
under  one  direction,  with  one  council  and  one  purse." 

The  press  of  this  period  contain  spirited  appeals.  The  "Pennsylvania  Gazette  " 
of  Sept.  5,  1774,  says  that  its  "object  is  to  present  such  considerations  as  tend  to 
rouse  you  up  from  that  lethargy  which  seems  everywhere  to  prevail  amongst  us." 
"  The  sword  is  coming,  the  alarm  is  sounded,  and,  if  you  will  not  hear,  you  must 
answer  for  the  blood  of  all  those  who  shall  hereafter  be  slain  through  your  neglect: 
you  will  have  to  answer  both  for  the  temporal  and  spiritual  ruin  of  your  posterity." 
The  "New-York  Weekly  Gazette "  (September  23)  had  a  "  summary  view "  of  the 
state  of  the  Continent,  with  reference  to  the  French.  It  says:  "Within  the  legal 
and  rightful  dominions  of  our  king  are  the  forts  and  settlements  which  this  perfid- 
ious and  restless  nation  have  erected,  and  are  now  strengthening  themselves  in  the 
possession  of,  at  Ohio,  as  it  is  commonly  called.  This  is  the  finishing  stroke  of 
their  ambitious  and  highly  to  be  dreaded  encroachments.  This  calls  aloud  upon  the 
whole  British  continent  of  America,  to  rise  as  one  man,  to  enter  into  a  well-concerted, 
an  united,  an  active,  a  vigorous  and  resolute  plan,  against  these,  our  faithless,  usurp 
ing,  insolent  enemies." 

1  Though  the  convention  was  called  for  the  14th,  the  members  did  not  meet  until 
the  19th. 

2  New- York  Doc.  Hist.,  i.  696. 

»  London  Magazine  for  August,  1754,  361.     Letter,  dated  Williamsburgh,  June  4. 

4  1  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vii.  72.  "  They  contemned  the  power  of  Canada;  confided 
in  the  number  of  their  inhabitants;  inattentive  were  they  to  the  inconveniences  of 
an  endless  frontier;  and,  in  short,  entirely  unacquainted  with  the  situation  of  the  in- 
land country.  The  waters  of  the  Ohio,  before  this  period,  were  scarcely  known, 
save  to  a  few  Indian  traders ;  and  the  generality  deemed  those  French  settlements 
too  remote  to  be  the  object  of  dread,  and  a  matter  of  insignificant  moment.'' 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.     137 

under  Jumonville,  had  fired  the  shot  which  proved  the  sig- 
nal of  the  first  war  of  revolution.1 

The  Congress,  convened  at  the  City  Hall,  consisted  of  five 
commissioners  from  Massachusetts,  four  from  New  Hamp- 
shire, three  from  Connecticut,  two  from  Rhode  Island,  four 
from  Pennsylvania,  two  from  Maryland,  and  the  lieutenant- 
governor,  with  four  of  the  council,  of  New  York, —  twenty- 
five  in  all.  Among  them  were  some  of  the  most  considerable 
men,  both  for  abilities  and  fortunes,  of  North  America.2 
Thomas  Htitchinson  of  Massachusetts  had  been  in  public  life 
for  eighteen  years,  had  rendered  valuable  service,  and  had 
evinced  such  varied  ability,  that  he  was  spoken  of  as  the 
greatest  and  best  man  in  America.3  Theodore  Atkinson, 
the  chief-justice  of  New  Hampshire,  was  eminent  as  a  jurist ; 
and  Meshech  Weare,  speaker  of  the  assembly  of  this  colony, 
was  subsequently  one  of  the  substantial  patriots  of  the  Revo- 
lution, as  was  Stephen  Hopkins  of  Rhode  Island,  who  signed 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Roger  Wolcott,  jr.,  was  a 
judge  of  the  Connecticut  superior  court.  James  Delancy, 
of  great  fortune  and  large  ambition,  the  lieutenant-gover- 
nor of  New  York,  was  figuring  conspicuously  as  a  political 
leader.  He  was  a  champion  of  the  prerogative.  William 
Smith  of  the  council,  famed  for  classic  lore  and  eminent  as 
a  lawyer,  had  been  one  of  the  counsel  for  Zenger,  in  the 
great  trial  involving  the  liberty  of  the  press.  William  John- 
son, soon  to  be  made  a  baronet,  was  born  in  Ireland.  He 
had  lived  many  years  in  the  Valley  of  the  Mohawk  like  a 

1  Bancroft,  iv.  118.    The  "  London  Magazine  "  for  August,  1754,  has  Washing- 
ton's letter  to  his  brother  of  May  31,  in  which  he  says,  "  I  heard  the  bullets  whistle; 
and,  believe  me,  there  is  something  charming  in  the  sound." 

2  1  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vii.  77.     The  commissioners  were,— from  Massachusetts, 
Samuel  Welles,  John  Chandler,  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Oliver  Partridge,  and  John 
Worthington ;  from  New  Hampshire,  Theodore  Atkinson,  Richard  Wibird,  Meshech 
Weare,  Henry  Sherburn,  jr. ;  from  Connecticut,  William  Pitkin,  Roger  Wolcott,  jr., 
Elisha  Williams;  Rhode  Island,  Stephen  Hopkins,  Martin  Howard,  jr.;    Pennsyl- 
vania, John  Penn,  Richard  Peters,  Isaac  Norris,  Benjamin  Franklin;   Maryland, 
Benjamin  Tasker,  Albert  Barnes;  New  York,  James  Delancy,  Joseph  Murray,  Wil- 
liam Johnson,  John  Chambers,  William  Smith. 

»  John  Adams's  Works,  ii.  189. 


138  THE   KISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

chief,  talking  eloquently  to  the  Indians  in  their  own  lan- 
guage, a  decided  Mormon  in  his  domestic  relations,  and 
wielding  so  great  an  influence,  that  it  was  said  his  words 
made  the  villages  tremble.  Benjamin  Tasker  of  Maryland 
had  a  high  legal  reputation.  The  member  who  most  nearly 
personified  the  American  was  Benjamin  Franklin,  like  Hop- 
kins, a  signer  of  the  .Declaration  of  Independence.  His 
discoveries  in  science  had  won  for  him  a  wide  and  noble 
fame ;  and  the  press  in  Europe  and  America  were  circulating 
tributes  to  his  genius.1  He  was  one  of  the  two  postmaster- 
generals  of  the  colonies.  His  unrivalled  sagacity,  practical 
good  sense,  large  experience,  generous  aims,  and  steady 
purpose  to  promote  the  good  of  mankind,  shed  lustre  on  the 
congress.  This  body  was  the  most  deserving  of  respect  of 
any  that  had  convened  in  America,  whether  considered  in 
reference  to  the  colonies  represented,  the  character  of  the 
members,  or  the  purposes  for  which  it  was  called.2  It  was 
compared  to  one  of  the  ancient  Greek  conventions,  held 
to  support  their  expiring  liberty  against  the  power  of  the 
Persian  Empire.  The  speakers  were  not  many  ;  but  in  the 
debates  some  spoke  with  singular  energy  and  eloquence, 
and  all  were  imbued  with  a  patriotic  spirit.3 

The  representatives  of  six  of  the  colonies  brought  with 
them  commissions  signed  by  their  respective  governors. 
Massachusetts  authorized  action  to  be  taken  in  concert  with 
all  or  with  any  of  the  British  colonies,  but  required  ad- 
herence to  such  instructions  as  the  assembly  from  time  to 
time  should  give.  New  Hampshire  conferred  power  to  act 
on  all  matters  relating  to  the  objects  of  the  convention. 
Connecticut  gave  authority  to  take  proper  measures  in  pur- 
suance of  instructions  from  the  assembly.  Rhode  Island 


1  The  preface  to  the  "  Gentleman's  Magazine"  for  1753  contains  verses  in  which 
there  is  a  reference  to  Franklin ;  and  the  February-  number  of  1754,  of  the  same 
magazine,  has  a  tribute  addressed  to  him,  signed  C.  W.,  Cooper  River,  South  Caro- 
lina, Sept.  20,  1753. 

2  Hutchinson's  Mass.,  iii.  21.  »  1  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vii.  77. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.    139 

authorized  action  with  the  other  colonies  necessary  to  carry 
out  the  designs  of  the  crown  as  expressed  in  the  circular 
of  the  Earl  of  Holdernesse.  Pennsylvania  conferred  full 
power  to  treat  with  the  Indians ;  but  its  commission  did 
not  refer  to  the  question  of  union ;  and  that  of  Maryland 
required  its  delegates  to  observe  the  propositions  that  might 
be  submitted  for  a  general  scheme  for  concert  of  action, 
and  to  report  on  their  character. 

The  members  do  not  appear  to  have  chosen  a  presiding 
officer.  The  official  journal  says,  that  a  congress  was  held 
by  the  Honorable  James  Delancy,  lieutenant-governor  of 
New  York.  When  he  met  with  the  members,  he  presided. 
On  the  third  day  of  the  meeting,  Peter  Wraxall,  clerk  of 
the  city  of  Albany,  was  chosen  secretary  ;  and  the  governor 
proposed,  that,  to  avoid  disputes  about  the  precedency  of 
the  colonies,  the  commissioners  should  be  named  in  the 
order  of  their  situation  from  north  to  south.  At  the  first 
meeting,  the  governor  produced  a  letter  from  the  Lords 
of  Trade,  defining  the  objects  of  the  convention ;  and  the 
two  sessions  of  that  day  were  occupied  mainly  in  consider- 
ing Indian  affairs. 

The  details  relative  to  the  treaty  with  the  chiefs  are  quite 
voluminous.  Messengers  had  been  sent  to  their  castles  or 
villages,  asking  their  attendance ;  but  they  did  not  arrive 
until  the  last  of  the  month.  The  delay  was  attributed  by 
some  to  fear  and  by  others  to  art.  At  length  they  came, 
though  in  fewer  numbers  than  was  expected,  when  Hen- 
dricks,  a  great  Mohawk  sachem,  apologized  for  the  delay. 
On  the  morning  of  the  29th  of  June,  twenty-four  of  the 
commissioners,  among  them  Franklin,  met  about  a  hundred 
and  fifty  of  the  chiefs.  The  governor  presided,  having  two 
of  his  council  on  each  side  near  him,  and  the  members 
ranged  next  to  these  councillors.1  The  proceedings  were 

i  1  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vii.  76.  This  "  Review  of  the  Military  Operations,"  &c.,  was 
written  by  an  eye-witness,  and  probably  by  William  Smith,  and  printed  in  a  pam- 
phlet in  London,  in  1757.  — Coll.  New-York  Hist.  Soc.,  iii.  361. 


140  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

conducted  with  great  solemnity.  The  governor  read  a  long 
speech,  and  delivered  presents,  which  were  of  vast  value 
compared  witli  former  gifts,  and  which  pleased  the  Indians. 
But  they  taunted  the  English  for  their  defenceless  condition. 
"  Look  at  the  French,"  Hendricks  said.  "  They  are  men  ; 
they  are  fortifying  everywhere.  But  —  we  are  ashamed  to 
say  it  —  you  are  all  like  women."  The  conference  was  con- 
tinued several  days,  arid  with  a  satisfactory  result.  At  its 
close,  Hendricks,  in  expressing  the  wish  that  the  tree  of 
friendship  they  had  planted  might  grow  to  a  great  height, 
said,  "  I  will  just  tell  you  what  a  people  we  were  formerly. 
If  any  of  our  enemies  arose  against  us,  we  had  no  occasion 
to  lift  up  our  whole  hand  against  them ;  for  our  little  finger 
was  sufficient.  And  as  we  have  now  made  so  strong  a  con- 
federacy, if  we  are  truly  earnest  therein,  we  may  retrieve 
the  ancient  glory  of  the  Five  Nations." 

While  the  proceedings  relative  to  the  Indians  were  going 
on,  the  congress  considered  the  other  great  object  for  which 
it  was  called.  It  first  unanimously  resolved,  that  a  union 
of  all  the  colonies  was  absolutely  necessary  for  their  general 
defence  and  security.  It  then  appointed  a  committee  to 
receive  all  the  schemes  that  had  been  offered,  digest  them 
into  one  general  plan,  and  report  it  to  the  Board.  The 
delegates  from  each  colony  selected  from  their  number  a 
member  of  the  committee.  It  consisted  of  Hutchinson, 
Atkinson,  Pitkin,  Hopkins,  Franklin,  Tasker,  and  Smith, — 
a  rare  combination  of  character,  intellect,  learning,  and 
experience  in  public  affairs.  The  two  political  schools  were 
about  equally  represented  in  the  committee.  Hutchinson, 
soon  to  be  a  champion  of  an  arbitrary  ministry,  and  Frank- 
lin, soon  to  be  a  tribune  of  the  people,  were  two  of  the 
strongest  men  of  their  respective  parties.  They  brought  to 
their  work  eminent  ability.  Botli  had  large  influence  in 
their  local  assemblies.  They  recognized  the  value  of  union. 
They  saw  that  a  thirst  for  liberty  was  the  ruling  passion  of 
the  age,  and  that  a  mighty  empire  was  rising  in  America. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOB  SEVENTY  YEARS.    141 

In  Hutchinson  it  was  the  vision  of  a  clear  intellect  dis- 
trusting the  capacity  and  intelligence  of  the  people.  In 
Franklin  it  was  the  insight  of  a  philosopher  having  faith 
in  human  progress,  and  determined  to  labor  for  the  liberties 
of  his  country. 

In  the  deliberations  of  the  committee,  it  appeared  that 
the  plan  which  received  the  most  favor  was  one  prepared  by 
Franklin,  who  gives  this  account  of  it :  "  In  our  way  thither, 
I  projected  and  drew  a  plan  for  the  union  of  all  the  colo- 
nies under  one  government,  so  far  as  might  be  necessary 
for  defence,  and  other  important  general  purposes.  As  we 
passed  through  New  York,  I  had  there  shown  my  project  to 
Mr.  James  Alexander  and  Mr.  Kennedy,  two  gentlemen  of 
great  knowledge  in  public  aifairs;  and,  being  fortified  by 
their  approbation,  I  ventured  to  lay  it  before  the  congress." l 
Franklin  had  long  been  identified  with  the  local  government 
of  Pennsylvania.  He  had,  however,  given  more  attention 
to  natural  science  than  to  general  politics.  His  idea  of 
having  a  legislature  of  only  one  branch,  and  his  views  as  to 
the  practicability  of  an  American  representation  in  parlia- 
ment, were  not  in  accordance  with  those  of  his  countrymen 
generally.  His  plan,  and  his  argument  for  it,2  however, 
show  that  he  grasped  the  idea  of  forming  a  self-sustaining 
general  government,  which,  while  recognizing  the  inviola- 
bility of  the  local  governments,  should  act  on  the  individual 
citizen. 

The  committee,  four  days  after  its  appointment,  reported  to 
the  congress  "  short  hints  of  a  scheme  "  for  a  union,  of  which 
copies  were  taken  by  the  members.  There  was  a  question 
whether  an  act  of  parliament  was  not  necessary  to  establish 
such  a  union.  It  was  held,  that  charters  and  commissions 
of  the  crown,  under  which  the  colonies  exercised  powers  of 


1  Autobiography,  Bigelow's  edition,  294.    Franklin  says  that  the  committee  re- 
ported his  plan  with  a  few  amendments.    I  have  not  met  with  this  report,  unless  it 
be  the  paper  entitled  "  Short  Hints,"  in  Sparks's  "  Works  of  Franklin,"  iii.  27. 

2  Sparks's  Works  of  Franklin,  iii.  61. 


142  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

government,  gave  no  authority  to  form  one  constitution  for 
the  whole ;  and  though  it  might  be  said,  that,  if  the  king 
could  grant  powers  of  government  to  each  colony  separately, 
he  could  do  the  same  to  them  collectively,  yet  it  would 
be  altering  powers  given  by  charter  to  create  a  new  gov- 
ernment over  the  people  for  any  purposes  covered  by  the 
charter.  It  was  said,  that  the  power  of  parliament  had  not 
been  called  in  question  ; l  and  on  the  second  of  July  the  con- 
gress voted,  that  the  Board  proceed  to  form  a  union  of  the 
colonies,  to  be  established  by  an  act  of  parliament.  Long 
debates  followed  on  the  hints  that  had  been  submitted.  On 
the  fourth  of  July,  when  all  the  members  but  the  lieutenant- 
governor  were  present,  the  question  was  discussed  in  two 
sessions  held  in  the  morning  and  afternoon.  The  debate 
was  continued  from  time  to  time  until  the  ninth  of  July, 
when  a  plan  was  agreed  upon.  Franklin  was  then  de- 
sired to  make  a  draught  of  it.  He  did  not  attend  the  ses- 
sion the  next  day,  —  the  journal  of  the  Congress  says,  — 
being  absent  by  appointment.  He  reported,  on  the  tenth,  a 
Plan  of  a  Union  in  a  new  form.  This  was  undoubtedly  the 
form  that  was  adopted.  It  was  considered,  paragraph  by 
paragraph,  during  the  morning  session,  when  all  the  mem- 
bers were  present,  and  the  debate  was  resumed  in  the  after- 
noon. 

The  preamble  of  this  plan  states  the  purpose  of  making 
application  for  an  act  of  parliament,  by  virtue  of  which  one 
general  government  might  be  formed  in  America,  including 
all  the  colonies,  within  and  under  which  each  colony  might 
retain  its  constitution. 

The  local  constitutions  were  recognized  in  several  of  the 
provisions.  The  representatives  of  the  people  of  each  colony, 
in  their  own  assembly,  were  to  choose,  every  three  years, 
members  to  form  a  Grand  Council ;  the  general  govern- 
ment was  prohibited  from  impressing  men  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  local  legislature ;  any  colony,  on  an  emergency, 

1  Hutchinson's  Mass.,  iii.  22. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.    143 

might  defend  itself;  and  the  particular  military  as  well  as 
civil  establishments  in  each  colony  were  to  remain  in  their 
present  state,  "  the  general  constitution  notwithstanding ;  " 
with  this  proviso,  however :  "  except  in  the  particulars 
wherein  a  change  might  be  directed  "  by  the  contemplated 
act  of  parliament. 

The  union  element  was  embodied  in  a  Grand  Council,  to 
meet  once  a  year.  It  was  to  have  the  power  to  choose  a 
speaker,  and  was  not  to  be  dissolved,  prorogued,  or  con- 
tinued in  session  longer  than  six  weeks,  without  its  own  con- 
sent, or  the  special  command  of  the  crown.  It  was  to  be 
empowered  to  make  treaties  with  the  Indians,  regulate  trade 
with  them,  buy  lands  of  them  for  th.e  crown,  and  author- 
ize new  settlements  ;  and  for  these  purposes  to  make  laws  ; 
to  levy  duties,  imposts,  or  taxes ;  to  nominate  all  civil  offi- 
cers who  were  to  act  under  the  constitution,  and  to  approve 
of  all  military  officers  ;  to  appoint  a  general  treasurer,  and  a 
special  treasurer  in  each  government ;  and  to  have  a  joint 
voice  in  the  expenditure  of  the  moneys  raised ;  to  enlist 
and  pay  soldiers  and  build  forts.  The  laws  were  not  to  be 
repugnant  to  those  of  England,  but  as  near  as  possible  to 
be  agreeable  to  them ;  and  they  were  to  be  submitted  to  the 
king,  and,  if  not  disapproved  within  three  years,  to  remain 
in  force.1 

The  executive  power  was  to  be  vested  in  a  president- 
general,  appointed  and  supported  by  the  crown.  He  was 
to  nominate  military  officers  ;  commission  all  officers  ;  man- 
age, with  the  advice  of  the  Grand  Council,  Indian  affairs ; 
have  a  negative  on  all  the  acts  of  the  Grand  Council ;  and 
to  carry  their  acts  into  execution. 

This  plan  was  strenuously  opposed  by  the  Connecticut 


1  Franklin  (Sparks's  Works,  iii.  61),  in  his  interesting  commentary  on  his  plan, 
Bays,  that,  in  empowering  "the  president-general  and  grand  council"  to  make  laws 
for  laying  and  collecting  general  duties  and  taxes,  "  it  was  not  intended  to  interfere 
with  the  constitution  and  government  of  the  particular  colonies,"  which  were  to  be 
u  left  to  their  own  laws,  and  to  lay,  levy,  and  apply  their  own  taxes  as  before." 


144  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

delegates,1  who  urged,  at  length,  that  it  would  be  impractica- 
ble for  the  president  and  council  to  defend  and  provide  for 
a  union  so  large  as  to  extend  from  Nova  Scotia  to  Georgia  ; 
that  it  would  be  detrimental  for  this  power  to  appoint 
and  commission  all  the  military  officers  of  so  large  a  gov- 
ernment ;  that  the  population  of  the  country  was  very 
numerous,  and  was  doubling  every  twenty-five  years,  and 
to  unite  this  growing  power  under  one  head  might  in  time 
be  dangerous ;  that  the  negative  of  the  president  might  be 
ruinous ;  and  that  the  power  of  levying  taxes  was  a  "  very 
extraordinary  thing,"  and  against  the  rights  of  Englishmen, 
which  were  highly  prized  by  the  people,  who  had  a  due 
sense  of  their  dependence  on  the  mother-country,  and  de- 
lighted in  obedience  to,  and  admired  the  protection  and 
privileges  of,  the  laws  of  England.2  The  plan  was  also  op- 
posed by  Lieutenant-governor  Delancy,  who  would  have 
reserved  to  the  colonial  governors  a  negative  on  the  election 
of  representatives  to  the  Grand  Council.8 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  tenth  of  July,  the  congress  voted 
that  the  commissioners  should  lay  copies  of  this  plan  before 
their  respective  constituents  for  their  consideration,  and 
that  the  secretary  should  transmit  a  copy  of  it  to  each  of  the 
colonies  which  had  not  sent  commissioners,  with  the  view  of 
obtaining  such  alterations  as  might  be  thought  necessary  ; 4 
after  which  it  was  intended  to  transmit  the  plan  to  Eng- 
land to  be  perfected.  On  the  eleventh  of  July  the  congress 


1  It  is  remarkable,  that  Franklin  (Sparks's  Works,  i.  177),  Hutchinson  (Hist. 
Mass.  iii.  23),  members  of  the  convention,  and  Thomas  Pownall  (Administration  of 
the  Colonies,  ed.  1774),  who  was  present,  say  that  the  plan  was  unanimously  adopted. 
Smith,  also  a  member  (Hist.  New  York,  ii.  182)  says,  that  every  member  except 
Delancy  consented  to  the  plan.     But  the  report  of  the  Connecticut  members  of  the 
House  (1  Mass.  Soc.  Coll.,  vii.  207-213),  expressly  says,  that  the  delegates  of  that 
colony  insisted  "  at  the  congress  "  on  their  objections,  which  they  thought  were  never 
answered  or  obviated,  and  that  they  never  gave  any  consent. 

2  1  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vii.  207-213. 

8  Smith  (New  York,  ii.  183)  says  Delancy  made  no  great  opposition.  —  Bancroil. 
iv.  124. 

4  Journal  of  Proceedings. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOB  SEVENTY  YEARS.    145 

adjourned.1     Only  its  general  results  were  announced  in 
the  journals.2 

The  plan  was  then  earnestly  recommended  to  the  people. 
A  citation  will  give  the  spirit  of  the  patriotic  appeals.  One 
writer  in  the  press  said,  "  I  hope  and  pray  the  Almighty, 
that  the  British  colonies  on  this  continent  may  cease  im- 
politically  and  ungenerously  to  consider  themselves  as  dis- 
tinct States,  with  narrow,  separate,  and  independent  views ; 
.  .  .  that  they  will  unite  like  brother  protestants  and  brother 
subjects,  at  least  in  this  critical  and  important  crisis,  rouse 
up  the  English  lion  in  each  other's  breasts,  .  .  .  and  thereby 

1  Sparks's  Franklin,  iii.  24. 

2  I  have  confined  the  narrative  in  the  text  mainly  to  matters  connected  with  my 
theme.    Elaborate  and  interesting  papers  on  the  rights  of  England  to  the  soil,  the 
claims  of  France,  and  methods  for  the  general  defence,  were  submitted  to  the  con- 
vention, which  appear  in  the  ''  Journal  of  the  Proceedings."     This  journal  has  been 
printed  from  copies  taken  to  the  several  governments :  in  the  "  Pennsylvania  Ar- 
chives ;  "  in  the  "  New- York  Documents,"  edited  by  Callaghan  and  Broadhead ;  and, 
excepting  the  last  day's  proceedings,  in  the  "  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Col- 
lections," 3d  series,  vol.  v.     The  Plan  of  Union  is  in  Pownall's  "  Administration  of 
the  Colonies,"  ed.  1768,  App.  iv.     In  the  "American  Museum"  for  February,  1789, 
the  writer  of  a  communication  dated  "  New  York,  Oct.  28,  1788,"  says  that  he  was 
surprised  that  the  Albany  Plan  "  had  lain  dormant  and  unnoticed  among  all  the 
publications  on  the  subject  of  the  new  government."     This  number  contains  a  p»rt 
of  the  plan,  with  accompanying  papers,  among  which  is  a  reprint  of  Franklin's 
"Commentary."      The  April  number  contains  the  conclusion,  with  a  note,  dated 
Philadelphia,  April  9,  1789,  evidently  written  or  dictated  by  Franklin,  containing 
speculations  on  what  might  have  taken  place  if  this  plan,  or  something  like  it,  had 
not  been  rejected.    Compare  this  with  Sparks's  Works  of  Franklin,  i.  177,  178. 

Thomas  Pownall,  subsequently  governor  of  Massachusetts,  was  present  at  this 
congress.  He  submitted  to  it  a  paper  on  American  affairs,  which  was  criticised 
(1  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  vii.  87,  88)  as  loose  and  undigested,  and  containing 
sentiments  unintelligible  to  a  North-American  understanding.  It  was  printed  in 
New  York  in  February,  1756,  and  in  the  "  Gentleman's  Magazine  "  for  May,  1756. 

The  "Boston  Gazette"  of  the  23d  of  July,  1754,  has  the  following:  "This  day 
sev'nnight  came  to  town  the  Hon.  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Esq.,  judge  of  probate  for 
this  county,  and  one  of  the  commissioners  at  the  late  convention  at  Albany.  We 
are  informed:  That  the  Indians  had  all  left  that  city  in  a  good  temper;  but  that  a 
much  smaller  number  attended  the  Interview  than  heretofore  has  been  usual: 
That  the  commissioners  from  the  several  governments  were  unanimously  of  opinion 
that  a  union  of  the  colonies  was  absolutely  necessary  in  order  to  defeat  the  schemes 
of  the  French :  That  a  representation  of  the  state  of  the  British  interest  on  this  con- 
tinent as  it  stands  related  to  the  French  and  Indians  has  been  drawn  up  and  ap- 
proved of:  and  that  a  plan  of  union  has  likewise  been  projected,  and  will,  by  the 
said  commissioners,  be  laid  before  their  respective  constituents  All  the  commis- 
sioners left  Albany  on  the  12th  instant." 

10 


146  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

secure  to  themselves  and  their  posterity  to  the  end  of  time 
the  inestimable  blessings  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and 
the  uninterrupted  possession  and  settlement  of  a  great  coun- 
try, rich  in  all  the  fountains  of  human  felicity.  To  obtain 
this  happy  establishment,  without  which,  I  fear,  it  never 
will  be  obtained,  may  the  God  of  heaven  grant  success  to 
the  plan  for  a  union  of  the  British  colonies  on  the  con- 
tinent of  America!  "T 

The  policy  of  union  was  earnestly  recommended  to  the 
assemblies  by  the  governors.  Dobbs  of  North  Carolina,  for 
instance,  portrayed  with  spirit  the  progress  of  the  French ; 
urged  that  that  power  would  never  have  adopted  its  grand 
and  romantic  scheme  for  dominion  if  it  had  not  been  pre- 
possessed with  the  idea  that  the  British  colonies  were  guided 
by  selfish  and  partial  views,  were  unwilling  or  incapable  of 
uniting  their  force,  and  were  like  a  rope  of  sand ;  and  he 
said,  "  Let  us  show  that  we  are  true  sons  of  Britons,  whose 
ancestors  have  been  famed  for  defending  their  valuable 
religion  and  liberties."  2  The  Albany  Plan  was  reported  to 
the  Massachusetts  assembly  by  their  delegation  to  the  con- 
gress ;  yet  Shirley,  impatient  of  delay,  in  a  message  urged 
action  on  it,  and  in  private  letters  strongly  advocated  the 
promotion  of  a  union  to  be  established  by  an  act  of  parlia- 
ment.3 

These  appeals  failed  to  create  a  public  opinion  in  favor  of 
the  plan.  The  Connecticut  assembly  resolved  that  it  tended 
to  subvert  their  liberties,  took  measures  to  watch  the  action 


1  Boston  Gazette,  Oct.  1,  1754. 

2  Dobbs's  address  of  Dec.  12,  1754,  was  printed  in  the  "  Gentleman's  Magazine  " 
for  July,  1755,  in  which  he  urged  that  colony  to  enter  "  into  a  plan  of  union  with 
all  the  British  colonies  for  their  mutual  future  defence." 

8  Shirley  says,  in  a  letter  dated  Oct.  21,  1754,  to  Governor  Morris,  the  newly  ap- 
pointed governor  of  Pennsylvania,  "  The  best  advice  I  can  give  you  is  to  lose  no 
time  for  promoting  the  plan  of  a  union  of  the  colonies  for  their  mutual  defence,  to  be 
concerted  at  home,  and  established  by  act  of  parliament  as  soon  as  possible.  ...  I 
am  laboring  this  point  totis  viribus."  Shirley  said  of  the  Albany  Plan,  Dec.  24, 
1754,  "  It  doth  not  appear  well  calculated  to  strengthen  the  dependency  of  the  colo- 
nies upon  the  crown." 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.     147 

of  the  other  governments,  and  strongly  opposed  its  adop- 
tion.1 The  New  Jersey  assembly  declared,  that  it  contained 
things  which  would  affect  its  constitution  in  its  very  vitals, 
and  believed  and  hoped  it  would  never  be  countenanced  by  a 
British  legislature.2  The  Pennsylvania  assembly  negatived 
it  without  a  discussion.  The  Massachusetts  assembly  gave 
tu  it  the  consideration  which  the  important  subject  required, 
but,  after  long  debates,  rejected  it,  and  also  rejected  another 
plan,  submitted  by  a  committee.3  In  brief,  the  plan  was 
negatived  by  every  assembly  before  which  it  was  brought, 
and  was  denounced  in  the  forum  of  the  people.4 

The  plan  was  transmitted,  by  Lieut.-Gov.  Delancy,  to  the 
Lords  of  Trade,  who  laid  it  before  the  king  with  the  simple 

1  Trumbull's  Hist.  Conn.,  ii.  357.    The  assembly  were  desirous  "  that  the  govern- 
ment should  be  lessened,  and  divided  into  two  districts." 

2  The  Address  of  the  House,  in  Boston  Gazette,  Nov.  5,  1754.    The  House 
says,  "  We  can  truly  say,  we  want  not  arguments  to  convince  us  of  the  absolute 
necessity  of  the  strictest  union  among  all  his  majesty's  provinces  and  colonies  for 
the  preservation  of  the  whole,   and  on  our  part  have  endeavored  to  cultivate  such  a 
union,  by  contributing  our  endeavors  in  the  best  manner  the  circumstances  of  this 
colony  will  admit." 

8  The  proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  assembly  on  the  question  of  a  union 
of  the  colonies  are  interesting.  It  would,  however,  require  too  much  space  to  relate 
them  in  full.  The  subject  was  referred,  on  the  22d  of  October,  1754,  to  a  large  com- 
mittee, who  reported  a  new  plan  for  a  union,  embracing  only  a  part  of  the  colonies. 
On  the  13th  of  December,  the  question  was  assigned  for  nine  o'clock  on  the  following 
morning,  and  the  members  were  enjoined  to  give  their  attendance.  On  that  day 
(Dec.  14),  "  after  a  large  debate,  the  question  was  put,  Whether  the  House  accept  of 
the  General  Plan  of  Union  as  reported  by  the  commissioners  convened  at  Albany  in 
June  last?  It  was  passed  in  the  negative.  Sent  up  for  concurrence.  The  question 
was  then  put,  Whether  the  House  accept  of  the  Partial  Plan  of  Union  reported  by 
the  last  committee  of  both  Houses  appointed  on  the  union '?  It  passed  in  the  negative. 
Sent  up  for  concurrence."  After  this  rejection  of  the  Partial  Plan  and  the  Albany 
Plan,  the  House,  by  a  vote  of  forty-one  to  thirty-seven,  resolved  that  there  ought  to 
be  a  "general  union  of  his  majesty's  colonies,  except  those  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
Georgia."  A  plan  for  such  a  union  was  reported  by  a  committee.  It  is  in  Hutchin- 
son's  handwriting.  He  does  not  allude  to  it  in  his  history;  nor  have  I  met  with 
any  reference  to  it.  It  differs  materially  in  some  of  its  provisions  from  the  Albany 
Plan.  It  provided,  that  the  Grand  Council,  in  the  choice  of  their  speaker,  should  not 
be  subject  to  the  negative  of  the  president.  After  debating  this  plan,  the  House 
voted,  forty-eight  against  thirty-one,  that  the  further  consideration  of  it  should  be 
suspended  until  the  members  could  have  an  opportunity  to  consult  their  constituents. 
This  plan  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix. 

4  Hutchinson,  iii.  23.  It  was  denounced  at  a  large  town-meeting  in  Boston 
(1  Mass.  Coll.,  iv.  85)  as  detrimental  to  the  liberties  »f  the  people. 


148  THE  RISE  OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

remark,  that  the  scheme  was  complete  in  itself.1  No  action 
was  taken  on  it  by  the  Privy  Council.  The  Lords  of  Trade 
were  in  favor  of  a  plan  of  union  more  consonant  with  Eng- 
lish ideas  ; 2  they  were  also  occupied  with  the  questions  of 
altering  the  local  governments,  carrying  into  effect  the  acts 
relating  to  trade,  and  a  scheme  for  internal  taxation ;  and 
they  gave  little  attention  to  the  Albany  Plan. 

This  plan,  rejected  in  America  because  it  had  too  much 
of  the  prerogative  and  in  England  because  it  was  too  demo- 
cratic, elicited  discussion  in  the  assemblies  on  the  great 
question  of  union,  and  shows  the  progress  of  the  American 
mind  in  political  science.  It  had  to  solve  the  difficult 
problem  of  framing  a  general  government  adequate  to  pro- 
vide for  the  common  welfare,  and  yet  keeping  inviolate  the 
principle  of  local  self-government.  The  New-England  con- 
federacy secured  effectually  to  each  colony  its  rights ;  but 
its  board  of  commissioners  to  act  for  the  whole  was  a  crude 
embodiment  of  the  union  element.  The  schemes  subse- 
quently proposed  in  books  and  letters,  contemplated  a  grand 
council,  or  a  congress,  to  devise  measures  for  the  general 
welfare ;  but  left  their  execution  either  to  the  local  govern- 
ments, or,  as  was  the  ideal  of  the  party  of  the  prerogative, 
contemplated  a  consolidation  of  the  popular  functions  into 
a  central  power,  foreign  to  the  genius  of  the  people.  The  Al- 
bany Plan  was  designed  to  establish  for  all  America  one  gov- 
ernment, based  on  the  consent  of  the  governed,  and  limited  to 
general  purposes,  while  it  left  to  the  local  governments  their 
separate  functions.  It  designed  to  confer  on  the  representa- 
tives of  the  people  the  power  of  making  laws  acting  directly 

1  The  letter  of  the  Lords  of  Trade,  dated  Oct.  29,  1754,  says,  "  The  commis- 
sioners having  agreed  upon  a  Plan  of  Union,  which,  as  far  as  their  sense  and 
opinion  of  it  goes,  is  complete  in  itself,  we  shall  not  presume  to  make  any  observa- 
tions upon  it,  but  transmit  it  simply  for  your  majesty's  consideration."  —  New- York 
Col.,  vi.  920. 

2  The  Lords  were  directed  (June  14,  1754)  b}'  the  king  to  prepare  a  plan  for 
general  concert  by  the  colonies.    On  the  5th  of  July,  the  Lords  wrote  to  Delancy,  that 
it  was  the  opinion  and  language  of  almost  every  colony  that  a  general  union  of 
strength  and  interest  had  become  absolutely  necessary.  —  New-York  Col.,  vi.  8*S. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOE  SEVENTY  YEARS.    149 

on  individuals,  and  appointing  officers  to  execute  them,  and 
yet  not  to  interfere  with  the  execution  of  the  laws  operating 
on  the  same  individuals  by  the  local  officers.  The  authors 
of  this  plan  intended  to  erect  a  public  authority  as  obliga- 
tory in  its  sphere  as  the  local  governments  were  in  their 
spheres.  This  would  have  been  not  a  mere  league,  but  a 
self-sustaining  government.  The  credit  of  this  conception 
is  due  to  the  illustrious  Franklin.  It  was  original  and 
American.  It  was  comprehensive  and  grand.  It  is  not 
strange  that  the  form  devised  to  carry  it  out  should  have 
been  imperfect.  The  time  had  not  ripened,  the  way  had 
not  been  opened,  for  such  a  stride  in  political  science  as  a 
worthy  embodiment  of  this  ideal  would  have  been.  It  re- 
quired the  discipline  and  the  experience  of  the  succeeding 
thirty  years,  the  growth  of  a  public  opinion  for  a  union, 
the  rise  of  a  sentiment  of  nationality,  the  possession  of 
sovereignty,  long  training  of  the  general  mind  in  politics, 
and  the  wisdom  of  a  cluster  of  the  peers  of  Franklin  in  in- 
tellect, before  the  conception  could  be  embodied  in  a  worthy 
form.  Divine  Providence  permitted  Franklin  to  share  in 
this  experience,  to  aid  in  forming  the  more  perfect  Union 
of  the  Constitution,  and  to  see  his  countrymen  establish  it 
as  the  law  of  the  land.1 

1  The  paper  entitled  "  Reasons  and  Motives  on  which  the  Plan  of  Union  was 
formed,"  in  Sparks's  edition  of  Franklin's  Works  (iii.  32),  was  printed  in  1789, 
in  the  "  American  Museum,"  vol.  v.,  and  at  its  close  the  following  note,  evidently  by 
Franklin.  It  was  not  copied  by  Sparks:  — 

On  reflection,  it  now  seems  probable,  that,  if  the  foregoing  plan,  or  something  like  it,  had 
been  adopted  and  carried  into  execution,  the  subsequent  separation  of  the  colonies  from  the 
mother-country  might  not  so  soon  have  happened,  nor  the  mischiefs  suffered  on  both  sides 
have  occurred,  perhaps,  during  another  century.  For  the  colonies,  if  so  united,  would  have 
really  been,  as  they  then  thought  themselves,  sufficient  to  their  own  defence ;  and.  being 
trusted  with  it,  as  by  the  plan,  an  army  from  Britain,  for  that  purpose,  would  have  been  un- 
necessary. The  pretences  for  framing  the  Stamp  Act  would  then  not  have  existed,  nor  the 
other  projects  for  drawing  a  revenue  from  America  to  Britain  by  acts  of  parliament,  which 
were  the  cause  of  the  breach,  and  attended  with  such  terrible  expense  of  blood  and  treasure ; 
so  that  the  different  parts  of  the  empire  might  still  have  remained  in  peace  and  union.  But 
the  fate  of  this  plan  was  singular.  After  many  days'  thorough  discussion  of  all  its  part*  in 
congress,  it  was  unanimously  agreed  to,  and  copies  ordered  to  be  sent  to  the  assembly  of  each 
province  for  concurrence,  and  one  to  the  ministry  in  England  for  the  approbation  of  the 
crown.  The  crown  disapproved  it,  as  having  too  much  weight  in  the  democratic  part  of  the 
constitution,  and  every  assembly  as  having  allowed  too  much  to  prerogative  ;  so  it  was  totaU> 
rejected. 

PHILADELPHIA.  April  9th,  1789. 


150  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

The  plan  contained  things  which  were  hateful  to  the  colo- 
nists. The  reasoning  against  it,  however,  of  the  Connecti- 
cut legislators  shows  the  strength  of  their  prejudices  and  the 
narrowness  of  their  views  rather  than  defects  in  the  plan. 
The  action  of  the  assemblies  ought  to  be  regarded  in  con- 
nection with  the  prior  aggressions  on  their  rights,  and  with 
the  claims  set  up  for  prerogative  or  for  parliament  as  to 
their  internal  affairs,  which  kept  them  in  a  state  of  torment. 
The  plan  reserved  to  the  colonies  their  local  constitu- 
tions, except  in  the  particulars  in  which  a  change  might  be 
made  in  an  act  of  parliament  authorizing  the  formation  of 
the  union.  This  important  exception  was  not  in  Franklin's 
original  plan  ;  he  does  not  comment  on  it  in  his  interesting 
paper  on  the  reasons  and  motives  for  each  article ;  and  no 
one,  at  a  subsequent  period,  more  strenuously  opposed  sub- 
mitting the  local  constitutions  to  the  decisions  of  parliament 
than  he.  The  assemblies  obeyed  a  truly  American  instinct, 
in  declining  to  subject  their  free  municipal  life  —  their  re- 
publican customs  —  to  the  determination  of  a  body  in  which 
their  constituents  were  not  represented.  Indeed,  the  people 
in  the  late  civil  war  were  not  truer  to  an  imperative  public 
duty  in  clinging  to  the  national  life,  after  the  battle  of  Bull 
Run,  than  the  colonies  were  in  rejecting  the  manner  of 
obtaining  union  recommended  by  the  Albany  Congress.1 

Other  plans  of  union  at  that  time  were  brought  forward, 
and  congresses  of  governors  to  consult  on  the  general  de- 
fence continued  to  be  held.  In  the  October  following  the 
Albany  Congress,  Shirley  communicated  to  Franklin,  at 
Boston,  the  designs  of  the  ministry  in  relation  to  union  and 
taxation,  which  were  so  totally  opposed  to  his  own  views  as 
to  elicit  in  reply  the  well-known  remarkable  letters,  which 
were  so  sagacious  that  they  embodied  the  gist  of  the  Ameri- 


1  The  tenacity  with  which  the  colonies  held  on  to  what  they  conceived  to  be  their 
rights  and  liberties,  ought  to  be  viewed  in  connection  with  English  politics.  Smith, 
in  his  "Local  Self-government"  (192  to  210),  shows  how,  from  the  Revolution  of 
1688,  there  was  constant  violation  of  this  principle. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.     151 

can  argument  against  the  arbitrary  policy  that  was  in  contem- 
plation by  the  Lords  of  Trade.  The  scheme  of  union  urged 
by  Halifax  —  despotic,  complicated,  and  impracticable  — 
embraced  a  permanent  revenue  ; l  one  by  Golden  contained 
provisions  for  an  hereditary  council  of  landholders,  in  imi- 
tation of  the  House  of  Lords  ;2  one  by  Johnson,  a  church- 
man, contemplated  a  change  in  the  charter  governments, 
uniformity  in  all  the  colonies,  and  this  as  near  as  possible 
like  the  government  of  England,  though  he  conceded  that 
the  Episcopal  Church  ought  to  have  no  superiority  over 
other  denominations.8  The  union  question  was  discussed 
in  pamphlets.  One  writer  proposed  to  form  three  unions, — 
a  northern,  a  middle,  and  a  southern,  —  on  the  ground  that 
really  there  were  three  distinct  countries.4  These  plans,  if 
of  little  political  significance,  show  that  attention  continued 
to  be  given  to  the  subject.  It  was  a  general  feeling  that  the 
colonies  ought  to  be  united ;  but  there  was  no  public  opinion 
in  favor  of  any  of  the  schemes  that  had  been  proposed. 
Nor  was  there  among  them  a  fraternal  sentiment,  on  which 
to  base  a  union. 

It  had  long  been  thought  that  it  would  be  impracticable 
to  unite  the  colonies  into  one  political  power.  Their  rival- 
ries in  trade  and  disputes  about  boundaries  were  severe. 
There  was  then  war  going  on  between  Carolina  and  Georgia 
concerning  the  navigation  of  the  Savannah.5  These  an- 
tagonisms were  early  seen.  Sir  William  Keith  held  it  to 
be  morally  impossible  that  any  dangerous  union  could  be 
formed  among  them.6  Jeremiah  Dummer  said  that  they 
were  so  distinct  from  one  another  in  their  forms  of  govern- 
ment, their  religion,  emulations  of  trade,  and  affections,  that 

l  Bancroft,  iv.  166.  2  ibid.,  iv.  272. 

»  In  a  paper  dated  King's  College,  New  York,  Jan.  30,  1760,  and  sent  to  Pitt, 
Halifax,  and  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  —  New-York  Col.,  vii.  438. 
4  Contest  in  America,  1757,  40. 

*  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1756,  20.    The  people  of  Georgia  had  seized  several 
vessels  belonging  to  Carolina,  and  the  people  of  the  latter  had  armed  their  vessels. 

•  Memorial,  1720:  "Every  advantage  that  is  lost  or  neglected  by  one  colony  is 
immediately  picked  up  by  another."    Keith,  in  this  paper,  suggested  a  stamp  tax. 


152  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

they  never  could  be  supposed  to  unite.1  Franklin  ascribed 
the  disunion  feeling  to  their  jealousy  of  each  other,  which, 
he  said,  was  so  great  as  to  prevent  union  when  the  enemy 
was  burning  their  villages  and  murdering  their  people. 
Burnaby  wrote  that  fire  and  water  were  not  more  hetero- 
geneous than  the  different  colonies,  and  that  union  seemed 
almost  impossible.2  The  "  London  Chronicle,"  in  reply  to 
the  remark  that  the  colonies  could  not  be  prevented  from 
rising  to  independence  and  empire,  urged  that  they  had 
little  intercourse  with  and  less  friendship  for  one  another ; 
that  their  hereditary  rivalries  and  dislikes  would  prevent  a 
general  combination  for  revolt,  while  any  partial  endeavor 
would  be  sure  to  prove  unsuccessful ;  and  that  while  there 
were  British  governors,  civil  officers,  a  naval  and  military 
force  among  them,  there  could  be  no  reasonable  apprehen- 
sion of  a  revolt,  were  the  colonies  better  peopled  than  they 
could  possibly  be  for  five  hundred  years.3  This  line  of  cita- 
tion might  easily  be  extended.  It  would  only  be  cumu- 
lative testimony,  showing  that  the  diversity  which  was 
paramount  was  looked  upon  as  permanent. 

Such  was  the  question  of  union  when  the  intelligence 
went  through  the  colonies  of  the  surrender  of  Canada  to 
the  British  arms.  It  was  heralded  as  one  of  the  grandest 
events  known  in  English  annals,  and  its  magnitude  was  not 
overrated.  The  colonists,  however,  were  naturally  occupied 
with  its  bearing  on  themselves.  A  burden  was  lifted  from 
their  hearts.  A  fountain  of  misery  was  sealed  up  for 
ever.  Henceforth  but  trembling  hands  could  wield  against 
them  the  tomahawk.  Henceforth  their  race  was  to  control 

1  A  Defence  of  the  New-England  Charters,  1721,  73. 

2  Travels  in  1759-60,  159.    "  Nothing  can  exceed  the  jealousy  and  emulation 
which  they  possess  in  regard  to  each  other.    The  inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania  and 
New  York  have  an  inexhaustible  source  of  animosity  in  their  jealousy  for  the  trade 
of  the  Jerseys.    Massachusetts  Bay  and  Rhode  Island  are  not  less  interested  in  that  of 
Connecticut.  .  .  .  Were  they  left  to  themselves,  there  would  soon  be  a  civil  war 
from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other."  — 160. 

8  London  Chronicle,  May  30,  1760.  This  piece,  signed  "  Simplicius,"  was  copied 
into  the  American  newspapers. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.    153 

America.  They  then  had  visions  of  future  prosperity, 
peace,  and  security,  —  a  higher  sense  of  the  grandeur  of 
the  colonies.  The  towns  were  brilliant  with  illuminations. 
The  press  was  laden  with  exultation.  The  pulpit  was  fer- 
vent with  gratitude.  The  assemblies  were  extravagant  with 
expressions  of  loyalty.1  The  general  joy  was  irrepressible. 

The  liberty  men  vied  with  the  party  of  the  prerogative  in 
paeans  to  the  British  Constitution  and  flag.  This  enthu- 
siasm sustains  a  remark  of  Franklin,  that  the  colonists 
loved  the  nation  more  than  they  loved  each  other.  The 
royal  officials,  however,  represented  that  the  profession  of 
devotion  to  the  crown  was  sheer  hypocrisy ;  that  the  colonies 
intended  to  cast  off  their  dependence  on  the  mother-country. 
This  was  said  throughout  the  whole  period  reviewed  in  this 
chapter.  The  charge  was  repelled  by  the  colonists  as  an  im 
putation  on  their  honor.  Dummer,  hearing  it  in  the  mouths 
of  people  of  all  conditions  and  qualities  in  London,  con- 
fronted it  by  saying,  "  It  would  not  be  more  absurd  to  place 
two  of  his  majesty's  beefeaters  to  watch  an  infant  in  the 
cradle,  that  it  do  not  rise  to  cut  its  father's  throat,  than  to 
guard  these  weak  infant  colonies  to  prevent  their  shaking 
off  the  British  yoke."2  Franklin  assured  Pratt  that  no  such 
idea  as  casting  off  their  dependence  was  entertained  by  the 

1  The  Massachusetts  Assembly,  August,  1760,  in  dwelling  on  the  "  inexpressible 
joy  of  the  present  times,"  said  of  the  British  Constitution,  "  Now  this  glorious  con- 
stitution exceeds  itself;   it  raises  new  ideas  for  which  no  language  has  provided 
words,  because  never  known  before.     Contradictions  are  become  almost  consistent, 
clamorous  faction  is  silent,  morose  envy  good-natured,  by  the  divine  blessing  on 
the  councils  and  arms  of  our  dread  sovereign  in  every  quarter  of  the  world.    He  is 
become  the  scourge  of  tyrants,  the  hopes  of  the  oppressed ;  yet  in  the  midst  of  vic- 
tories prophesying  peace." 

2  Defence  of  the  New-England  Charters,  72.    Hutchinson  (Hist.  Mass.,  3d  ed., 
ii.  319)  says  this  remark  was  in  a  brief  used  before  the  council.     The  idea  that  the 
colonies  aimed  at  independence  was  alluded  to  in  parliament,  in  the  debates  on 
the  Sugar  Bill.    A  petition  from  Rhode  Island  alleged  that  duties  would  be  against 
their  charter.     Sir  William  Yonge,  in  1733,  said,  "  This,  I  must  say,  is  something 
very  extraordinary,  and,  in  my  opinion,  looks  mighty  like  aiming  at  an  independ- 
ency, and  disclaiming  the  authority  and  jurisdiction  of  this  House."  —  Cobbet's  Par- 
liamentary History,  viii.  1261,  where  it  is  printed  "very  unlike;  "  but  the  speech  u 
in  "  Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Feb.  14, 1765. 


154  THE  RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

Americans.1  Still  the  allegation  was  deliberately  made  by 
Chalmers,  that,  from  the  epoch  of  the  Revolution  and 
throughout  every  reign,  it  was  the  settled  policy  of  the 
colonies  to  acquire  independence ;  and  this  has  been  repeated 
by  a  recent  British  writer.  Neither  supports  the  statement 
by  proofs.  It  may  be  confidently  affirmed,  that  no  citations 
from  private  letters,  no  consultations  for  such  an  object  by 
any  political  leaders,  no  resolves  of  any  public  body,  no  act 
of  any  colonial  assembly,  can  be  adduced  to  sustain  such  a 
charge.  The  only  evidence  of  any  sucli  design  is  an  im- 
pression made  on  the  minds  of  royal  officials  by  the  zealous 
assertion  on  the  part  of  the  colonists  of  what  they  regarded 
as  their  rights ;  and  this  is  too  vague  for  history.2 

While  there  was  neither   an  aim  nor  even  a  desire  for 


1  Gordon  (i.  136)  says  this  assurance  was  made  before  1760.    Franklin  arrived  in 
London,  July  27,  1757. 

2  The  statement  of  Chalmers  (Opinions  of  Eminent  Lawyers,  Preface)  is,  "that 
there  lay  among  documents  in  the  Board  of  Trade  and  Paper  Office  the  most  satis- 
factory proofs  from  the  epoch  of  the  Revolution  of  1688,  throughout  every  reign  and 
during  every  administration,  of  the  settled  purpose  of  the  colonies  to  acquire  direct 
independence."     This  subject  was  examined  by  Sparks,  in  No.  X.  of  the  Appen- 
dix of  Vol.  II.  of  the  ''Writings  of  Washington"  (1834).     It  is  referred  to  in  the 
preface  to  the  American  edition  of  Chalmers's  "  Revolt  of  the  Colonies,"  printed  in 
1845,  where  it  is  said  that  the  proofs  consisted  of  the  complaints  of  the  royal  gov- 
ernors.    The  charge  is  repeated  by  Viscount  Bury  in  1865.     He  says,  "  A  careful 
examination  of  the  history  of  the  colonies  will  show,  that  they,  with  few  exceptions, 
formed,  soon  after  this  time  (accession  of  William  III.),  the  resolution  of  becoming 
independent  of  the  mother-country."  — Exodus  of  the  Western  Nations,  vol.  i.  395. 
And  he  states  (p.  412),  "  The  desire  of  the  colonies  for  independence  existed  from  their 
very  foundation."     He  adduces  no  proofs  to  sustain  this  statement.     Against  the 
opinion  of  Chalmers  and  Bury  may  be  set  the  remark  of  Hutchinson  (Hist.  Mass., 
Hi.  69),  "  An  empire,  separate  or  distinct  from  Britain,  no  man  then  (1758)  alive  ex- 
pected or  desired  to  see." 

The  idea  that  the  colonies  would  rise  into  independence  and  empire  was  common 
at  the  period  of  1760.  It  was  met  in  a  candid  manner  by  the  British  press.  A  com- 
munication is  copied  into  the  "  Boston  News  Letter"  of  Sept.  17,  1761,  from  a  Lon- 
don journal.  The  writer  says,  "  I  know  it  has  long  been  a  boggle  to  some,  that  our 
colonies,  finding  no  enemies  on  their  backs,  would  set  up  for  themselves  .  .  .  how 
weakly  founded  I  appeal  to  common  sense.  If  we  have  a  mind  to  yoke  them,  make 
slaves  of  them,  I  grant  it  such  aids  are  necessary  for  the  purpose;  but  use  them  as 
fellow  Britons,  and  they  cannot,  will  not,  refuse  to  acquiesce  in  what  is  just  and  right. 
I  defy  the  most  cunning  among  us  to  prove  that  they  have  ever  offered  to  resist  where 
they  have  not  had  just  cause,  and  which  on  the  same  occasion  would  not  have  had 
the  same  effect  on  the  people  of  England." 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOR  SEVENTY  YEARS.     155 

independence  on  the  part  of  the  colonists,  yet  the  increase 
of  population  and  wealth,  the  working  of  ideas,  the  quiet 
unfolding  of  Providence,  elicited  much  reasoning  and  specu- 
lation on  the  tendency  of  events.  This  unwonted  spectacle 
of  the  progress  of  a  free  people  attracted  more  and  more 
the  attention  of  men  of  thought,  and  elicited  a  line  of  specu- 
lation respecting  the  future  of  America.  Berkeley,  in  a  pro- 
phetic strain,  sung  of  another  golden  age  which  should 
produce  subjects  worthy  of  fame :  — 

'*  Westward  the  course  of  empire  takes  its  way, 

The  four  first  acts  already  past, 
A  fifth  shall  close  the  drama  with  the  day ; 
Time's  noblest  offspring  is  the  last."  * 

Dummer  heard  great  men  say  that  the  colonists,  in  the 
course  of  some  years,  if  not  curbed  in  time,  would  declare 
themselves  a  free  State.2  Kalm  was  told  by  Americans  and 
by  Englishmen,  that  in  thirty  or  fifty  years  the  colonies  would 
be  able  to  form  a  State  by  themselves  entirely  independent.3 
Turgot  said,  in  a  public  discourse,  that,  when  America  was 
able  to  take  care  of  itself,  it  would  do  what  Carthage  did.4 
John  Adams  mused  on  what  would  follow  the  expulsion  of 
the  turbulent  Gallics,  and  saw  a  great  seat  of  empire  here 
that  would  become  more  populous  than  England.5  Weare 
judged  that  the  colonies,  ripened  by  a  very  few  more  years 
must,  agreeably  to  Nature's  ordinary  laws,  drop  off  from 
that  stock  whence  they  originally  sprung.6  Franklin  pre- 
dicted that,  in  less  than  a  century,  the  Mississippi  Valley 
would  become  a  populous  and  powerful  dominion.7  Lude- 
man  averred  that  the  planets  were  the  silent  patrons  of 
lovely  America,  and  that  her  independence  would  be  a 
steady  counterbalance  to  the  fierce  commotions  of  the  old 

1  Bishop  Berkeley's  well-known  verses  were  written  about  1726. 

2  Defence  of  New-England  Charters,  72. 

8  Kalm's  Travels  in  North  America,  i.  264,  printed  in  1748. 
*  1750.    Bancroft,  iv.  66.  6  1755.     Works,  i.  23. 

«  Before  1759.    Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  i.  76. 
1  1766.    Sparks's  Works  of  Franklin,  iii.  70. 


156  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

world.1  It  was  a  tradition  that  the  Pilgrims  who  founded 
Plymouth  inscribed  on  a  rock  the  couplet,  — 

"  The  eastern  nations  sink,  their  glory  ends, 
And  empire  rises  where  the  sun  descends."  2 

An  Italian  poet,  inspired  by  the  presence  of  Benjamin  West, 
sung  that  the  spirit  of  venerable  Rome,  immortal  and  unde- 
cayed,  was  spreading  towards  the  new  world.3  Burnaby 
relates  that  an  idea  had  entered  into  the  minds  of  the  gen- 
erality of  mankind,  that  empire  was  travelling  westward.4 
The  language  of  the  press  was  often  elevating  and  prophetic 
as  it  portrayed  what  a  great  country,  rich  in  all  the  foun- 
tains of  human  felicity,  would  be  with  union  and  a  free 
constitution.5 

America,  before  which  a  grand  future  was  opening,  was 
delineated  as  a  tract  having  sixteen  hundred  miles  of 
sea-coast,  producing  all  the  conveniences  and  necessaries 
of  life,  and  surpassed  in  population  in  Europe  by  only 
three  powers, — the  German  Empire,  France,  and  England. 
America,  it  was  said,  because  of  her  trade  and  the  great 
quantity  of  manufactures  consumed  in  it,  had  become  the 
fountain  of  the  riches  of  the  mother -country.  It  was 
pictured  as  having  hundreds  of  thriving  towns,  of  which 
Boston  was  as  large  and  better  built  than  Bristol,  or,  in- 
deed, any  city  in  England  except  London ;  New  York  had 
abundant  markets,  good  wharves,  a  large  and  growing 
commerce ;  five  thousand  houses  of  brick  and  stone,  and  a 
town  house  very  little  inferior  to  Guild-Hall ;  Philadelphia 
was  as  fine  a  city  of  its  size  as  any  on  the  globe,  had  a 
market-place  equal  to  any  in  Europe,  and  an  Academy  in 
which  the  youth  had  made  surprising  progress ;  Charles- 
ton, with  a  genteel  and  a  refined  society,  was  as  large  as 
Gloucester.6  The  population  of  a  million  and  a  half  was 

1  1757'.    Farmer  and  Moore's  Collections,  i.  127. 

2  John  Adams's  Works,  ix.  599.  3  Gait's  Life  of  West,  i.  117. 
*  Travels,  155.  6  See  above,  p.  146. 

6  These  statements  may  be  seen  in  an  elaborate  paper  describing  the  colonies  in 
the  "  Gentleman's  Magazine"  of  1755. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  UNION  FOB  SEVENTY  YEARS.     157 

doubling  in  twenty-five,  some  said,  twenty  years.  In  verses 
referring  to  the  contributions  of  the  learned  from  all  climes 
to  the  cause  of  science,  it  was  written,  — 


" mild  America  prevails ; 

The  maid  new  paths  in  science  tries, 
New  gifts  her  daring  toil  supplies ; 
She  gordian  knots  of  art  unbinds ; 
The  Thunder's  secret  source  she  finds; 
With  rival  power  her  lightnings  fly, 
Her  skill  disarms  the  frowning  sky; 
For  this  the  minted  gold  she  claims, 
Ordained  the  meed  of  generous  aims."  * 

While  America  had  thus  won  laurels  in  the  field  of 
science,  it  was  said  of  her,  that  she  had  created  an  asylum 
for  liberty.  This  was  a  passion  with  the  race  who  had  sub- 
dued the  wilderness.  It  was  the  spring  of  their  fidelity, 
intelligence,  and  zeal.  A  love  of  it  was  continually  ex- 
pressed in  their  utterances.  "  Liberty,"  are  Franklin's 
words,2  "  thrives  best  in  the  woods.  America  best  culti- 
vates what  Germany  brought  forth."  A  paper,3  analyzing 
free  principles  and  enjoining  fidelity  to  them,  circulated  in 
the  journals,  closing  with  Milton's  words :  — 

"  This  is  true  liberty,  when  free-born  men, 
Having  to  advise  the  public,  may  speak  free, 
Which  he  who  can  and  will,  deserves  high  praise ; 
Who  neither  can  nor  will  may  hold  his  peace: 
What  can  be  juster  in  a  State  than  this?  " 

*  Gentleman's  Magazine,  Preface,  1753.  It  has  this  note :  "  Benjamin  Franklin, 
Esq.,  of  Philadelphia,  obtained  the  Royal  Society's  medal  for  his  amazing  discov- 
eries in  electricity." 

a  In  1759.    Sparks's  Works,  iii.  114.          •  Independent  Advertiser,  1748. 


CHAPTER    Y. 

HOW  THE  ASSERTION  BY  PARLIAMENT  OF  A  RIGHT  TO  TAX  THE  COLO- 
NIES  BY  THE  STAMP  ACT  EVOKED  A  SENTIMENT  OF  UNION  AND 
OCCASIONED  A  GENERAL  CONGRESS. 

1760  TO  1766. 

THE  rejection  of  the  Albany  Plan  proposing  a  general  gov- 
ernment for  all  America  was  not  caused  by  a  low  estimate 
of  the  value  of  union ;  but  was  occasioned  by  a  state  of 
things  which  precluded  its  adoption,  or  even  the  formation 
of  a  public  opinion  in  its  favor.  The  subject  was  soon  over- 
laid by  events  of  such  magnitude  as  to  create  an  epoch  in 
history.  At  that  period,  the  ministry  of  George  III.  decided 
on  a  policy  with  regard  to  America  more  in  harmony  with 
English  ideas  and  objects  than  with  wisdom  and  justice. 
This  policy,  so  far  as  it  was  developed  in  the  Stamp  Act, 
was  an  assertion  by  parliament  of  the  right  to  tax  the  colo- 
nies by  a  body  in  which  they  were  not  represented  ;  and  the 
attempt  to  execute  this  act  evoked  out  of  the  prevalent 
diversity  a  sentiment  of  union,  and  called  forth  a  congress 
for  a  redress  of  grievances. 

The  congress  was  held  during  the  period  of  the  Ameri- 
can Revolution.  This  was  a  grand  historic  drama,  in  which 
George  III.  spoke  the  prologue,  when  he  announced  the 
purpose  of  taxing  America ;  and  Washington  gave  the 
epilogue,  when  he  took  the  oath  as  the  chief-magistrate  of  a 
free  people.  The  movement,  viewed  in  its  completeness, 
may  be  said  to  have  been  a  single  step  forward,  which  it 
required  thirty  years  to  take,  and  in  which  the  British  sub- 
jects of  thirteen  colonies,  formed  into  communities  under 
authority  derived  from  the  crown,  advanced  to  the  position 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT   OF   UNION.  159 

of  citizens  of  thirteen  independent  States,  organized  on  the 
basis  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  and  united  into  a 
nation  under  a  republican  form  of  government.  The  unin- 
terrupted display  of  political  wisdom  in  the  progress  of  this 
work,  its  achievement  under  the  banner  of  law  and  justice,1 
the  crowning  triumph  of  the  Federal  Constitution  with  the 
power  of  self-preservation,  elicited  from  Lord  Brougham 
the  judgment  that  this  revolution  is  the  most  important 
political  event  in  the  history  of  our  species.2  It  was  a 
growth.  It  shows  the  process  of  evolution.  Washington, 
a  type  of  the  wonderful  public  virtue  of  his  time,  recog- 
nized the  nature  of  this  growth,  as  is  evident  from  these 
memorable  words  in  his  inaugural  address :  "No  people 
can  be  bound  to  acknowledge  and  adore  the  invisible  hand 
which  conducts  the  affairs  of  men  more  than  the  people  of 
the  United  States.  Every  step  by  which  they  have  advanced 
to  the  character  of  an  independent  nation  seems  to  have 
been  distinguished  by  some  token  of  providential  agency." 
The  thirteen  colonies,  at  the  commencement  of  the  Revo- 
lution, according  to  the  rate  of  their  increase,  contained  a 
population  of  about  two  millions.  They  were  distinct  com- 
munities. It  is  no  more  than  simple  justice  to  the  founders 
of  the  republic  to  keep  in  mind,  that  these  communities, 
each  having  a  local  life  peculiar  in  some  respects  to  itself, 
presented,  not  merely  the  aspect  of  diversity  and  a  want  of 
fraternity,  but  often  that  of  antagonism  to  each  other.3 

1  Guizot.     The  Causes  of  the  Success  of  the  English  Revolution,  1640-1688, 
130. 

2  Lord  Brougham,  in  his  "  Political  Philosophy  "  (vol.  iii.  329),  says  of  the  colo- 
nies, "  After  a  series  of  extraordinary  successes,  .  .  .  and  an  uninterrupted  display 
of  political  wisdom  as  well  as  firmness  and  moderation,  they  finally  threw  off  the 
yoke  of  the  mother-country,  .  .  .  winning  for  themselves  a  new  constitution  upon 
the  Federal  plan,  and  of  the  republican  form.     This  is  perhaps  the  most  important 
event  in  the  history  of  our  species." 

8  Lord  Mahon  (Hist.  England,  v.  77)  has  a  candid  strain  of  remark  on  this  point 
of  diversity,  as  he  mentions  the  rivalries  and  the  difficulty  of  concert  and  union. 
He  says,  "It  is  a  difficulty  which  should  ever  be  borne  in  mind  by  every  candid  his- 
torian of  the  revolutionary  war,  as  tending  to  enhance  the  success  of  the  Americans 
when  they  succeeded,  and  to  excuse  in  some  degree  their  failure  when  they  failed." 


160  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Whatever  Americanism  there  was  did  not  appear  in  the 
form  of  unionism,  so  long  as  the  sentiment  of  country  or  of 
nationality  centred  in  the  British  Empire.  The  tradition- 
ary affection  for  England  found  expression  when  the  Peace 
of  Paris  was  announced.  By  that  peace,  England  retained 
half  a  continent  as  the  monument  of  her  victories.1  She 
was  exalted  high  among  the  nations.  Her  power  and  em- 
pire seemed  above  all  ancient  and  above  all  modern  fame.2 
"  We  in  America,"  James  Otis  exclaimed,  "  have  abundant 
reason  to  rejoice.  The  heathen  are  driven  out,  and  the 
Canadians  conquered.  The  British  dominion  now  extends 
from  sea  to  sea,  and  from  the  great  rivers  to  the  end 
of  the  earth.  Liberty  and  knowledge,  civil  and  religious, 
will  be  co-extended,  improved,  and  preserved  to  the  latest 
posterity."  He  reiterated  the  eulogy  of  the  colonial  age 
on  the  British  Constitution  ;  he  claimed  that  every  British 
subject  in  America  was  entitled  to  the  essential  privileges 
of  Britons ;  he  extolled  the  union  between  Great  Britain 
and  her  plantations  ;  and  he  said,  "  What  God  in  his  provi- 
dence has  united,  let  no  man  dare  attempt  to  pull  asunder."3 
This  undoubtedly  expressed  the  feeling  of  Americans. 
The  idea  that  the  people  of  England  and  the  colonies  were 
fellow-subjects,  co-equals  in  political  rights  under  the  Brit- 
ish Constitution,  was  common  in  America.  It  pervades  the 
utterances  of  the  patriots.  Jefferson  embodied  the  senti- 
ment as  he  wrote  the  declaration  that  announced  the  sepa- 
ration of  the  people  of  the  colonies  from  the  people  of 
England :  "  We  might  have  been  a  free  and  a  great  people 
together."  4 

Such  is  a  glance  at  America  when  George  III.  began  his 
memorable  reign.  It  is  common  for  British  writers  to  lay 
at  the  door  of  the  king  and  his  advisers  the  responsibility 

1  Bancroft,  iv.  78.  2  Smyth's  Lectures  on  Modern  History,  ii.  348. 

8  "Post  Boy,"  March  21,  1763. —  Otis  delivered  this  speech  on  being  chosen 
moderator  of  the  first  town-meeting  held  in  Boston  after  the  intelligence  of  the 
Treaty  of  1763  was  received. 

4  Original  Draft  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND    A    SENTIMENT    OF   UNION.  16i 

for  what  occurred.  He  is  characterized  as  having  been 
amiable  in  private  life,  but  with  a  narrow  understanding 
which  culture  had  not  enlarged,  and  an  obstinate  disposi- 
tion which  no  education  could  have  humanized ;  and  it  is 
said,  that  the  instant  his  prerogative  was  concerned,  or  his 
will  was  thwarted,  the  most  unbending  pride  and  calculating 
coldness  took  possession  of  his  breast,  and  swayed  it  by 
turns.1  Lord  Bute,  also,  his  early  adviser,  is  described  as 
of  a  cold  heart,  and  haughty  ways,  and  thoroughly  tory  in 
his  affinities.  But  however  just  may  be  the  delineations 
of  these  actors  and  of  others,  the  springs  of  the  great  events 
that  soon  occurred  lay  deeper  than  personal  character. 
They  grew  out  of  the  ideas  of  the  age.  Their  roots  were  in 
the  condition  of  society.  The  king  was  an  exponent  of  the 
feudalism  that  still  lingered,  and  which  was  absolutely 
irreconcilable  with  institutions  in  America  that  tended  more 
and  more  to  a  realization  of  freedom  and  equality. 

The  acquisition  of  Canada,  of  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  of  Florida,  vastly  increased  the  consequence  of  America  : 
it  became  the  great  subject  for  consideration,  and  seemed 
to  require  a  new  policy.  The  men  in  power  regarded  Eng- 
land as  the  head  and  heart  of  the  whole  empire,  as  omnipo- 
tent in  the  matter  of  government ;  and  they  aimed  to  make 
every  other  part  of  the  empire  "  the  mere  instrument  or 
conduit  of  conveying  nourishment  and  vigor  "  to  the  head.2 
A  policy  based  substantially  on  this  idea  had  long  been 
urged  by  the  Lords  of  Trade.  It  amounted  to  the  construc- 
tion of  a  new  colonial  map.  It  embraced  an  alteration  of 
territorial  boundaries,  a  remodelling  of  the  local  constitu- 
tions, an  abridgment  of  popular  power,  and  an  introduction 
of  the  aristocratic  or  hereditary  element.  It  contemplated, 
in  fact,  the  moulding  of  America  into  uniformity  with  Eng- 
land. It  included  an  execution  of  the  Navigation  Act, 
which  had  never  been  enforced,  of  laws  of  trade  which  had 

1  Brougham's  Statesmen  of  the  Times  of  George  II.,  1,  2. 

2  Extra-official  State  Papers,  32,  written  by  William  Knox. 

11 


162  THE   RISE   OF    THE   REPUBLIC. 

remained  dead  letters  on  the  statute-book,  the  collection  of 
a  revenue,  and  the  establishment  of  a  standing  army.  The 
ministry  of  the  Earl  of  Bute,  based  on  prerogative  and 
power,  decided  in  favor  of  this  policy,  and  successive  ad- 
ministrations endeavored  to  carry  it  out  in  part  or  in  the 
whole.1 

The  measures  embodying  this  scheme  were  not  adopted  at 
once.  Its  earliest  manifestation  was  in  the  shape  of  in- 
structions to  the  several  officers,  directing  them  to  execute 
the  acts  of  trade ;  and  the  application  of  one  of  them  to 
the  superior  court  of  Massachusetts  for  "a  writ  of  assist- 
ance," or  an  authority  to  search  any  house  for  merchandise 
liable  to  duty,  occasioned  the  famous  argument  of  James 
Otis  against  granting  the  writ.  The  orders  issued  after  the 
Peace  of  Paris,  directing  an  execution  of  the  Sugar  Act, 
the  Navigation  Act,  and  the  arbitrary  laws  of  trade  created 
great  alarm  in  the  colonies.2  This  was  protested  against 
by  the  community  generally.  It  was  suggested  that  the 
merchants  in  the  colonies  should  hold  meetings,  choose 
committees  to  memorialize  the  general  assemblies  to  act  on 
the  subject  of  the  Sugar  Act,  and  that  these  committees 
should  open  a  correspondence  with  each  other,  and  thus 
endeavor  "  to  promote  a  union  or  a  coalition  of  all  their 


1  Bancroft  has  traced  the  origin  of  this  policy  with  great  thoroughness,  espe- 
cially in  chapters  v.,  vii.,  and  ix.  of  vol.  v.     See  the  valuable  note,  p.  83,  on  the 
alterations  proposed  in  the  local  governments. 

2  This  subject  has  been  so  often  presented,  that  it  would  be  following  a  beaten 
track  to  relate  the  details  of  its  adoption.    I  subjoin  a  few  dates  and  facts.    The  card 
of  Barrons,  the  collector,  giving  notice  of  a  determination  to  break  up  illicit  trade,  is 
dated  Oct.  27,  1760.     The  argument  of  James  Otis  on  writs  of  assistance  was  made 
in  November,  1761.     There  is  comparatively  little  political  matter  in  the  journals  of 
1762.    A  letter  of  the  Lords  of  Trade,  dated  Oct.  11,  1763,  signed  "  R.  Bacon, 
John  Yorke,  Hillsborough,  Soame  Jenyns,"  enjoined  the  governors  to  make  "the 
suppression  of  the  clandestine  trade,"  "in  the  strictest  manner  the  object  of  their 
immediate  care."     Admiral  Colvill,  in  a  letter  dated  Romney,  Halifax  Harbor,  Oct. 
22,  1763,  gave  the  governor  of  Rhode  Island  notice  that  the  "  Squirril "  would  be 
stationed  at  Newport  to  execute  the  revenue  acts ;  and  the  newspapers  of  that  period 
contain  accounts  of  the  arrival  of  ships  of  war  at  different  ports  for  the  same  pur- 
pose. 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT   OF   UNION.  163 

councils ; " 1  an  idea  carried  out  nine  years  later  in  the 
celebrated  organization  of  committees  of  correspondence. 
This  suggestion  met  with  favor.  The  merchants  of  several 
towns  in  Massachusetts,  New  York,  and  Rhode  Island  held 
meetings,  corresponded  with  each  other,  and  adopted  me- 
morials to  the  assemblies  ;  and  representations  were  sent  to 
England  against  the  Sugar  Act.  All  this  proved  of  no 
avail.  The  act,  about  to  expire,  was  renewed  and  made 
more  obnoxious,  and  other  duties  were  imposed. 

Meantime  reports  multiplied  that  the  home  government 
was  devising  a  system  of  "  inland  taxation,"  that  the  method 
was  to  be  stamp  tax,  and  that  the  internal  police  of  the 
colonies  was  to  be  altered.2  Charles  Townshend  was  ad- 
vanced to  the  place  of  First  Lord  of  Trade.  He  was  as 
zealous  for  an  alteration  of  the  local  governments  as  when 
he  first  became  a  member  of  this  Board.  The  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer,  George  Grenville,  declined  to  bring  for- 


1  The  issues  of  the  "Boston  Evening  Post"  of  Nov.  21  and  28,  1763,  contain  an 
elaborate  p;iper,  occupying  seven  columns,  treating  of  "  the  great  commotion  the 
maritime  towns  are  thrown  into  by  the  present  juncture  of  affairs."     This  piece 
says,  "The  Sugar  Act  has  from  its  first  publication  (1733)  been  adjudged  so  un- 
natural, that  hardly  any  attempts  have  been  made  to  carry  it  into  execution  "     The 
writer  recommended  the  merchants  of  Boston  to  hold  a  general  meeting,  and  choose 
a  committee  to  write  to  every  maritime  town  in  the  province,  advising  the  like 
measure;  and  "that  a  grand  committee"  prepare  a  remonstrance  to  the  general 
court,  asking  action  in  favor  of  an  abolition  of  the  duty  on  foreign  sugar  and 
molasses ;   also  that  this  committee  open  a  correspondence  with  the  principal  mer- 
chants of  the  other  colonies.      The  "Boston  Gazette"  of  Jan.  16,  1764,  says  that 
the  merchants  were  about  transmitting  their  proceedings  to  several  other  govern- 
ments.   The  remonstrance  of  the  Rhode-Island  colony  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  against 
the  Sugar  Act  is  dated  Jan.  24,  1764;  and  their  agent  was  directed  to  present  it, 
provided  any  three  of  the  agents  of  the  other  colonies  would  unite  with  him  in  the 
same.    The  "  Boston  Post  Boy"  of  Feb.  13,  1764,  has  an  account  of  a  meeting  of 
the  merchants  of  New  York,  held  at  Mr.  Burn's  Long  Room,  who  appointed  a 
committee  to  prepare  a  memorial  to  the  legislature. 

2  The  following  paragraph  was  circulated  in  the  newspapers.    It  is  in  the  "  Bos- 
ton Post  Boy,"  Aug.  8,  1763,  and  the  "  Gazette,"  Aug.  22:  — 

"  Charleston,  S.C.,  July  2.  —A  report  prevails  that  there  are  letters  in  town  from  London 
of  a  late  date,  advising  that  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  would  soon  take  into  their  con- 
sideration the  police  of  the  several  American  governments  dependent  on  the  mother-country  ; 
and  by  act  establish  a  form  that  would  effectually  obviate  all  the  inconveniences  which  hath 
arisen  or  might  arise  from  imperfections  in  either,  and  oblige  them  to  be  unanimous  in  all 
points  tending  to  their  general  good." 


164  THE   RISE    OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

ward  this  part  of  the  Bute  policy,  though  fully  resolved  on 
the  measure  of  taxation.  On  the  9th  of  March,  1764,  he 
read  in  the  House  of  Commons  a  series  of  resolutions  de- 
claring the  intention  of  the  government  to  raise  a  revenue 
in  America  by  a  duty  on  stamped  paper ;  announcing,  how- 
ever, that  final  action  on  the  question  would  be  delayed, 
with  the  view  of  allowing  the  colonists  an  opportunity  of 
suggesting  other  modes  of  laying  a  tax.  The  king,  on  pro- 
roguing parliament,  on  the  19th  of  April,  gave  a  hearty 
approval  to  what  he  characterized  as  "  the  wise  regulations 
which  had  been  established  to  augment  the  public  revenues, 
to  unite  the  interests  of  the  most  distant  possessions  of  the 
crown,  and  to  encourage  and  secure  their  commerce  with 
Great  Britain."  What  a  commentary  on  this  sentence  were 
the  events  that  occurred  eleven  years  later,  on  the  anniver- 
sary of  the  delivery  of  this  speech. 

The  Declaratory  Resolves,  the  heralds  of  the  famous 
Stamp  Act,  caused  great  sensation  in  the  colonies.  The 
American  mind  was  soon  occupied  with  the  profound  ques- 
tions of  government,  natural  rights,  and  constitutional  law. 
As  the  discussion  went  on  in  the  public  meeting,  the  press, 
and  the  general  assemblies,  the  people  became  divided  in 
sentiment.  The  opposers  of  the  measures  of  the  adminis- 
tration were  termed  Whigs,  Patriots,  and  Sons  of  Liberty ; 
and  the  supporters  of  the  administration  were  called  Loyal- 
ists, Tories,  and  Friends  of  Government.  Each  party  could 
point  to  men  of  learning,  talents,  and  integrity,  as  actors  or 
sympathizers,  who  believed  in  the  justice  of  certain  leading 
principles  and  objects,  and  sought  by  joint  endeavor  to  pro- 
mote them ;  and  each  party  had  to  endure  the  evils  inflicted 
on  the  cause  by  its  own  selfish,  unscrupulous,  rash,  and 
violent  members.  Both  sides  claimed  to  act  under  the 
British  Constitution,  and  to  be  loyal  to  the  crown.  Both 
regarded  with  pride  their  connection  with  the  mother-coun- 
try :  nor  did  the  Whigs,  until  after  hostilities  commenced, 
aim  at  a  dissolution  of  this  connection. 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT   OP   UNION.  165 

The  Whigs,  traced  by  the  lineage  of  principles,  had  an 
ancestry  in  Buchanan  and  Languet,  in  Milton,  Locke,  and 
Sidney,  or  the  political  school  whose  utterances  are  inspired 
and  imbued  with  the  Christian  idea  of  man.1  Their  leading 
principle  was  republicanism  as  it  was  embodied  in  the  free 
institutions  of  the  colonies.  The  sentiment  of  their  advo- 
cates on  freedom  and  equality  shows  that  they  instinctively 
grasped  the  principle  which  has  most  thoroughly  leavened 
modern  opinion,  and  promises  to  modify  most  deeply  the 
constitution  of  society  and  the  politics  of  states.2  Their 
platform  was  summed  up  in  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, and  became  the  American  theory  of  government. 
Most  of  the  men  who  figured  in  the  grand  political  centre 
of  the  congress  that  adopted  this  measure,  appear  as  promi- 
nent Whigs  in  the  action  of  their  respective  localities  during 
the  stages  which  led  to  it ;  and  this  remark  is  applicable 
to  the  members  of  the  convention  that  framed  the  Federal 
Constitution.  In  order  to  understand  a  revolution,  it  is 
necessary  to  consider  it  at  its  origin  and  at  its  termination.8 
The  Whigs,  at  the  origin  of  this  movement,  were  in  a  mi- 
nority in  some  of  the  colonies.  When  they  organized  into 
a  party,  it  had  powerful  opponents  in  them  all ;  but  it  grew 
in  numbers  until  it  embraced  substantially  the  whole  people. 
This,  therefore,  was  the  national  party.  To  it  posterity  are 
indebted  for  the  mighty  historic  influence  of  American 
Union. 

The  Tories  had  for  their  leading  principle  the  supremacy 
of  law,  and  for  their  leading  object  continual  dependence  on 
England.  Their  chief  men  in  each  colony  were  most  of  the 

1  See  above,  p.  9.  2  Maine's  Ancient  Law,  91,  92. 

8  Guizot  remarks,  "  In  order  properly  to  understand  a  revolution,  we  must  consider 
it  at  its  origin  and  termination,  —  in  the  earliest  plans  which  it  puts  forth  and  in  the 
definite  results  which  it  attains.  In  these  its  true  character  is  revealed;  by  these  we 
may  judge  what  were  the  real  thoughts  and  wishes  of  the  people  among  whom  it 
took  place.  All  that  occurs  between  these  two  periods  is  more  or  less  factitious,  tran- 
sitory, and  deceptive.  The  stream  winds  and  wanders  in  its  course ;  two  points  alone, 
its  source  and  its  mouth,  determine  its  direction.  .  .  .  During  the  course  of  a  revolu- 
tion, parties  are  formed  and  transformed.  .  .  .  That  is  really  the  national  party  which 
appears  at  the  origin  and  termination." — Monk's  Contemporaries,  1. 


166  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

circle  of  officials  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  many  persons 
of  wealth  and  high  social  position.1  They  were  numerous 
in  every  colony,  and  had  seven  or  eight  journals  in  their 
interest.  It  is  not  easy  to  generalize  accurately  as  to  them. 
Some  of  the  royal  governors  sent  from  England  were  im- 
bued with  high-toned  Tory  ideas,  and  held  the  self-govern- 
ment that  had  grown  up  as  equivalent  to  mob-law ;  while 
Americans  who  "took  this  side  deplored  the  adoption  of 
some  of  the  ministerial  measures,  though  they  held  that 
submission  to  them  was  due  to  the  loyalty  which  they  owed 
to  the  sovereign  and  the  reverence  which  was  due  to  parlia- 
ment. Hence  they  gradually  became  defenders  of  arbitrary 
power. 

At  the  date  of  the  passage  of  the  Declaratory  Resolves,  the 
Whigs  were  not  united  into  a  party ;  and  eight  years  elapsed 
before  the  celebrated  organization  of  committees  of  corre- 
spondence. 

The  intelligence  of  the  intention  to  impose  a  direct  in- 
ternal tax  on  the  colonies  was  soon  followed  by  important 
action.  A  writer  remarks,  that  "  the  American  people  en- 
tered at  once  into  one  vast  arena  for  the  purpose  of  mutual 
defence  and  national  concert."  2  It  is  more  precise  to  say, 
that  the  portion  of  the  people,  soon  to  be  known  as  Sons  of 
Liberty,  felt  alike  grieved  at  the  contemplated  aggression  on 
the  custom  of  self-taxation,  which  was  held  as  guarantied 
by  the  British  Constitution.  This  is  evinced  in  indepen- 
dent and  spontaneous  utterances  in  various  colonies.3 

1  Hutchinson  (Hist.  Mass.,  iii.  103)  says,  that "  the  terms  Whig  and  Tory  had  never 
been  much  used  in  America,"  but  that ''  all  on  a  sudden  the  officers  of  the  cro\vn, 
and  such  as  were  for  keeping  up  their  authority,  were  branded  with  the  name  of 
Tories."     This  appears  under  the  date  of  1763. 

2  Burk's  Hist.  Virginia,  iii.  292. 

3  In  the  "Boston  Gazette"  of  May  14,  Nov.  Anglicanus  comments  severely  on 
the  proposed  tax,  saying,  "  Have  we  ever  yet  forfeited  our  freedom  ?    Would  it  be 
just  to  put  us  on  the  footing  of  conquered  slaves?  "  and  proposes  that  "  a  remon- 
strance should  be  sent  home,"  showing  how  this  scheme  would  affect  the  civil  consti- 
tution as  well  as  trade.     In  the  "  New- York  Gazette,"  May  24,  it  is  said,  "  If  the 
colonist  is  taxed  without  his  consent,  he  will  perhaps  seek  a  change."    And  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  May  31,  was  even  more  decided.  —  Bancroft,  v.  194. 


THE   STAMP   ACT  AND   A   SENTIMENT   OF   UNION.  1(57 

The  earliest  organized  action 1  on  the  subject  was  taken  at 
Boston.  At  its  annual  meeting,  held  on  the  24th  of  May, 
the  town  expressed  its  views  by  instructing  its  represen- 
tatives respecting  their  course  in  the  next  general  court,  in 
a  paper  prepared  and  moved  by  Samuel  Adams.  He  was 
nearly  forty-two  years  of  age.  He  was  a  graduate  from 
Harvard  College,  and  had  been  a  small  trader  and  a  collector 
of  taxes.  He,  however,  allowed  his  genius  its  native  bent ; 
and  by  talk  with  the  townsmen,  and  by  contributions  to  the 
journals,  he  had  acquired  a  wide  reputation  for  knowledge 
of  political  questions.  He  was  a  genuine  lover  of  liberty,  a 
believer  in  the  power  of  truth,  justice,  and  right ;  had  faith  in 
God  and  in  the  capacity  of  the  Americans  for  self-govern 
ment ;  and  drew  inspiration  from  the  idea  that  he  was  ad- 
vocating the  cause  of  humanity.  If  the  elements  of  his 
character  were  such  that  he  was  called  the  last  of  the 
Puritans,  his  political  views  were  ever  broad  and  comprehen- 
sive ;  and  no  selfishness  marred  the  service  which  he  sought 
to  render  his  country.  He  averred  that  he  was  no  leveller, 
and  shunned  the  extremes  that  bring  obloquy  on  a  good 
cause ;  but  he  was  an  elevator  of  his  race  because  he 
labored  to  promote  education  and  Christianity  as  the  instru- 
mentalities of  progress.  He  was  passionate  in  his  attach- 
ment to  his  native  town  and  province  and  to  their  local 
rights ;  but  he  looked  upon  them  as  virtually  members  of 
one  political  body  composed  of  all  the  colonies,2  and  he  held 
that  their  union  would  be  their  salvation.  So  simple  was 


1  The  meeting  was  called  for  the  15th,  and  adjourned  to  the  24th.    The  following 
shows  the  work  of  "  The  Caucas."     On  this  word,  see  "  Siege  of  Boston,"  30,  and 
"  Life  of  Warren,"  50.    From  "  Boston  Evening  Post,"  May  14,  1764 :  — 

To  the  Freeholders,  &c.,  — Modesty  preventing  a  personal  application  (customary  in  other 
places)  for  your  interest  to  elect  particular  persons  to  be  your  representatives ;  we  therefore 
request  your  votes  for  those  gentlemen  who  have  steadily  adhered  to  your  interest  in  times  past, 
especially  in  the  affair  of  Trade,  by  sending  timely  instructions,  requested  by  our  agent,  rela- 
tive to  Acts  of  Trade  late  pending  in  Parliament. 

Your  humble  servants,  THE  CAUCAS. 

2  This  is  his  language:  "  The  colonies  form  one  political  body,  of  which  each  is 
ft  member."  —  Wells's  Life  of  Adams,  i.  198. 


168  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

he  in  his  private  life,  and  so  consistent  in  his  political 
course,  that  he  was  a  personation  of  the  democratic  prin- 
ciple. His  wise  and  timely  action  in  this  town-meeting  was 
the  beginning  of  a  long,  sagacious,  and  noble  political 
career. 

The  Instructions  enjoin  the  representatives  to  maintain, 
the  invaluable  rights  held  under  the  charter,  and  those  in- 
dependent of  the  charter,  enjoyed  "  as  free-born  subjects  of 
Great  Britain  ;  "  to  maintain  the  dignity  of  a  free  assembly; 
and  to  endeavor  to  have  the  agent  of  the  colony  in  London 
instructed,  that,  at  that  critical  juncture,  while  he  set  forth 
their  loyalty,  their  dependence  on  Great  Britain,  and  their 
obedience  to  necessary  regulations  of  trade,  he  should  re- 
monstrate against  the  proposed  scheme  of  taxation  as  anni- 
hilating the  charter  right  to  govern  and  tax,  and  as  striking 
at  privileges  held  in  common  with  fellow-subjects  who  were 
natives  of  Britain.  They  close  with  the  following  words  : 
"  As  his  majesty's  other  Northern  American  colonies  are 
embarked  with  us  in  this  most  important  bottom,  we  further 
desire  you  to  use  your  endeavors,  that  their  weight  may  be 
added  to  that  of  this  province  ;  that,  by  the  united  applica- 
tions of  all  who  are  aggrieved,  all  may  happily  obtain  re- 
dress." 1  In  this  earliest  protest  of  a  public  meeting  against 
the  Stamp  Act  is  the  proposition  for  united  effort. 

The  General  Court  met  six  days  after  these  instructions 
were  adopted.  James  Otis  was  one  of  the  members  from 
Boston,  and  had  long  been  the  pioneer  of  its  patriots.  He 
had  repeatedly  been  chosen  a  representative  since  the  de- 
livery of  the  speech  on  writs  of  assistance,  had  increased  his 
popularity  by  a  pamphlet  which  vindicated  the  natural  rights 
and  constitutional  liberties  of  the  people,  and  was  then  at 
the  height  of  his  powers  and  influence.  In  pursuance  of  the 

1  This  paper  was  printed  in  the  "Boston  Gazette"  of  May  28  and  the  "Boston 
Post  Boy,"  and  in  the  "  Massachusetts  Gazette  "  of  May  31.  It  was  also  printed  by 
Otis  in  his  "Rights  of  the  Colonies."  The  original  (Wells's  Samuel  Adams,  i.  4611  ia 
among  Adams's  papers  and  in  his  handwriting. 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT   OF   UNION.  169 

instructions  of  the  town,  he  prepared  a  memorial  on  the  pro- 
posed Stamp  Act  and  the  Sugar  Act,  in  which  he  contended 
that  the  authority  of  parliament  was  circumscribed  by  cer- 
tain bounds ;  that  acts  which  went  beyond  these  bounds 
were  those  of  power  without  right,  and  consequently  void ; 
and  that  as  British  subjects  the  people  had  the  right  to  make 
the  local  laws  and  to  tax  themselves.1  This  paper  was 
ordered  to  be  sent  to  the  agent  in  London,  with  an  elaborate 
letter,  instructing  him  to  remonstrate  against  the  proposed 
Stamp  Act,  and  to  urge  a  repeal  of  the  Sugar  Act.  A  com- 
mittee was  then  appointed  to  acquaint  the  other  govern- 
ments with  these  instructions,  and  in  the  name  and  behalf 
of  the  House  to  "  desire  the  several  assemblies  on  this  con- 
tinent to  join  with  them  in  the  same  measures."2  Thus  the 
first  effect  of  the  Declaratory  Resolves  was  a  proposition 
brought  before  all  the  American  assemblies  for  joint  action 
The  Boston  Instructions,  widely  circulated  in  the  jour- 
nals,3 were  soon  followed  by  the  inspiring  pamphlet  of  Otis, 
entitled  the  "  Rights  of  the  British  Colonies  asserted  and 
proved."  In  this  he  argued,  that,  in  theory,  civil  gov- 
ernment is  of  God,  and  the  original  possessors  of  power 
were  the  whole  people ;  but  that,  in  fact,  authority  was  em- 

1  The  General  Court  met  on  the  30th  of  May,  1764.    It  is  said  in  the  Journals 
of  the  House,  that,  on  the  8th  of  June,  "  The  rights  of  the  colonies  in  general,  and  of 
the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  in  particular,  briefly  stated,  with  remarks  on 
the  Sugar  Act,"  were  read;  and  that,  on  the  12th,  this  was  read  again.    On  the 
13th,  it  was  adopted.     Gordon  (i.  151)  has  confounded  this  brief  memorial  with  the 
pamphlet  of  Otis,  which,  he  says,  "  was  read  twice  over  in  the  House  "'within  four 
days;  and  he  has  been  followed  by  others.    The  memorial  was  printed  in  this  pam- 
phlet. 

2  June  13,  1764.  — Ordered  that  Mr.  Otis,  Mr.  Thacher,  Mr.  Gushing,  Captain 
Sheafe,  and  Mr.  Gray  be  a  committee,  in  the  recess  of  the  court,  to  write  to  the  other 
governments,  to  acquaint  them  with  the  Instructions  this  day  voted  to  be  sent  to 
the  agent  of  the  province,  directing  him  to  use  his  endeavors  to  obtain  a  repeal  of 
the  Sugar  Act,  and  to  exert  himself  to  prevent  a  stamp  act,  or  any  other  impositions 
and  taxes  upon  this  and  the  other  American  provinces ;  and  that  the  said  committee, 
in  the  name  and  behalf  of  this  House,  desire  the  several  assemblies  on  this  continent 
to  join  with  them  in  the  same  measures.  —  Journal  of  House  of  Rep.,  77.    This 
resolve  was  not  printed  in  the  newspapers. 

8  The  Boston  Instructions  were  printed    in  the    "  Boston   Gazette "    and    in 
other  journals  of  that  period.     See  p.  168. 


170  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

bodied  in  the  British  Constitution  ;  and  that  by  this  the 
colonies  enjoyed  the  right,  in  their  subordinate  local  legis- 
latures, of  governing  and  taxing  themselves.  He  cited 
Locke  on  the  ends  of  government.  He  held  that  there 
could  be  no  prescription  old  enough  to  supersede  the  law 
of  nature  and  the  grant  of  God  Almighty,  who  had  given 
all  men  a  right  to  be  free ;  that  nothing  but  life  and  lib- 
erty were  hereditable  ;  that,  in  solving  practically  the  grand 
political  problem,  the  first  and  simple  principle  must  be 
equality  and  the  power  of  the  whole.1  These  views  of  the 
Whigs  were  met  by  their  opponents,  by  averring,  that,  how- 
ever excellent  "  the  power  of  the  people  may  seem  in  theory, 
it  had  always  proved  mischievous  in  fact ; "  that  in  every 
age  and  country  it  had  been  impossible  to  combine  the  pas- 
sions of  the  multitude  so  as  to  produce  order ;  that  the 
source  of  all  the  evils  was  the  local  governments,  which  gave 
too  much  power  to  the  people  and  too  little  to  the  crown  ; 
that  the  remedy  was  "  a  general  reformation  of  the  colo- 
nies "  by  an  act  of  parliament ;  that  if  this  were  not  done 
in  the  present  reign,  it  might  be  attempted  by  a  king  with 
the  spirit  of  James  II. ;  and  "  his  single  order,  with  a  regi- 
ment of  dragoons,  would  dissolve  all  the  charters  in  his 
dominions."  2 

While  this  discussion  was  going  on  in  the   press,  the 
Massachusetts  committee  of  correspondence  sent  a  circular 

1  This  pamphlet  was  advertised  in  the  "Boston  Gazette"  of  July  23.     It  was 
reprinted  in  London  by  Almon;  and  in  the  "  Gazette  "  of  April  8,  1765,  is  the  fol- 
lowing, copied  from  a  London  paper :  "  As  the  ministry  propose  to  tax  the  Americans, 
this  excellent  treatise,  which  was  lately  published  in  the  colonies  and  universally 
approved  of  there,  is  highly  necessary  for  the  perusal  of  the  members  of  both  Houses, 
and  of  such  who  choose  to  make  themselves  masters  of  an  argument  so  little  under- 
stood, but  of  so  great  consequence  to  every  British  subject  and  lover  of  constitu- 
tional liberty." 

2  The  paper  from  which  the  sentences  in  the  text  are  quoted  was  printed  in  the 
"Massachusetts  Gazette"  of  May  31,  occupying  a  whole  side  of  the  issue.    It  was 
very  sharply  and  elaborately  replied  to  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  June  11,  1764. 
Its  tone  may  be  seen  in  the  following:  "Is  it  the  fault  or  fortune  of  mankind  that 
every  little  fellow,  the  instant  he  rises  above  that  natural  equality  in  which  God  has 
placed  all  men,  begins  to  think  his  species  a  race  of  beings  below  his  notice,  but  to 
fleece  and  impoverish?" 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND    A   SENTIMENT   OP   UNION.  171 

to  the  other  assemblies,  proposing  harmonious  action.  The 
Rhode  Island  assembly  chose  a  similar  committee.  Its 
chairman  was  Stephen  Hopkins,  the  governor,  who  was 
making  a  noble  record  by  his  steady  zeal  and  intelligent 
service.  This  committee  addressed  an  excellent  letter  to 
the  Pennsylvania  assembly,  in  which  it  is  urged,  that,  if 
the  plan  to  tax  the  colonies  were  carried  out,  it  would  leave 
them  nothing  they  could  call  their  own  ;  and  it  is  suggested, 
that,  if  all  the  colonies  would  enter  with  spirit  into  a  de- 
fence of  their  liberties,  if  their  sentiments  should  be  col- 
lected, and  their  agents  be  directed  to  use  this  combined 
expression  of  opinion  abroad,  it  might  produce  the  desired 
result.  The  North-Carolina  assembly  chose  a  committee  to 
express  their  concurrence  with  the  views  of  the  Massachu- 
setts circular.1  The  New-York  assembly  directed  their  com- 
mittee, chosen  to  correspond  with  their  agent  in  London, 
to  correspond  with  the  several  committees  or  assemblies  on 
the  continent.2  The  assemblies  of  Massachusetts,  Connecti- 
cut, New  York,  Pennsylvania,  South  Carolina,  and  Vir- 
ginia sent  petitions  and  remonstrances  against  the  proposed 


1  The  Rhode-Island  assembly  elected  a  committee  on  the  30th  of  July,  consist- 
ing of  Stephen  Hopkins,  Daniel  Jenckes,  and  Mr.  Nicholas  Brown.  —  Rhode-Island 
Records,  vi.  403.    Their  letter,  referred  to  in  the  text,  is  dated  Oct.  8.  1764,  and  was 
addressed  to  Franklin  as  speaker  of  the  Pennsylvania  assembly.  —  Sparks's  Frank- 
lin, vii.  264.     This  assembly  referred  the  Massachusetts  circular  to  a  committee, 
who  reported  a  plan  to  co-operate  with  parliament  in  devising  a  system  of  taxation; 
but,  on  receiving  the  Rhode-Island  letter,  it  not  merely  resolved  to  remonstrate  against 
the  proposed  tax,  but  to  send  Franklin  to  London  as  their  agent.  —  Gordon's  Penn- 
sylvania, 431.  432.     Martin  (Hist.  North  Carolina,  i.  288)  says  the  committee  of 
correspondence  of  North  Carolina  consisted  of  the  speaker  and  four  members. 

2  The  New-York  assembly,  on  the  7th  of  March,  1759,  "  ordered  that  the  mem- 
bers of  New  York,  or  the  major  part  of  them,  be  a  committee  of  correspondence  to 
correspond  with  the  agent  of  this  colony  at  the  court,"  &c.     On  the  18th  of  October, 
1764,  the  assembly  ordered  this  committee  to  correspond  with  the  several  assemblies, 
or  committees  of  assemblies,  on  this  continent,  &c.  —  Journal  of  the  General  Assem- 
bly of  New  York.    It  is  stated  in  "New- York  City  during  the  Revolution,"  1861, 
that,  "  in  October,  1764,  New  York  appointed  the  first  committee  of  correspondence 
six  years  before  Massachusetts,  and  nine  years  before  Virginia  took  any  steps  to 
imitate  her  example." — p.  11.    And  this  statement  has  been  repeated  and  dwelt 
upon.    It  will  be  seen,  by  comparing  the  date  of  the  action  of  New  York  with  the 
action  of  the  Massachusetts  assembly,  that  this  is  an  error. 


172  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

Stamp  Act,  and  gave  directions  that  their  agents  should  act 
together.  No  further  attempt  was  made  at  that  time  to 
obtain  united  action.  The  state-papers  elicited  in  this  early 
movement  were  very  able.  All  of  them  claimed  for  the 
colonies  the  traditionary  right  of  self-taxation  through  their 
local  assemblies. 

The  tameness  of  the  petition  of  the  Massachusetts  legis- 
lature, which  was  a  compromise  between  parties  in  the 
Council  and  the  House,  gave  great  dissatisfaction  to  the  pa- 
triots. The  boldest  language  was  used  by  the  New-York 
assembly,  in  which  the  brothers  Philip  and  Robert  R.  Liv- 
ingston, famed  in  the  annals  of  that  colony,  took  a  promi- 
nent part.  The  assembly, in  an  address  to  Lieut.-Gov.  Golden, 
written  by  Philip  Livingston,  express  the  hope  that  he  would 
"  heartily  join  with  them  in  an  endeavor  to  secure  that  great 
badge  of  English  liberty  of  being  taxed  only  with  their  own 
consent,  to  which  they  conceive  all  his  majesty.' s  subjects,  at 
home  and  abroad,  were  equally  entitled."  The  Virginia 
memorials  were  exceedingly  able  and  high  toned.  The  pe- 
tition to  the  king  and  memorial  to  the  Lords,  were  pre- 
pared by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  a  noble  fame ;  and  the 
memorial  to  the  commons  by  George  Wythe,  one  of  the 
great  characters  of  Virginia,  who  adorned  the  cause  by  his 
private  and  public  virtues.  The  Rhode-Island  assembly,  in 
addition  to  its  petition,  ordered  to  be  published  a  paper  on 
the  rights  of  the  colonies,  written  by  its  governor,  Stephen 
Hopkins,  which  met  with  large  commendation.1  The  as- 
semblies differed  in  the  mode  of  presenting  the  question  : 
but  the  patriots  were  animated  by  a  similar  spirit  and 

i  This  was  printed  in  a  pamphlet,  and  was  advertised  in  the  "  Boston  Post  Boy," 
Dec.  31,  1764,  and  favorably  noticed  in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette"  of  Jan.  3, 
1765.  In  the  "Evening  Post"  of  March  25,  1765,  is  the  following  extract  from  a 
letter  from  a  merchant  in  New  Yoi'k,  addressed  to  a  person  in  Providence:  "It  is 
with  the  greatest  pleasure  I  can  acquaint  you  that  your  worthy  governor's  treatise 
on  the  '  Rights  of  the  Colonies,'  which  hath  been  republished  here,  meets  with  the 
highest  approbation,  and  even  admiration,  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  city  in  general ; 
and  I  doubt  not  but  every  friend  to  liberty  and  this  country,  wherever  he  be,  will 
equally  admire  the  spirit  and  reasoning  of  the  honorable  author." 


THE   STAMP    ACT   AND    A   SENTIMENT   OP   UNION.  173 

principles ;  especially  were  they  a  unit  in  claiming,  in  the 
language  of  the  Virginia  assembly,  "  their  ancient  and  in- 
estimable right  of  being  governed  by  such  laws  respecting 
their  internal  polity  and  taxation  as  were  derived  from 
their  own  consent,  with  the  approbation  of  the  sovereign  or 
his  substitute."1 

I  have  not  met  with  any  other  references  to  a  correspond- 
ence between  the  assemblies  by  their  committees,  during 
the  year  1764,  than  those  already  noticed.  The  Boston  In- 
structions of  May  were  the  only  state-paper  of  a  public  body 
against  the  proposed  Stamp  Act  printed  in  the  journals 
until  September,2  when  the  address  of  the  New- York  assem- 
bly to  the  governor  appeared.3  The  petitions  of  Massachu- 
setts4 and  Virginia5  were  not  in  circulation  until  March. 

1  The  "Boston  Gazette"  of  Sept.  17,  1764,  advertises  as  just  published  "The 
Sentiments  of  a  British  American."     This  pamphlet  was  written  by  Oxenbridge 
Thacher,  one  of  the  representatives  of  Boston.     It  says :  — 

"It  is  esteemed  an  essential  British  right,  that  no  person  shall  be  subject  to  any  tax  but 
what  in  person  or  by  his  representative  he  hath  a  voice  in  laying." —  "The  colonies  have  ever 
supported  a  subordinate  government  among  themselves.  Being  placed  at  such  a  distance  from 
the  capital,  it  is  absolutely  impossible  they  should  continue  a  part  of  the  kingdom  in  the  same 
sense  as  the  corporations  there  are.  For  this  reason,  from  the  beginning,  there  hath  been  a 
subordinate  legislature  among  them,  subject  to  the  control  of  the  mother-state,  and  from  the 
necessities  of  the  case  there  must  have  been  such ;  their  circumstances  and  situation  being 
in  many  respects  so  different  from  that  of  the  parent  State,  they  could  not  have  subsisted 
without  this.  Now,  the  colonists  have  always  been  taxed  by  their  own  representatives  and  in 
their  respective  legislatures,  and  have  supported  an  entire  domestic  government  among  them- 
selves." 

2  The  memorial  adopted  by  Massachusetts,  June  13,  1764,  was  printed  only  in 
Otis's  "  Rights  of  the  Colonies  "  and  the  Journal  of  the  House. 

8  This  address  was  copied  into  the  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  Sept.  24,  1764. 

4  The  petition  of  the  Council  and  House,  dated  Nov.  4,  1764,  was  printed  in 
the  "  Boston  Evening  Post"  of  March  11,  1765,  accompanied  by  the  following  para- 
graph at  the  head:   "From  the  '  S.-Carolina  Gazette'  of  Feb.  6,  1765. — A  corre- 
spondent has  favored  us  with  the  following,  which  may  enable  our  readers  to  form 
some  judgment  of  the  present  application^  parliament  of  the  northern  colonies  for 
the  repeal  of  the  Sugar  Act,  &c.,  &c."     At  the  end  is  the  following:  "  The  petitions 
and  representations  of  New  York,  Rhode  Island,  &c.,  are  much  to  the  same  effect 
with  the  above,  most  of  them  exceeding  it  in  length  and  pathos.    As  these  petitions 
may  be  supposed  to  be  about  this  time  under  the  consideration  of  parliament,  in 
two  or  three  months  we  may  receive  accounts  of  their  reception  by  that  august  and 
supreme  legislative  body." 

5  The  Virginia  papers  were  printed  in  the  "  Massachusetts  Gazette"  of  March 
21,  1765,  with  the  following  introduction:  "  Having  obtained  a  copy  of  an  Address, 
Memorial,  and  Remonstrance  of  the  Council  and  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia, 
we  are  requested  to  publish  them,  not  doubting  but  they  will  be  agreeable  tc  most 
of  our  readers." 


174  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  patriots,  however,  reached  the  people  through  the 
press.  A  forcible  appeal  in  one  journal  was  often  copied 
into  others.  A  calm,  clear,  and  admirable  presentation  of 
the  whole  American  question  spoke  of  the  colonists  as 
being,  with  respect  to  government,  really  the  happiest  peo- 
ple of  any  under  the  sun,  as  believing  that  Britain  had  laid 
the  foundation  of  the  greatest  empire  that  ever  existed,  the 
more  glorious  as  it  was  for  ages  to  come  destined  to  be  the 
asylum  of  the  oppressed.  It  averred  that  they  owed  all 
this  prosperity  to  no  other  cause  than  that  which  made 
Rome  the  mistress  of  the  world,  gave  grandeur,  riches,  and 
power  to  Yenice  and  Holland,  and  constituted  the  glory 
of  Britain,  —  Liberty.  It  declared  that  nothing  but  oppres- 
sion could  unite  the  colonies  in  a  design  for  independence, 
and  that  without  Union  they  could  do  nothing.1  Another 
argument  runs  thus,  "  It  is  seldom,  indeed  very  seldom, 
that  any  people  have  had  more  at  stake  than  we  at  present 
have.  Whether  we  shall  be  taxed  arbitrarily  or  at  the  will 
of  others  in  our  internal  police,  is  a  question  that  is  now 
deciding  in  Great  Britain ;  and  this  question  amounts  sim- 
ply to  this,  Whether  we  shall  have  any  thing  we  can  call 
our  own  or  not." 2  An  impassioned  appeal,  expressed  in 
violent  terms,  indignantly  asked,  If  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges of  the  people,  as  Englishmen,  are  violated,  what 
reason,  then,  can  remain  why  they  should  prefer  the  British 
to  the  French  government  or  any  other  ?  They  will  hate 
and  abhor  ministerial  power  ;  and,  "  as  soon  as  ever  they 
are  able,  will  throw  it  off."  3  Another  writer  argued,  that, 
if  the  interests  of  the  mother-country  and  the  colonies  can- 
not be  made  to  coincide,  if  one  constitution  may  not  do 
for  both,  if  she  requires  the  sacrifice  of  their  most  valu- 
able natural  rights,  —  "their  right  of  making  their  own 


1  Boston  Gazette,  Sept.  10,  1764,  copied  from  the  New  York  Mercury  of  Aug.  27. 

2  Boston  Evening  Post  of  Feb.  4, 1765,  copied  from  the  Providence  Gazette  of 
Jan.  21,  1765. 

8  Boston  Evening  Post,  March  25, 1765. 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND    A    SENTIMENT   OF   UNION.  175 

laws  and  disposing  of  their  own  property  by  representatives 
of  their  own  choosing,  .  .  .  then  the  connection  between 
them  ought  to  cease,  and  sooner  or  later  it  must  inevitably 
cease." l  These  citations  show  the  sentiment  of  the  Whigs. 
They  held,  that,  if  taxation  were  imposed  on  them,  in  any 
shape,  unless  they  had  a  legal  representation  where  it 
was  laid,  they  would  be  "  reduced  from  the  character  of 
free  subjects  to  the  miserable  state  of  tributary  slaves." 2 
Thus  the  proposed  Stamp  Act  was  held  up  as  an  aggression 
on  what  had  become  a  grand  historical  influence  in  America, 
—  local  self-government. 

The  petitions  sent  to  England  against  the  Stamp  Act 
proved  of  no  avail  in  preventing  its  passage.  The  ministers 
appealed  successfully  to  the  moneyed  classes,  by  holding  out 
the  prospect  of  being  relieved  from  taxation ;  and  to  the 
national  pride,  by  averring  that  the  right  of  sovereignty 
over  the  colonies  was  in  issue,  and  ought  to  be  settled :  and 
all  parties  joined  in  favor  of  the  new  policy.  In  the  House 
of  Commons,  when  the  bill  imposing  a  duty  on  stamps  was 
under  consideration,  even  the  gush  of  eloquence  of  Isaac 
Barre*,  in  which  he  called  the  Americans  "  Sons  of  Liberty,"8 


1  Freeman,  quoted  by  Bancroft,  v.  284,  under  the  date  of  May,  1765. 

2  Boston  Instructions. 

8  This  famous  speech  was  heard  by  Jared  Ingersoll  of  Conn  ecticut,  who  sent 
over  a  report  of  it  in  a  letter,  which  was  printed  in  the  newspapers  under  the  head 
of  "  New  London,  May  10,  1765."  The  next  year  he  published  a  pamphlet,  entitled 
"Mr.  Ingersoll's  Letters  relating  to  the  Stamp  Act,"  having  a  preface  dated  "New 
Haven,  June  15,  1766."  In  this  pamphlet  the  report  is  much  altered,  and  is  the 
version  commonly  met  with.  Thus  the  1766  version  begins,  "  They  planted,"  &c. ; 
that  of  1765  begins,  "  Children  planted,"  &c.  In  the  1766  version,  the  next  sen- 
tence is,  "They  fled  from  your  tyranny  to  a  then  uncultivated  and  unhospitable 
country:  "  the  1765  version  is,  "  They  fled  from  your  tyranny  into  a  then  unculti- 
vated land."  There  are  upwards  of  thirty  variations.  I  copy  the  original  letter  from 
the  u Boston  Post  Boy  and  Advertiser"  of  May  27,  1765:  — 

Mr.  Charles  Townshend  spoke  in  favor  of  the  bill  (stamp  duty),  and  concluded  his  speech 
by  saying  to  the  following  effect :  — 

"  These  children  of  our  own  planting  (speaking  of  Americans),  nourished  by  our  indul- 
gence until  they  are  grown  to  a  good  degree  of  strength  and  opulence,  and  protected  by  out 
arms,  will  they  grudge  to  contribute  their  mite  to  relieve  us  from  the  heavy  load  of  national 
expense  which  we  lie  under?" 

Which  having  said  and  sat  down,  Mr.  Barr6  arose,  and,  with  eyes  darting  fire  and  an  out- 


176  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

did  not  prevent  the  debate  from  being  termed  languid : 
there  was  not  a  show  of  opposition  in  the  House  of  Lords ; 
the  bill  passed  by  a  great  majority ;  and,  on  the  22d  of 
March,  1765,  the  act  "  that  will  be  remembered  as  long  as 
the  globe  lasts,"  received  the  royal  assent.  It  provided  that 
all  bills,  bonds,  leases,  notes,  ships'  papers,  insurance  poli- 
cies, and  legal  documents,  to  be  valid  in  the  courts,  must 
be  written  on  stamped  paper,  which  was  to  be  sold  by  public 
offices  at  prices  that  constituted  a  tax.  In  connection  with 
this  was  the  law  which  extended  the  jurisdiction  of  vice- 
admiralty  courts  in  such  a  way  as  to  exclude  trial  by  jury. 

The  Stamp  Act  found  a  public  sentiment  in  the  colonies 
prepared  to  oppose  it  as  an  internal  tax.  All  parties  re- 
garded it  in  this  light.  Some  were  in  favor  of  yielding 
obedience  to  it  as  the  law ;  but  the  Whigs,  though  a  por- 
tion of  them  involuntarily  hesitated  at  the  idea  of  resist- 
ing the  execution  of  an  act  of  parliament,  soon  became 

stretched  arm,  spoke  as  follows,  with  a  voice  somewhat  elevated  and  with  a  sternness  in  his 
countenance  which  expressed  in  a  most  lively  manner  the  feelings  of  his  heart :  — 

"Children  planted  by  your  care?  No!  Your  oppression  planted  them  in  America ;  they 
fled  from  your  tyranny  into  a  then  uncultivated  land,  where  they  were  exposed  to  almost  all 
the  hardships  to  which  human  nature  is  liable,  and,  among  others,  to  the  savage  cruelty  of  the 
enemy  of  the  country,  — a  people  the  most  subtle,  and,  I  take  upon  me  to  say,  the  most  truly 
terrible  of  any  people  that  ever  inhabited  any  part  of  GOD'S  EARTH  ;  and  yet,  actuated  by 
principles  of  true  English  liberty,  they  met  all  these  hardships  with  pleasure,  compared  with 
those  they  suffered  in  their  own  country  from  the  hands  of  those  that  should  have  been  their 
friends. 

"They  nourished  up  by  your  indulgence?  They  grew  by  your  neglect  of  them.  As  soon 
as  you  began  to  care  about  them,  that  care  was  exercised  in  sending  persons  to  rule  over  them, 
in  one  department  and  another,  who  were  perhaps  the  deputies  of  some  deputy  of  members 
of  this  House,  sent  to  spy  out  their  liberty,  to  misrepresent  their  actions,  and  to  prey  upon 
them,  —  men  whose  behavior,  on  many  occasions,  has  caused  the  blood  of  those  Sons  of 
LIBERTY  to  recoil  within  them,  —  men  promoted  to  the  highest  seats  of  justice  :  some,  to  my 
knowledge,  were  glad  by  going  to  foreign  countries  to  escape  being  brought  to  a  bar  of  jus- 
tice in  their  own. 

"  They  protected  by  your  arms?  They  have  nobly  taken  up  arms  in  your  defence,  have 
exerted  their  valor,  amidst  their  constant  and  laborious  industry,  for  the  defence  of  a  country 
whose  frontiers,  while  drenched  in  blood,  its  interior  parts  have  yielded  all  its  little  savings  to 
your  enlargement;  and,  BELIEVE  ME,  —  REMEMBER  I  THIS  DAY  TOLD  YOU  so,  — that  the 
same  spirit  which  actuated  that  people  at  first  will  continue  with  them  still ;  but  prudence 
forbids  me  to  explain  myself  any  further.  GOD  KNOWS,  I  do  not  at  this  time  speak  from 
motives  of  party  heat.  What  I  deliver  are  the  genuine  sentiments  of  my  heart ;  however 
superior  to  me  in  general  knowledge  and  experience  the  respectable  body  of  this  House  may 
be,  yet  I  claim  to  know  more  of  America  than  most  of  you,  having  seen  and  been  conversant 
in  that  country.  The  people  there  are  as  truly  loyal,  I  believe,  as  any  subjects  the  king  has  ; 
but  a  people  jealous  of  their  liberties,  and  who  will  vindicate  them,  if  they  should  be  vio 
lated.  —  But  the  subject  is  too  delicate.  I  will  say  no  more." 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT  OF   UNION.  177 

united  in  the  view  that  submission  would  be  a  badge  of 
slavery. 

The  newspapers  abound  with  detail  relative  to  a  passive 
resistance  to  the  new  policy,  —  the  movement  in  favor  of 
domestic  manufactures  and  of  a  non-importation  agreement. 
As  the  preparations  appeared  to  enforce  the  oppressive  Acts 
of  Trade,  it  was  asked  in  the  press,  "Is  it  impossible  for  the 
colonies  ever  to  unite,  and  endeavor  to  prevent  their  destruc- 
tion ?  " l  The  traditionary  idea  of  union,  partially  acted 
upon  during  the  previous  year  in  commercial  and  political 
matters,  naturally  suggested  itself  anew  by  the  passage  of 
the  Stamp  Act. 

The  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  met  soon  after  the  re- 
ception of  this  news.  James  Otis  was  a  member  of  the 
House.  He  was  moody,  impulsive,  and  at  times  rash  in 
expression,  but  full  of  generous  aims  for  the  good  of  his 
country.  He  had  seasons  of  such  exaltation,  that  he  seemed 
to  himself  to  hear  the  prophetic  song  of  the  sibyls  chanting 
the  spring-time  of  a  new  empire.2  His  hope  rested  on 
forming  such  a  union  of  the  colonies  as  "  should  knit  and 
work  into  the  very  blood  and  bones  of  the  original  system, 
every  region  as  fast  as  settled."3  He  suggested4  that  there 
should  be  a  meeting  of  committees  from  the  assemblies 
to  consider  the  danger  of  the  colonies,  and  unite  in  a 
petition  for  a  relief.  The  patriots  hardly  had  a  working 
majority  in  the  House ;  but  the  loyalists  saw  that  it  would 
be  impossible  to  defeat  this  proposition,  and,  with  the 
object  of  controlling  the  movement,  aimed  to  keep  it  in 
their  hands.6  Thus  a  resolve  to  carry  out  the  suggestion  of 
Otis  was  unanimously  adopted.  The  House  selected  for  the 
delegates  James  Otis  and  two  others,  Oliver  Partridge  and 
Timothy  Ruggles,  whom  the  governor  characterized  as  "  fast 
friends  of  government, —  prudent  and  discreet  men,  who 

l  Boston  Gazette,  Nov.  28, 1763.          *  Bancroft,  v.  295. 

*  Otis,  cited  by  Bancroft,  v.  292.          *  Warren's  American  Revolution,  i.  31. 

6  Gordon,  i.  172. 

12 


178  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

would  never  consent  to  any  improper  application  to  the 
government  of  Great  Britain."  l  The  House  adopted  a  cir- 
cular, ordered  it  to  be  signed  by  the  speaker,  and  to  be 
sent  to  the  several  assemblies  on  the  continent.  It  was  a 
comprehensive  measure,  designed  to  lay  the  foundation  for 
the  union  of  all  the  colonies  in  opposition  to  the  new  policy, 
when  the  opinion  was  common  that  union  between  them  was 
impracticable.2 

The  early  response  to  the  circular  was  unpromising. 
The  speaker  of  the  New  Jersey  Assembly  promptly  replied, 
that  the  members  of  that  body  were  "  unanimously  against 
uniting  on  the  present  occasion ; "  3  and  for  several  weeks 
no  movement  appeared  in  favor  of  the  great  and  wise 
measure  of  convening  a  congress.  It  soon,  however,  re- 
ceived a  powerful  impetus.  It  was  said  of  Virginia,  that  the 
intelligence  of  the  passage  of  the  Stamp  Act "  filled  the  whole 

1  Ibid.,  iii.  173. 

2  The  legislature  met  on  the  29th  of  May.     On  the  6th  of  June,  a  committee  of 
nine  was  appointed  to  consider  the  state  of  public  affairs;   namely,  Mr.  Speaker 
(Samuel  White),  Brigadier  Ruggles,  Colonel  Partridge,  Colonel  Worthington,  Gen- 
eral Winslow,  Mr.  Otis,  Mr.  Gushing,  Colonel  Saltonstall,  and  Captain  Sheafe.     The 
committee  reported  the  resolve  for  a  congress  the  same  day.     The  Speaker,  Otis, 
and  Mr.  Lee  were  appointed  to  prepare  the  circular.    This  was  adopted  on  the  8th. 
On  the  24th,  a  committee  was  chosen  to  prepare  instructions  to  the  delegates  and  a 
letter  to  the  agent.     On  the  25th,  the  House  ordered  "  that  all  the  proceedings  relative 
to  sending  a  committee  to  New  York  be  printed  in  this  day's  journals,"  &c.  —  Jour- 
nals of  the  House.     The  circular  was  also  printed  in  the  "  Boston  Evening  Post  "  of 
Aug.  26,  1765,  and  is  as  follows:  — 

BOSTON,  June  8, 1765. 

SIR,  —  The  House  of  Representatives  of  this  province,  in  the  present  session  of  General 
Court,  have  unanimously  agreed  to  propose  a  meeting,  as  soon  as  may  be,  of  committees  from 
the  houses  of  representatives  or  burgesses  of  the  several  British  colonies  on  this  continent,  to 
consult  together  on  the  present  circumstances  of  the  colonies,  and  the  difficulties  to  which 
they  are  and  must  be  reduced  by  the  operation  of  the  acts  of  parliament  for  levying  duties 
and  taxes  on  the  colonies,  and  to  consider  of  a  general  and  united,  dutiful,  loyal,  and  humble 
representation  of  their  condition  to  his  majesty  and  to  the  parliament,  and  to  implore  relief. 
The  House  of  Representatives  of  this  province  have  also  voted  to  propose,  that  such  meeting 
be  at  the  city  of  New  York,  in  the  province  of  New  York,  on  the  first  Tuesday  in  October 
next,  and  have  appointed  the  committee  of  three  of  their  members  to  attend  that  service,  with 
such  as  the  other  houses  of  representatives  or  burgesses,  in  the  several  colonies,  may  think  fit 
to  appoint  to  meet  them ;  and  the  committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  this  province 
are  directed  to  repair  to  the  said  New  York,  on  the  first  Tuesday  in  October  next,  accordingly  ; 
if,  therefore,  your  honorable  House  should  agree  to  this  proposal,  it  would  be  acceptable 
that  as  early  notice  of  it  as  -possible  might  be  transmitted  to  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives of  this  province.  SAMUEL  WHITE,  Speaker. 

8  Letter  from  the  Speaker  of  the  New  Jersey  Assembly,  June  20,  1765. 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A    SENTIMENT   OF   UNION.  179 

colony  with  the  utmost  consternation  and  astonishment." * 
The  House  of  Burgesses,  then  in  session,  delayed  action. 
A  vacancy  enabled  the  people  of  Louisa  County,  in  May,  to 
elect  Patrick  Henry  a  member.  He  was  a  young  man  who  had 
failed  as  a  merchant  and  had  struggled  manfully  with  pov- 
erty ;  but,  after  a  short  course  of  study,  had  become  a  lawyer, 
and  was  in  a  lucrative  and  growing  practice.  He  was  of  an 
ungainly  figure,  wore  coarse  clothes,  loved  music,  dancing, 
and  pleasantry,  and,  among  his  boon  companions,  would  talk 
of  the  "  yearth  "  and  of  "  men's  naiteral  parts  being  improved 
by  larnin."  2  He  had  singleness  of  aim,  an  indwelling  love 
of  liberty,  depths  that  could  be  profoundly  stirred,  and  won- 
derful intellectual  gifts.  His  gushing,  fiery,  and  thrilling 
eloquence  had  been  heard  before  a  committee  of  the  bur- 
gesses ;  but  this  was  his  first  term  as  a  member.  He  en- 
tered the  assembly  with  the  general  indignation  intensified 
in  him  as  in  a  focus.  Within  three  days  of  the  close  of  the 
session,  he  took  a  blank  leaf  of  a  law-book,  and  wrote  on  it 
a  series  of  resolves,  to  the  effect  that  the  people  of  Virginia 
were  entitled,  as  subjects,  to  the  privileges  enjoyed  by  the 
people  of  England  ;  that  they  had  the  right  of  being  "  gov- 
erned by  their  own  assembly,  in  the  article  of  their  taxes 
and  internal  police  ; "  that  attempts  to  vest  such  power  in 
any  other  persons  "  had  a  tendency  to  destroy  British  as 
well  as  American  freedom ;  "  and  that  the  people  were  not 
bound  to  obey  any  other  law  imposing  a  tax.  These  reso- 
lutions were  seconded  by  Mr.  Johnston.  They  were  opposed 
by  Bland,  Pendleton,  Randolph,  and  Wythe,  on  the  ground 
that  the  burgesses  had  expressed  similar  views  in  a  more 
conciliatory  way.  In  this  debate,  the  genius  of  the  native 
orator  soared  to  such  heights,  that  to  Jefferson,  a  delighted 
listener,  Henry  seemed  to  speak  as  Homer  wrote.  He 
startled  the  House  with  "  a  warning  flash  from  history  "  as  he 
exclaimed, "  Tarquin  and  Ca3sar  had  each  a  Brutus ;  Charles 
the  First,  his  Cromwell;  and  George  the  Third"  —  and 

1  Letter  in  Boston  Gazette,  July  22,  1765. 

2  Wirt's  Life  of  Patrick  Henry",  53. 


180  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

paused,  when  the  speaker  cried  "  Treason !  "  and  the  word 
was  repeated  on  the  floor,  while  Henry,  with  his  eye  fixed 
on  the  chair,  closed  the  sentence,  "  may  profit  by  their  ex- 
ample." 1  Four  resolves  only  were  entered  on  the  journal, 
when  the  governor  dissolved  the  assembly.  The  series,  con- 
sisting of  six  resolves  and  a  preamble,  were  printed  in  the 
newspapers  as  having  been  adopted,2  and  had  a  marked  effect 

1  I  copy  the  version  in  Bancroft,  v.  277.    Jefferson  (Wirt's  Henry,  84)  mentions 
Henry's  pause.     The  relation  is  somewhat  different  in  Wirt,  83. 

2  There  is  much  matter  about  these  resolves  in  Wirt's  "  Life  of  Henry."   Here  (80) 
will  be  found  the  four  resolves  as  recorded  on  the  journals,  May  30,  1765.    Also  (74) 
a  copy  printed  from  Henry's  handwriting.     Neither  correspond  with  the  series  as 
originally  printed.     The  Massachusetts  Assembly,  when  they  issued  their  circular, 
did  not  know  of  the  action  of  the  Virginia  Assembly.     The  series  of  resolves,  as  they 
contributed  to  shape  public  opinion,  appeared  in  "  The  New  Port  Mercury  "  June  24, 
and  were  copied  into  the  Boston  papers  of  July  1.     I  print  for  reference  from  the 
"  Boston  Gazette."     There  are  but  slight  variations  in  it  from  the  copy  in  Marshall 
ii.,  App.  26 :  — 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  a  gentleman  in  Philadelphia  to  his  friend  in  this  town,  dated  last 
Tuesday :  — 

I  have  enclosed  the  resolves  of  the  Virginia  Assembly  on  debating  the  Stamp  Act.  The 
governor,  as  soon  as  he  heard  what  they  were  about,  sent  for  them,  and  without  preamble, 
told  them  he  would  dissolve  them  ;  and  that  minute  they  were  dissolved.  As  they  are  of  an 
extraordinary  nature,  [I]  thought  they  might  not  be  disagreeable.  They  are  as  follows  :  — 

Whereas  the  Hon.  House  of  Commons,  in  England,  have  of  late  drawn  into  question  how 
far  the  General  Assembly  of  this  colony  hath  power  to  enact  laws  for  laying  of  taxes  and  im- 
posing duties,  payable  by  the  people  of  this  his  majesty's  most  ancient  colony  :  for  settling 
and  ascertaining  the  same  to  all  future  times,  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  this  present  General 
Assembly  have  come  to  the  following  resolves :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  first  adventurers,  settlers  of  this  his  majesty's  colony  and  dominions  of 
Virginia,  brought  with  them  and  transmitted  to  their  posterity,  and  all  other  his  majesty's 
subjects  since  inhabiting  in  this  his  majesty's  colony,  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  that 
have  at  any  time  been  held,  enjoyed,  and  possessed  by  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 

Resolved,  That  by  two  royal  charters,  granted  by  King  James  the  First,  the  colony 
aforesaid  are  declared  and  entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of  natural-born  subjects,  to 
all  intents  and  purposes  as  if  they  had  been  abiding  and  born  within  the  realm  of  England 

Resolved,  That  his  majesty's  liege  people  of  this  his  ancient  colony  have  enjoyed  the  right 
of  being  thus  governed  by  their  own  assembly  in  the  article  of  taxes  and  internal  police,  and 
that  the  same  have  never  been  forfeited,  or  any  other  way  yielded  up,  but  have  been  con- 
stantly recognized  by  the  king  and  people  of  Britain. 

Resolved,  therefore,  That  the  General  Assembly  of  this  colony,  together  with  his  majesty 
or  his  substitutes,  have,  in  their  representative  capacity,  the  only  exclusive  right  and  power  to 
lay  taxes  and  imposts  upon  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony ;  and  that  every  attempt  to  vest 
such  power  in  any  other  person  or  persons  whatever  than  the  General  Assembly  aforesaid, 
is  illegal,  unconstitutional,  and  unjust,  and  have  a  manifest  tendency  to  destroy  British  as 
well  as  American  liberty. 

Resolved,  That  his  majesty's  liege  people,  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony,  are  not  bound  to 
yield  obedience  to  any  law  or  ordinance  whatever,  designed  to  impose  any  taxation  whatsoever 
upon  them,  other  than  the  laws  or  ordinances  of  the  General  Assembly  aforesaid. 

Resolved,  That  any  person  who  shall,  by  speaking  or  writing,  assert  or  maintain  that  any 
person  or  persons  other  than  the  General  Assembly  of  this  colony  have  any  right  or  power  to 
Impose  or  lay  any  taxation  on  the  people  here,  shall  be  deemed  an  enemy  to  his  majesty's  colon} 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT   OF   UNION.  181 

on  public  opinion.  The  principle  they  embodied  as  to  taxa- 
tion had  been  early  asserted:  the  tone  of  opposition  was 
exceeded  by  the  issues  of  the  press ;  but  it  was  heralded  as 
the  voice  of  a  colony.  It  was  a  bold  stroke  in  this  way  to 
proclaim,  that  no  obedience  was  due  to  a  law  imposing  a 
tax  not  sanctioned  by  a  general  assembly. 

The  fame  of  the  resolves  spread  as  they  were  circulated 
ir  the  journals,  and  in  a  short  time  the  people  could  read 
the  apt  historical  reference  of  the  "  forest-born  Demos- 
thenes," as  he  pointed  George  III.  to  memorable  examples.1 
The  Whigs  hailed  the  action  of  the  Old  Dominion  with  ad- 
miration. It  was  said  in  the  press,  "  The  people  of  Virginia 
have  spoken  very  sensibly,  and  the  frozen  politicians  of  a 
more  northern  government  say  they  have  spoken  treason."2 
Oxenbridge  Thacher,  as  he  lay  on  his  death-bed,  expressed 
the  feeling  of  the  patriots,  as  he  exclaimed,  "  Oh  !  those  Vir- 
ginians  are  men  :  they  are  noble  spirits."  The  commander 
of  the  British  force  in  New  York  wrote  home,  that  the  resolves 
gave  the  signal  for  a  general  outcry  over  the  continent.3 

This  Virginia  action,  like  an  alarum,  roused  the  patriots 
to  pass  similar  resolves.  The  town  of  Providence,  in  pub- 
lic meeting,  instructed  their  representatives,  in  the  first 
place,  to  use  their  utmost  endeavors  to  have  commissioners 
appointed  to  attend  a  congress  to  meet  other  commission- 
ers at  New  York,  agreeably  to  the  proposal  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts province ;  and  then,  to  procure  the  passage  of  a 
series  of  resolves,  in  which  were  incorporated  those  adopted 
by  Virginia,  as  the  voice  of  the  colony.  This  stands  out  in 
the  proceedings  of  the  time  as  another  bold  utterance.4 
It  was  a  timely  and  welcome  indorsement  of  the  action  of 


1  Letter  from  Virginia,  June  14, 1765,  in  "  London  Gazetteer,"  Aug.  13, 1765 ,  and 
a  New-York  paper,  Oct.  31,  1765.    Bancroft,  v.  277. 

2  Boston  Gazette,  July  8,  1765.  8  Gage  to  Conway,  Sept.  23,  1765. 

4  These  resolves  were  passed  Aug.  13,  and  occupy  about  a  column  and  a  half  of 
the  Boston  papers  of  Aug.  19.  In  the  "  Boston  Post  Boy  "  of  March  24,  1766,  it 
is  said  that  Providence  was  the  first  town  on  the  continent  that  instructed  their 
representatives  after  the  passage  of  the  Stamp  Act. 


182  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Massachusetts  and  Virginia.  This  is  the  way  in  which  the 
two  most  important  of  the  thirteen  colonies  went  hand  in 
hand  in  rolling  the  ball  of  revolution. 

The  resolves  of  Providence  gave  the  influence  of  a  town 
in  favor  of  the  proposed  Congress,  —  an  example  warmly 
commended  by  the  press.  Soon  after  their  publication,  it 
became  known  that  a  colony  had  chosen  delegates.  When 
the  Massachusetts  circular  was  debated  in  the  assembly  of 
South  Carolina,  and  the  opposition  to  it  by  the  Tories  was 
strong,  Christopher  Gadsden,  who,  it  is  said,  "  was  born  a 
republican,"  advocated  the  measure  with  a  noble  zeal.  He 
was  sent  to  England  for  his  education  ;  and  learned  Latin, 
Greek,  and  French,  and  subsequently  the  Hebrew  and  Orien- 
tal languages.  He  was  trained  in  mercantile  affairs  in  Phila- 
delphia, and  at  Charleston  became  a  merchant  of  large 
enterprise.  He  acted  in  the  belief  that  the  American  cause 
was  the  cause  of  liberty  and  human  nature.  He  was  a  great, 
wise,  and  good  man.  To  him  belongs  no  small  share  of 
the  merit  of  persuading  the  assembly  to  adopt  this  measure 
of  choosing  commissioners.1  The  Whigs,  in  all  quarters, 
favored  the  project.  The  Tories  ridiculed  or  opposed  it.  In 
a  short  time,  it  was  announced  that  Pennsylvania,  Rhode 
Island,  and  Connecticut  had  chosen  delegates.  Boston,  in 
town-meeting,  expressed  the  greatest  satisfaction  at  the  pros- 
pect that  most  of  the  colonies  would  unite ; 2  the  press 
heartily  commended  the  Congress,  and  reproduced  the  old 
device  of  Franklin,  with  its  motto,  "Join  or  Die."3  All 
the  original  thirteen  colonies  either  expressed  sympathy  or 
chose  delegates  ;  and  thus  union  was  welcomed  as  befitting 
the  dignity,  the  honor,  and  the  needs  of  a  free  people. 

1  Ramsay's  South  Carolina,  ii.  457,  459.    The  delegates  from  this  colony  were 
appointed  Aug.  2.     They  were  announced  in  the  "  Boston  Post  Boy,"  Aug.  26.    The 
Providence  Resolves  were  passed  Aug.  13,  and  were  immediately  printed. 

2  Boston  Instructions  in  "  Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Sept.  19. 

8  The  "Constitutional  Courant,"  "printed  by  Andrew  Marvell,  at  the  s;gn  of  the 
bribe  refused,  on  Constitutional  Hill,  North  America,"  appeared  with  this  motto  on 
the  21st  of  September;  and  the  figure,  with  the  address,  appears  in  the  "  Boston  Post 
Boy  "  of  Oct.  7. 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT   OP   UNION.  183 

Meantime,  "The  Sons  of  Liberty"  —  a  term  that  grew 
into  use  soon  after  the  publication  of  Barrels  speech1 — 
were  entering  into  associations  to  resist,  by  all  lawful  means, 
the  execution  of  the  Stamp  Act.2  They  were  long  kept 
secret,  which  occasioned  loyalists  to  say,  that  there  was  a 
private  union  among  a  certain  sect  of  republican  principles 
from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other.3  As  they  in- 
creased in  numbers,  they  grew  in  boldness  and  publicity, 
announcing  in  the  newspapers  their  committees  of  corre- 
spondence, and  interchanging  solemn  pledges  of  support. 
The  Virginia  resolves,  as  circulated  in  the  press,  declaring 
that  no  obedience  was  due  to  the  Stamp  Act,  strengthened 
the  purpose  of  these  associations.  Their  organization,  from 
the  first,  meant  business  of  the  most  determined  character. 
It  was  Cromwellian  in  its  aims,  going  straight  to  the  mark 
of  forcible  resistance.  Though  it  was  imbued  with  one 
spirit,  circumstances  occasioned  the  special  manifestations. 
Thus,  when  the  Virginia  resolves  had  been  for  a  month 
doing  their  mission,  the  names  of  the  stamp  distributers 
appeared  at  Boston  ;  and,  six  days  afterwards,  those  transac- 
tions occurred  here,  at  the  time  Andrew  Oliver  promised 
not  to  serve  as  stamp  officer,  which  made  the  "  Fourteenth 
of  August  "  memorable  as  the  anniversary  of  the  uprising  of 
the  people  against  the  Stamp  Act.  As  a  great  concourse 
gathering  under  the  elm,  subsequently  named  Liberty  Tree, 
marched  through  the  streets,  the  words  "  Liberty,  Property, 
and  No  Stamps "  passed  from  mouth  to  mouth.  They 
proved  to  be  talismanic  words.  They  were  echoed  in 
processions  formed  in  other  places  for  similar  purposes. 

1  The  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  Aug.  12, 1765,  announced  that  the  town  of  Providence 
had  met  and  chosen  a  committee  to  instruct  their  representatives,  who  were  to 
report  "to-morrow,"  when  it  said,  "Those  Sons  of  Liberty  were  to  convene  again 
for  the  noblest  of  all  causes,  their  country's  good; "  and  it  commended  the  example 
to  other  towns. 

2  "  I  am  informed  that  associations  are  forming  to  which  several  thousands  have 
subscribed  in  that  government,  in  New  Hampshire  and  Massachusetts,  in  concert  with 
the  other  American  governments,  to  draw  up  remonstrances  to  his  majesty,  &c.,  and 
to  oppose  this  tremendous  act  by  all  lawful  means."  —  Boston  Gazette,  July  22, 1765. 

3  Galloway's  Letter,  Jan.  13,  1766. 


184  THE  EISE  OF  THE  EEPUBLIC. 

In  some  cases,  the  unhappy  stamp  distributers  were  com- 
pelled to  stand  high  before  the  people  and  shout,  "  Liberty, 
Property,  and  No  Stamps."  These  words  became  a  favor- 
ite toast,  and  stood  as  a  motto  at  the  head  of  the  press.1 
In  their  name  were  committed  outrages  similar  to  those 
which  characterized  popular  outbreaks  in  England,  —  the 
destruction  of  buildings,  plundering,  and  personal  wrong.2 
This  work  had  been  ascribed  to  the  republican  cause,  and 
enabled  its  enemies  to  connect  it  with  anarchy  and  bring  it 
to  ruin.  In  America,  where  the  people  had  grown  up  in  a 
spirit  of  reverence  for  law  as  well  as  a  love  of  liberty, 
these  outrages  occasioned  deep  abhorrence,  and  constituted 
a  profitable  lesson.8 

When  the  public  mind  was  thus  inflamed,  the  members 
chosen  to  attend  the  congress  met,  Oct.  7,  in  the  City  Hall 
at  New  York,4  which  abounded  with  the  bitterness,  strife, 
and  all  the  elements  of  a  political  paroxysm.  In  no  place 
were  the  Sons  of  Liberty  more  determined,  or  were  their 
opponents  more  influential.5  It  was  the  headquarters  of  the 

1  The  "Boston  Post  Boy  and  Advertiser"  of  Nov.  18,  1765,  placed  at  its  head 
this  line:  "  The  united  voice  of  all  his  majesty's  free  and  loyal  subjects  in  America. 
Liberty  and  Property  and  No  Stamps." 

2  The  following  are  the  dates,  obtained  in  the  newspapers,  of  the  popular  up- 
risings: In  Boston,  Aug.  14;  Norwich,  Aug.  21;  New  London,  Aug.  22;  Providence, 
Aug.  24;  Lebanon,  Aug.  26;  Newport,  Aug.  27;  Windham,  Aug.  27;  Annapolis, 
Aug.  29;  Elk  Ridge,  Aug.  30;  New  Haven,  Sept.  6;   Portsmouth,  Sept.  12;  Dover, 
Sept.  13;   Philadelphia,  Oct.  5;   New  York,  Nov.  1.     The  greatest  outrages  were 
committed  in  Boston  on  the  26th  of  August,  in  Newport  on  the  27th,  at  Annapolis  on 
the  29th,  arid  at  New  York  on  the  1st  of  November,  in  which  houses  were  damaged 
or  demolished. 

8  The  anniversary  of  the  14th  of  August,  1765, —  the  date  of  the  uprising  against 
the  Stamp  Act,  —  was  observed  for  several  years  by  the  patriots;  but,  at  the  first 
celebration,  held  under  "  the  sacred  elm,"  Liberty  Tree,  the  tenth  toast  was,  "  May 
the  26th  of  August,  1765  (the  date  of  the  assault  on  Hutchinson's  House),  be  veiled 
in  perpetual  darkness." 

4  At  the  time  of  the  first  meeting,  Sept.  30,  Maryland  and  New  Jersey  had  not 
chosen  delegates.  On  Tuesday,  Oct.  1,  an  express  arrived,  informing  that  delegates 
would  be  chosen  from  Maryland;  and,  on  the  next  day,  another,  stating  that  the 
members  of  the  New  Jersey  assembly  would  choose.  —  Boston  Post  Boy,  Oct.  14. 

6  Much  interesting  matter  relative  to  "  The  Sons  of  Liberty  in  New  York"  may 
be  found  in  "  A  paper  read  before  the  New-York  Historical  Society,  May  3,  18f»9, 
by  Henry  B.  Dawson,"  and  printed  for  private  distribution. 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT   OF   UNION.  185 

British  force  in  America,  the  commander  of  which,  General 
Gage,  wielded  the  powers  of  a  viceroy.  A  fort  within  the 
city  was  heavily  mounted  with  cannon.  Ships  of  war  were 
moored  near  the  wharves.  The  executive,  Lieutenant-gov- 
ernor Golden,  was  resolved  to  execute  the  law.  When  the 
Massachusetts  delegates  called  on  him,  he  remarked  that 
the  proposed  congress  would  be  unconstitutional,  and  un- 
precedented, and  he  should  give  it  no  countenance.1 

The  congress  consisted  of  twenty-eight  delegates  from 
nine  of  the  colonies ;  four,  though  sympathizing  with  the 
movement,  not  choosing  representatives.2  Here  several  of 

1  Boston  Post  Boy,  Oct.  14, 1765. 

2  The  congress  consisted  of  members  chosen  and  commissioned  as  follows :  — 
MASSACHUSETTS.  —  James  Otis,  Oliver  Partridge,  Timothy  Ruggles.     They  were 

chosen,  June  8,  by  the  general  assembly,  and  bore  a  commission  signed  by  Samuel 
White,  speaker. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA.  —  Thomas  Lynch,  Christopher  Gadsden,  John  Rutledge. 
They  were  chosen,  Aug.  2,  by  the  assembly,  and  bore  the  journal  of  the  votes  of 
their  election,  signed  by  Edward  Rawlins,  speaker. 

PENNSYLVANIA.  —  John  Dickinson,  John  Morton,  George  Bryan.  They  were 
chosen,  Sept.  11,  by  the  assembly,  and  bore  instructions  signed  by  Charles  Moore, 
clerk. 

RHODE  ISLAND.  —  Metcalf  Bowler,  Henry  Ward.  They  were  chosen  by  the 
assembly,  and  bore  a  commission  signed  by  Samuel  Ward,  the  governor. 

CONNECTICUT.  —  Eliphalet  Dyer,  David  Rowland,  William  S.  Johnson.  They 
were  chosen,  Sept.  19,  by  the  assembly,  and  bore  a  copy  of  the  vote  appointing 
them,  and  instructions  signed  by  Thomas  Fitch,  the  governor. 

DELAWARE.  —  Thomas  McKean,  Caesar  Rodney.  They  were  designated  in- 
formally by  fifteen  of  the  eighteen  members  of  the  assembly,  and  bore  three  instru- 
ments, dated  Sept.  13,  17,  and  20,  and  signed  by  the  members  from  the  counties  of 
New  Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex. 

MARYLAND.  —  William  Murdock,  Edward  Tilghman,  Thomas  Ringgold.  They 
were  chosen  by  the  assembly  in  October,  and  bore  a  commission  signed  by  Robert 
Lloyd,  speaker. 

NEW  JERSEY.  —  Robert  Ogden,  Hendrick  Fisher,  Joseph  Borden.  They  were 
designated  by  "  a  large  number  of  the  representatives,"  Oct.  3,  and  bore  a  certificate 
signed  John  Lawrence. 

NEW  YORK.  —  Robert  R.  Livingston,  John  Cruger,  Philip  Livingston,  William 
Bayard,  Leonard  Lespinward.  They  bore  a  certified  copy  of  the  votes  of  the  jour- 
nals, dated  April  4,  171-  (April  4,  1759),  Dec.  9, 1762,  and  Oct.  18,1764,  constituting 
*  the  members  of  the  city  of  New  York  "  and  "  Robert  R.  Livingston  "  a  committee 
of  correspondence.  —  See  p.  171,  where  the  first  date  is  March  9,  1759. 

Virginia,  New  Hampshire,  Georgia,  and  North  Carolina  did  not  send  delegates. 
The  "  Journal  of  the  Proceedings  "  contains  a  letter  from  the  New-Hampshire  assem- 
bly, dated  June  29, 1765,  signed  A.  Clarkson,  clerk,  approving  of  the  Congress,  and 
promising  to  join  in  any  address  they  might  be  honored  with  the  knowledge  of;  and 


186  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  patriots,  who  had  discussed  the  American  question  in 
their  localities,  met  for  the  first  time.  James  Otis  stood  in 
this  body  the  foremost  speaker.  His  pen,  with  the  pens  of  the 
brothers  Robert  and  Phillip  Livingston,  of  New  York,  were 
summoned  to  service  in  a  wider  field.  John  Dickinson,  of 
Pennsylvania,  was  soon  to  be  known  through  the  colonies 
by  "  The  Farmer's  Letters."  Thomas  McKean  and  Ca3sar 
Rodney  were  pillars  of  the  cause  in  Delaware.  Edward 
Tilgliman  was  an  honored  name  in  Maryland.  South  Caro- 
lina, in  addition  to  the  intrepid  Gadsden,  had,  in  Thomas 
Lynch  and  John  Rutledge,  two  patriots  who  appear  promi- 
nently in  the  subsequent  career  of  that  colony.  Thus  this 
body  was  graced  by  large  ability,  genius,  learning,  and  com- 
mon sense.  It  was  calm  in  its  deliberations,  seeming  un- 
moved by  the  whirl  of  the  political  waters. 

The  congress  organized  by  the  choice,  by  one  vote,  of 
Timothy  Ruggles,  a  Tory,  —  as  the  chairman, —  and  John 
Cotton,  clerk.  The  second  day  of  its  session,  it  took  into 
consideration  the  rights,  privileges,  and  grievances  of  "the 
British  American  colonists."  After  eleven  days'  debate, 
it  agreed  —  each  colony  having  one  vote  —  upon  a  declara- 
tion of  rights  and  grievances,  and  ordered  it  to  be  inserted  in 
the  journal.  This  earliest  embodiment  of  principles  by  an 
American  congress  consists  of  a  preamble  and  fourteen  re- 
solves. They  expressed  the  warmest  sentiments  of  affection 
and  duty  to  the  king,  "  all  due  subordination  to  that  august 
body,  the  parliament,"  and  claimed  all  the  inherent  rights 
and  privileges  of  natural-born  subjects  within  the  kingdom  of 
Great  Britain.  They  affirmed  that  it  is  inseparably  essential 
to  the  freedom  of  a  people,  and  one  of  the  undoubted  rights 


a  letter  from  Georgia,  dated  Sept.  6,  signed  Alexander  Wylly,  in  behalf  of  sixteen 
of  the  twenty- five  representatives,  warmly  sympathizing  with  the  cause,  and  stating 
that  the  governor  would  not  call  them  together,  but  promising  a  concurrence  with 
the  action.  These  letters  were  addressed  to  the  Speaker  of  the  Massachusetts  as- 
sembly. 

The  statements  in  this  note  are  derived  from  the  "  Journal  of  the  Proceedings  " 
of  this  congress  in  Niles'  "  Principles  and  Acts  of  the  Revolution,"  p.  451. 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT   OF   UNION.  187 

of  Englishmen,  that  taxes  cannot  be  imposed  on  them  with- 
out their  own  consent,  given  personally  or  through  their 
representatives  ;  that  the  colonists  could  not  be  represented 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  could  be  represented  only 
in  their  respective  legislatures  ;  and  that  no  taxes  could  be 
constitutionally  imposed  on  them  but  by  these  legislatures. 
They  declared  that  the  trial  by  jury  is  the  inherent  and 
invaluable  right  of  every  British  subject  in  these  colonies ; 
and  they  arraigned  the  recent  acts  of  parliament  as  having  a 
manifest  tendency  to  subvert  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
people. 

The  congress  then  matured  an  address  to  His  Majesty,  a 
memorial  to  the  House  of  Lords,  and  a  petition  to  the  House 
of  Commons,  which  were  ordered  to  be  engrossed.1  These 
papers  enlarge  on  the  two  main  points  of  the  resolves  ; 
namely,  the  claims  respecting  taxation  and  the  trial  by  jury. 
They  say,  "  We  glory  in  being  subjects  of  the  best  of  kings, 
having  been  born  under  the  most  perfect  form  of  govern- 
ment." They  express  an  ardent  desire  for  a  continuation 
of  the  connection  between  Great  Britain  and  America ;  and 
aver  that  the  most  effectual  way  to  secure  this  would  be  by 
fixing  the  pillars  thereof  on  liberty  and  justice,  and  by  re- 
cognizing the  inherent  rights  of  the  people ;  specifying,  as 
essential  to  freedom,  self-taxation  and  trial  by  jury.  They 
emphasize  the  important  and  vital  point,  that  the  remote 
situation  and  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  colonists  ren- 
dered it  impossible  they  should  be  represented  except  in 
their  respective  subordinate  legislatures,  which,  as  nearly 
as  convenient,  had  been  moulded  after  that  of  the  mother 
country,  and  exercised  full  powers  of  legislation  under  the 
English  constitution.  They  averred  that  they  and  their 
ancestors  had  been  born  under  the  forms  of  government 


1  The  committee  on  the  address  to  the  king  were  Robert  R.  Livingston,  William 
Samuel  Johnson,  and  William  Murdock ;  on  the  memorial  to  the  House  of  Lords, 
John  Rutledge,  Edward  Tilghman,  and  Philip  Livingston ;  on  the  petition  to  the 
House  of  Commons,  Thomas  Lynch,  James  Otis,  and  Thomas  McKean. 


188  THE  RISE  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

which  had  been  established  here,  and  which  had  protected 
their  lives,  liberties,  and  properties ;  that  they  entertained 
great  fondness  for  old  customs  and  usages  ;  and  they  prayed 
that  these  circumstanoes  might  be  taken  into  consideration 
and  their  just  rights  restored. 

These  resolves  and  petitions  elicited  long  debates.  Only 
few  memorials,  however,  remain  of  the  sentiments  of  the 
speakers.  Some  of  the  members  pleaded,  as  the  foundation 
of  their  liberties,  charters  from  the  crown.  Robert  R.  Living- 
ston, of  New  York,  would  not  consent  to  base  American 
liberties  on  such  a  foundation.  Christopher  Gadsden,  who 
objected  to  petitioning  parliament,  on  the  ground  that  the 
colonists  derived  their  rights  neither  from  Lords  nor  Com- 
mons, with  clear  discrimination  and  in  memorable  words, 
said,  "  A  confirmation  of  our  essential  and  common  rights  as 
Englishmen  may  be  pleaded  from  charters  safely  enough  ; 
but  any  further  dependence  on  them  may  be  fatal.  We 
should  stand  upon  the  broad,  common  ground  of  those  natural 
rights  that  we  all  feel  and  know  as  men  and  as  descendants 
of  Englishmen.  I  wish  the  charters  may  not  ensnare  us  at 
last,  by  drawing  different  colonies  to  act  differently  in  this 
great  cause.  Whenever  that  is  the  case,  all  will  be  over 
with  the  whole.  There  ought  to  be  no  New-England  man, 
no  New-Yorker,  known  on  the  Continent;  but  all  of  us 
Americans."  1 

The  congress  advised  the  colonies  to  appoint  special  agents 
to  solicit  relief,  and  for  this  purpose  to  unite  their  utmost 
endeavors.  When  the  matter  of  signing  was  discussed,  some 
of  the  members  objected,  and  urged  that  each  colony  ought 
to  petition  separately.  The  chairman,  Ruggles,  said,  "  It  was 
against  his  conscience  "  to  sign  ;  when  McKean,  of  Dela- 
ware, "  rung  the  change  on  the  word  conscience  so  loud,"  that 

1  Bancroft,  v.  335.  Pitkin,  in  his  "  Political  and  Civil  History  of  the  United 
States,"  &c.,  ii.  448,  1828,  printed  an  elaborate  "  Report  of  a  Committee  on  the 
Subject  of  Colonial  Rights,"  from  a  copy  found  among  the  papers  of  Dr.  Johnson, 
one  of  the  members  from  Connecticut.  A  comparison  of  this  puper  with  the  papers 
adopted  by  the  congress  shows  that  it  was  much  used  by  thoir  authors. 


THE  STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT   OF   UNION.          189 

Rugglos  gave  him  a  challenge  before  all  the  members,  which 
was  promptly  accepted  by  McKean.1  The  delegates  present 
from  only  six  of  the  colonies  —  except  Ruggles  and  Ogden  — 
signed  the  petition ;  those  from  New  York,  Connecticut,  and 
South  Carolina  not  being  authorized  to  sign.  On  the  25th 
of  October,  the  congress  adjourned.2 

Special  measures  were  taken  to  transmit  the  proceedings 
to  the  unrepresented  colonies.3  The  several  assemblies,  on 
meeting,  heartily  approved  of  the  course  of  their  delegates 
who  concurred  in  the  action  of  congress ;  but  Ruggles,  of 
Massachusetts,  was  reprimanded  by  the  speaker  in  the  name 
of  the  House,  and  Ogden,  of  New  Jersey,  was  hung  in  effigy 
by  the  people.4  The  action  of  the  assemblies  was  announced 
in  the  press.5  Meanwhile  the  Sons  of  Liberty,  through 


1  John  Adams's  Works,  x.  61.     McKean  says  Ruggles  left  early  tke  next  morn- 
ing, without  an  adieu  to  any  of  his  brethren. 

2  The  clerk  was  directed  to  sign  the  minutes  of  the  proceedings  of  this  congress, 
and  deliver  a  copy  for  the  use  of  each  colony.    Two  sets  were  sent  immediately 
to  England  by  two  vessels.     The  Declaration  of  Rights  is  in  the  "  Massachusetts 
Gazette "   of  March  20,  1766,  copied  from  the   "  Providence  Gazette  Extraordi- 
nary;" the  three  petitions  are  in  the  "Boston  Gazette"  of  April  14,  1766.     The 
"  Providence  Gazette  "  had  a  brief  criticism  on  some  of  the  points.    The  proceed- 
ings of  the  congress  in  part  were  printed  in  London  by  Almon  in  1767.     "Niles's 
Register"  of  July  25, 1812,  contained  the  whole  proceedings  and  documents,  printed 
from  a  manuscript  copy  attested  by  the  secretary,  John  Cotton.    It  was  found  among 
the  papers  of  Caesar  Rodney.     This  was  reprinted,  in  1822,  in  Niles's  "  Principles 
and  Acts  of  the  Revolution,"  &c. 

8  The  Congress,  Oct.  25,  resolved,  "  That  the  gentlemen  from  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  be  requested  to  send  a  copy  thereof  to  the  colony  of  New  Hampshire;  the  gen- 
tlemen of  Maryland  to  Virginia;  and  the  gentlemen  of  South  Carolina  to  Georgia 
and  North  Carolina." — Journal  in  Almon's  Tracts,  1767. 

4  The  newspapers  announced  (Boston  Post,  Dec.  16)  that  the  conduct  of  Borden 
and  Fisher  of  New  Jersey  was  approved.     Ogden  was  obliged  to  decline  his  place  as 
speaker.    The  Massachusetts  assembly,  Feb.  12,  voted,  u  That  Brigadier  Ruggles, 
with  respect  to  his  conduct  at  the  congress  of  New  York,  has  been  guilty  of  neglect 
of  duty,  and  that  he  be  reprimanded  therefor  by  the  speaker."     This  was  done  the 
next  day.  —  Boston  Evening  Post,  Feb.  17,  1766. 

5  The  Connecticut  assembly  ordered  their  committee  to  sign  the  petitions  and  for- 
ward them. — Mass.  Gazette,  Nov.  14.    The  concurrence  of  the  South-Carolina  as- 
sembly was  announced  Dec.  2.    The  New  York  assembly  approved  of  the  attendance 
of  their  members,  Nov.  20,  and  voted  to  send  petitions  to  the  king  and  the  Lords  and 
Commons.    Their  address  to  the  Lords  (Dec.  11,  1765)  acknowledges  "  the  Parlia- 
ment of  Great  Britain  justly  entitled  to  a  supreme  direction  and  governmeut  over 
the  whole  empire  for  a  wise,  powerful,  and  lasting  preservation  of  the  great  bond  •  >f 


190  THE  RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

their  committees  of  correspondence,  urged  a  continental 
Union ;  pledged  a  mutual  support  in  case  of  danger ;  in 
some  instances  stated  the  numbers  of  armed  men  that  might 
be  relied  on  ;  and  thus  evinced  a  common  determination  to 
resist  the  execution  of  the  Stamp  Act.1  If  the  thoughtful 
grieved  at  seeing  the  unscrupulous  seize  the  occasion  of 
a  nullification  of  a  bad  law  in  order  to  break  from  all  law, 
they  rejoiced  to  see  springing  into  activity  a  spirit  of  union. 
It  was  said  in  the  press,  "  It  is  the  joy  of  thousands  that 
there  is  union  and  concurrence  in  a  general  congress  ;  "2  it 
was  judged  that  this  body  had  transacted  the  most  important 
business  that  ever  came  under  consideration  in  America ; 
and  Gadsden  expressed  the  Americanism  of  the  hour  as 
he  wrote,  "  Nothing  will  save  us  but  acting  together.  The 
province  that  endeavors  to  act  separately  must  fall  with  the 
rest,  and  be  branded  with  everlasting  infamy."3 

While  the  thirteen  colonies,  viewed  as  a  whole,  presented 
this  aspect  of  union,  there  was  an  embodiment  of  public 
sentiment,  by  local  organizations,  not  less  interesting  or  sig- 
nificant. It  would  require  too  much  space  to  describe  the 
doings  of  "  the  respectable  populace  "  in  their  public  meet- 
ings, or  of  towns  in  instructing  their  representatives,  or  the 
dealing  with  the  stamped  paper,  or  what  took  place  on  the 
day  the  odious  act  was  to  go  into  effect.  The  hurricane, 
which  commenced  on  the  14th  of  August,  did  not  soon 
spend  its  force.  The  political  waters  were  lashed  into  waves 
of  fearful  height.  In  this  time  of  confusion  and  tumult, 

union  and  the  common  safety."  —  Journals  of  the  Assembly.  The  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia did  not  convene  the  assembly;  but,  in  the  "Journal  of  the  Congress,"  this  col- 
ony was  understood  to  have  concurred  in  the  action. 

1  Gordon  (i.  199)  says  that  the  Boston  Sons  of  Liberty  proposed,  February,  1766,  in 
a  letter  to  the  brotherhood  at  Norwich,  a  continental  union,  of  which  the  latter  greatly 
approved  in  a  reply,  Feb.  10.     "  The  New- York  Sons  of  Liberty  sent  circular  letters 
as  far  as  South  Carolina,  urging  a  continental  union."    Many  of  the  towns  of  Massa- 
chusetts sent  pledges  to  march  with  their  whole  force  to  defend  those  who  should  be 
in  danger  from  their  action  on  the  Stamp  Act.     The  same  spirit  prevailed  in  New 
York,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Connecticut,  and  other  colonies.  —  Bancroft,  v.  427 

2  New-London  Gazette,  Nov.  1,  1765,  cited  in  Bancroft,  v.  353. 
8  Bancroft,  v.  359. 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT   OF  UNION.          191, 

the  public  sentiment  was  further  embodied,  in  the  general 
assemblies,  in  elaborate  series  of  resolves  which  were  cir- 
culated in  the  newspapers.1  The  committees  appointed  to 
prepare  these  papers  would  be  likely  to  refer  to  prior  action, 
and  to  use  terms  at  hand,  in  doing  this  not  very  easy  work. 
An  analysis  of  these  resolves  shows  that  this  was  the  case. 
Sentences,  and,  indeed,  entire  resolves,  in  the  Virginia  so* 
ries,  re-appear  in  those  of  Connecticut,  Maryland,  and  Rhode 
Island  ;  especially  the  words  in  which  the  colonial  right 
was  asserted  "  in  the  article  of  taxes  and  internal  police  ;  " 
and  the  New-Jersey  and  South-Carolina  series  contain  sev- 
eral of  the  resolves  of  congress. 

The  above  narrative  of  the  proceedings  in  the  colonies, 
growing  out  of  the  attempt  of  the  ministry  to  carry  out  the 
new  policy,  shows  how  the  two  political  schools  regarded 
union  when  it  was  in  American  hands,  and  was  urged  for 
American  objects. 

The  party  of  the  prerogative  met  the  proposition  to  hold 
a  congress  with  ridicule,  or  denounced  it  as  disloyal.  Lieu- 
tenant-Go vernor  Colden,  of  New  York,  held  that  it  would 
be  inconsistent  with  the  constitution  of  the  colonies,  by 
which  their  several  governments  were  made  distinct  and 
independent  of  each  other.2  Governor  Franklin,  of  New 

1  The  newspapers,  after  the  middle  of  August,  are  laden  with  the  proceedings 
of  towns  and  of  meetings,  as  they  were  termed,  "  of  the  respectable  populace  "  of 
localities,  and  are  too  numerous  to  specify.    I  give  the  dates  of  the  resolves  of  the 
general  assemblies,  and  where  they  appeared  in  print.     These  resolves  were,  per- 
haps universally,  circulated  at  full  length  in  the  newspapers. 

Virginia.  —  March  29.  The  whole  series  of  resolves  (see  page  180)  were  circu- 
lated as  having  passed,  and  appeared  first  in  a  Newport  paper,  June  24. 

Rhode  Island.  —  The  resolves  of  Providence,  adopting  the  Virginia  resolves  and 
adding  one  on  admiralty  courts  and  trial  by  jury,  were  passed  Aug.  13.  The  assem- 
bly resolves  were  passed  in  September,  and  are  in  the  u  Boston  Evening  Post," 
Sept.  23. 

Pennsylvania.  —  Sept.  21.    In  the  "  Boston  Post  Boy,"  Oct.  7. 

Maryland.  —  September.    In  the  "  Boston  Post  Boy,"  Oct.  21. 

Connecticut.  —  October.    In  the  "  Boston  Post  Boy,"  Nov.  11. 

Massachusetts.  —  Oct.  29.    In  the  "  Boston  Gazette,"  Nov.  4. 

South  Carolina.  —  Nov.  29.    In  the  "  Boston  Gazette,"  Nov.  29. 

New  Jersey.  —  Nov.  30.    In  the  "  Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Nov.  80. 

New  York.  —  Dec.  17.    In  the  "  Post  Boy,"  Dec.  30. 

2  Colden,  Letter,  Sept.  23, 1765. 


.  192  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Jersey,  a  son  of  the  philosopher,  but  an  inveterate  Tory, 
pronounced  it  irregular  and  unconstitutional.  Governors 
Wright,  of  Georgia,  and  Fauquier,  of  Virginia,  succeeded  in 
preventing  the  assemblies  of  these  colonies  from  sending 
delegates.  Their  sympathizers  in  the  congress,  Ruggles 
and  Ogden,  urged  that  eacli  colony  ought  to  act  separately, 
and  declined  to  unite  with  the  other  delegates  in  signing 
the  memorials.  In  a  similar  spirit,  the  Lords  of  Trade 
presented  to  the  king  the  proceedings  of  Massachusetts,  — 
on  the  occasion  of  the  reception  of  the  Declaratory  Resolves, 
and  in  calling  the  congress,  without  a  sanction  from  the 
crown,  —  as  of  dangerous  tendency.1  These  facts  evince 
the  same  jealousy  of  any  action  originating  outside  of  official 
circles,  aiming  at  a  union  of  the  colonies,  that  was  seen  in 
the  case  of  the  New-England  confederacy,  and  in  subsequent 
propositions,  however  innocent,  for  joint  effort.  This  school 
aimed  to  keep  America  weak,  by  fostering  the  isolation  of 
the  colonies,  or  it  aimed  at  such  a  unity  by  a  consolida- 
tion of  popular  functions  as  would  repress  the  republican 
element.  It  held  that  the  government  in  England  had  un- 
limited power  over  the  colonies,  and  that  they  ought  not 
even  to  unite  in  a  petition  without  its  permission. 

The  Whigs  held  that  the  colonies,  though  subordinate, 
were  under  a  limited  government ;  that  they  had  an  un- 
doubted right  to  join  in  petitions  ;  and  that  union  was  the 
most  efficient  means  to  obtain  a  redress  of  grievances. 
Hence  the  attempt  to  unite  the  merchants,  by  committees  of 
correspondence,  in  protests  against  the  injustice  of  the  acts 
of  Trade  ;  the  proposition  for  joint  action  in  the  earliest  or- 
ganized movement  in  opposition  to  the  contemplated  Stamp 
Act ;  the  cordial  reception  of  the  Massachusetts  proposal  for 
a  congress  ;  the  associations  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty,  pledging 
to  each  other  their  lives  in  the  support  of  their  rights  ;  and 
the  inspiring  cry  for  "  A  continental  union."  It  is  not  without 
significance  that  at  that  time  the  term  "America"  was  used 

1  Parliamentary  History,  xvi.  122.    The  representation  is  dated  Oct.  1,  1765. 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT  OP   UNION.          193 

as  applied  to  a  people,  and  the  term  "  country  "  as  applied 
to  America.1  The  inspiration  of  the  thought  which  those 
terms  expressed  is  seen  in  the  language  in  which  Christopher 
Gadsden  urged  his  countrymen  to  lift  above  all  merely  pro- 
vincial names  the  name  of  American.  Thus  union  had 
hecome  a  sentiment,  a  moral  power,  and  began  to  influence 
the  course  of  events.  A  similar  sentiment  could  not  be 
roused  in  Greece  in  its  palmiest  days.  In  the  course  of  the 
great  history  of  that  people,  at  times,  a  purpose  at  once 
common,  innocent,  and  useful,  spontaneously  brought  to- 
gether fragments  of  that  disunited  race  ;  but  it  was  not 
powerful  enough  to  counteract  that  bent  towards  a  petty 
and  isolated  autonomy  which  ultimately  made  slaves  of  them 
all.2  This  ancient  lesson  was  strongly  and  continuously 
enforced  on  the  colonists.  The  stern  words  in  which  Gads- 
den  connected  a  refusal  to  unite  with  infamy,  show  the 
strength  of  the  conviction  of  the  popular  leaders  respecting 
union.  In  many  ways,  the  public  mind,  especially  through 
the  press,  grew  familiar  with  the  idea  that  the  colonies  were 
linked  together  in  a  common  destiny. 

I  have  alluded  but  cursorily  to  the  passive  resistance  to 
the  new  policy  by  the  non-importation  agreement,  and  by 
fostering  domestic  manufactures,  when  the  watchword  was 
Frugality  and  Industry.  Then  Americans  asserted,  practi- 
cally, the  right  of  labor  to  choose  its  fields  and  enjoy  its 
fruits  ;  when  even  liberal  thinkers  advocated  the  most 

1  The  following,  from  the  "  Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Oct.  17,  1765,  will  show  the 
way  in  which  America  as  a  country  was  referred  to :  — 

"  Phil.  Oct.  3.  We  hear  the  stamp  paper  for  this  province  is  arrived  in  Capt.  Holland, 
who  lies  at  New  Castle  under  the  protection  of  one  of  his  majesty's  sloops  of  war.  It  is  im- 
possible to  conceive  of  the  consternation  this  melancholly  news  has  diffused  through  this 
city.  Rage,  resentment  and  grief  appeared  painted  in  every  countenance  and  the  mournful 
language  of  one  and  all  our  inhabitants  seems  to  be  farewell,  farewell,  Liberty.  America, 
America,  doomed  by  a  premature  sentence  to  slavery !  Was  it  thy  loyalty  —  thy  filial  obe- 
dience —  thy  exhausted  treasures  —  and  the  rivers  of  blood  shed  by  thy  sons  in  extending 
the  glory  of  thy  arms,  provoked  thy  mother  country  thus  unjustly  to  involve  thee  in 
distress,  by  tearing  from  thee  the  darling  privileges  of  thy  children  ?  Or  was  it  the  perfidy  ? 
—  But  I  cannot  proceed,  —  tears  of  vexation  and  sorrow  stop  my  pen.  0  my  country,  mv 
country ! " 

8  Grote's  Greece,  ed.  1862,  iv.  24. 

13 


194  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC, 

vexatious  restrictions  on  industrial  pursuits,  and  the  olu 
colonial  system  was  so  triumphant,  that  Chatham  declared 
lie  would  not  allow  a  hobnail  to  be  manufactured  in  Amer- 
ica. Otis  averred  that  "  one  single  act  of  parliament  had 
set  people  a-thinking,  in  six  months,  more  than  they  had 
done  in  their  whole  lives  before."  l  The  thought  was,  that 
Americans  might  clothe  themselves  with  their  own  hands, 
and  be  independent  of  a  foreign  supply.  The  members  of 
the  assemblies  were  urged  to  set  the  example.  "  I  have  in 
my  younger  days,"  wrote  Dulany,  "  seen  fine  sights,  and 
been  captivated  by  their  dazzling  pomp  and  glittering  splen- 
dor; but  the  sight  of  our  representatives,  all  adorned  in 
complete  dresses  of  their  own  leather  and  flax  and  wool, 
manufactured  by  the  art  and  industry  of  the  inhabitants 
of  America,  would  excite  not  the  gaze  of  admiration,  the 
flutter  of  an  agitated  imagination,  or  the  momentary  amuse- 
ment of  a  transient  scene  ;  but  a  calm,  solid,  heart-felt 
delight."2  The  daughters  of  America  entered  into  this 
movement  with  a  spirit  that  gave  inspiration  to  the  cause, 
—  a  forerunner  of  the  beautiful  and  noble  service  which, 
in  the  late  civil  war,  they  rendered  not  merely  to  their 
country,  but  to  our  common  humanity.  The  details  of  this 
movement  are  voluminous.  It  was  inculcated  in  prose  and 
verse,  as  patriotism  to  use  domestic  manufactures,  and  thus 
"  save  a  sinking  land."  3 

1  Rights  of  the  British  Colonies,  54. 

2  "  Considerations  on  the  Propriety  of  imposing  Taxes  on  the  British  Colonies, 
for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  Revenue,  by  Act  of  Parliament.     North  America." 
The  preface  is  dated  Virginia.     It  was  published  Oct.  14,  1765.     (McMahon's  Mary- 
land, 349.)     It  was  commended  in  the  journals  as  a  masterly  performance,  by  one 
of  the  most  celebrated  civilians  on  the  Continent,  who  was  educated  in   England, 
and  bred  at  the  Temple.     It  was  by  Daniel  Dulany,  of  Maryland. 

3  Songs  were  early  used  to  rouse  the  people  to  action.     The  "  Massachusetts 
Gazette"  of  Oct.  31,  1765,  has  a  song  entitled  "Advice  from  the  Country,"  which 
was  copied  into  the  "  Gentleman's  Magazine  "  for  December,  as  a  "  Song  sung  at 
Boston,  in  New  England."     One  of  the  stanzas  runs:  — 

"  With  us  of  the  woods 

Lay  aside  }rour  fine  goods, 
Contentment  depends  not  on  clothes; 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT   OF   UNION.          195 

In  this  varied  action  —  the  riotous  element  of  which  was 
deplored  by  the  sagacious  patriots  —  there  was  revealed  a 
sentiment  in  favor  of  union,  which  made  the  individuals  of 
different  colonies  alive  to  each  other's  welfare.  Its  germs 

We  hear,  smell  and  see, 
Taste  and  feel  with  high  glee, 
And  in  winter  have  huts  for  repose." 

The  "  Boston  Evening  Post "  of  Feb.  10,  1766,  has  a  song  entitled  "  America  in- 
structing her  Children;  composed  with  the  design  of  inspiring  Sentiments  ol 
Frugality  and  Industry."  The  following  is  the  beginning  and  ending:  — 

"  Whilst  raging  winter  ruled  the  year, 

the  earth  lay  hid  in  snow: 
Deep  in  a  cypress  grove  I  heard 

the  voice  of  tuneful  woe. 
Led  by  the  sound,  I  pierced  the  gloom 

where  stood  an  ancient  Pine ; 
Beneath  it  sat  an  heavenly  Dame, 

her  form  was  all  divine. 
An  azure  mantle  starred  with  gems, 

loose  from  her  shoulders  hung ; 
A  golden  harp  shone  in  her  hand, 

vhilst  thus  she  played  and  sung:  — 
*  What  baneful  power  seeks  to  harm  us, 

where  peace  and  solemn  silence  reigns  I 
Frightful  omens  all  around  us ; 

I  hear  the  horrid  clank  of  chains. 


Awake  my  sons  and  look  around  you, 

rise  up  and  save  a  sinking  state ; 
'Tis  Luxury,  false  Syren,  wounds  you, 

rise  soon,  or  you  will  be  too  late. 
With  nervous  arm  strike  deep  the  Whale, 

pluck  Codfish  tugging  at  your  line ; 
Take  the  broiled  Mackerel  by  her  tail, 

let  Fops  among  Tea-  Trinkets  shine. 
Let  Oxen  spread  my  valleys  over, 

drinking  at  the  christel  rills ; 
Whilst  fleecy  Flocks  do  nibble  clover, 

growing  on  my  verdant  hills. 
Rise  up  my  Daughters,  light  your  tapers, 

take  the  Spinning-  Wheel  in  hand, 
Your  babes  shall  prattle  how  your  labors 

helped  to  save  a  sinking  land.' 

The  black  North-wester  sunk  to  silence, 

ravished  by  so  sweet  a  note ; 
The  robin  dropped  his  scarlet  berry, 

and  in  concert  joined  his  throat." 


196  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

and  roots  were  seen  even  in  the  past  of  the  diversity  of  the 
governments  ;  in  the  attachment  of  each  to  similar  political 
ideas  and  institutions,  and  a  common  determination  to  main- 
tain them.  Each  claimed  as  an  inheritance  liberties  secured 
in  the  common  law  as  enforced  in  the  declaration  of  the 
Great  Charter  and  the  Bill  of  Rights,1  that  were  beyond  the 
domain  of  king  or  parliament ;  and  especially  the  two  lib- 
erties that  were  assailed,  —  self-taxation,  and  trial  by  jury. 
This  community  of  political  ideas  among  the  patriots  is  seen 
in  the  resolves  of  the  village,  of  the  colony,  and  of  the 
congress.  They  asserted  no  more,  no  less,  than  the  early 
colonists  claimed  under  the  two  Charles's  and  James  II. 
But  the  fathers  were  but  few  in  number,  and  could  only 
put  forth  their  claims.  Their  descendants,  under  George  III., 
had  become  numerous,  were  united,  felt  strong,  and  they 
insisted  011  a  recognition  of  their  rights.  This  was  done, 
however,  in  a  spirit  of  loyalty  to  the  British  constitution. 
It  was  the  belief  and  the  hope  of  the  popular  leaders,  that 
their  unanswerable  reasoning  and  their  united  attitude 
would  procure  a  change  of  administration,  and  an  aban- 
donment of  an  odious  policy  ;  and  that  this  would  "  per- 
petuate the  sovereignty  of  the  British  Constitution  and  the 
filial  dependence  of  all  the  colonies."  2 

The  Americans  believed  their  hopes  were  about  to  be 
realized,  when  the  intelligence  spread  that  the  ministry 
had  been  changed,  and  the  Rockingham  Cabinet  was  in 
power.  It  was  followed  by  the  still  more  inspiring  news 
that  parliament  had  repealed  the  Stamp  Act,  which  the 
king  signed  on  the  18th  of  March,  1766.  There  was  then 
a  burst  of  joy.  In  England,  William  Pitt  received  an  ova- 
tion. The  king  returned  from  Westminster  to  the  palace 

1  Dulany,  27.    He  says,  p.  11,  of  the  opinions  of  court  lawyers:  "  They  have  all 
declared  that  to  be  legal  which  the  minister  for  the  time  has  deemed  to  be  expe- 
dient."    He  says  that  Republican  was  used  as  a  nick-name,  as  applied  to  "  the 
British  inhabitants  of  North  America;  "  because  it  implied  thr.t  they  were  enemies 
to  the  government  of  England. 

2  Stephen  Hopkins  closes  his  pamphlet  in  these  words. 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND    A    SENTIMENT    OF   UNION.          197 

amid  the  huzzas  of  the  multitude.  Bow  bells  were  set 
a-ringing ;  the  ships  in  the  Thames  displayed  their  colors ; 
and  London  streets  were  illuminated.  In  America,  the 
people  overflowed  with  joy.  They  expressed  their  grati- 
tude in  every  form  that  could  be  devised ;  town  vying  with 
town,  and  colony  with  colony,  in  patriotic  demonstrations. 
In  both  countries  there  was  a  general  jubilee  as  for  a 
great  deliverance.  Rpbertson,  the  historian,  spoke  the  feel- 
ing of  liberal  minds  in  England,  when  he  rejoiced  that  the 
millions  in  America  would  •have  the  chances  of  running 
the  same  great  career  which  other  free  people  have  held 
before  them.  Samuel  Adams  expressed  the  views  of  his 
countrymen  when  he  said  that  they  blessed  their  sovereign, 
revered  the  wisdom  and  goodness  of  the  British  parliament, 
and  felt  themselves  happy. 

This,  however,  was  not  the  interpretation  which  the  Tories 
put  upon  the  rejoicing  in  America.  They  represented  it  as 
exultation  for  a  triumph  over  the  sovereignty.  A  British 
official  promptly  said  the  sequel  would  be,  "  Addresses  of 
thanks,  and  measures  of  rebellion." l  This  stupid  judg- 
ment was  in  keeping  with  the  charge,  reiterated  by  the 
Tories  during  this  period  of  opposition  to  the  Stamp  Act, 
that  the  colonies  aimed  at  independence.  This  charge  was 
pronounced  by  the  colonists  a  stale  pretence,  entirely  sense- 
less and  ridiculous,  and  almost  beneath  a  serious  refutation.2 
"  We  utterly  deny,"  they  said,  "  that  such  an  intention  ever 
entered  into  our  hearts."  8  This  denial  is  found  in  private 
letters,  in  the  press,  and  in  State  papers.  Samuel  Adams, 
in  an  emphatic  disclaimer,  appealed  to  the  affection  enter- 
tained by  the  Americans  for  the  mother  country ; 4  and 
James  Otis  averred  "  that  British  America  would  never 
prove  undutiful  till  driven  to  it  as  the  last,  fatal  resort 

1  William  Knox,  on  the  morning  after  the  vote  passed,  said  this  to  Mr.  Grenvilta 
Extra  Official  Papers,  2,  26. 

2  Boston  Evening  Post,  March  25, 1765. 
«  Boston  Post  Boy,  July  15, 1765. 

*  Letter,  Nov.  13, 1765.     Wells's  Life  of  Adams,  i.  101. 


198  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

against  ministerial  oppression,  which  will  make  the  wisest 
mad  and  the  weakest  strong."  l 

The  patriots,  however,  were  emphatic  in  declaring  that 
America  would  use  her  strength  to  preserve  her  liberties ; 
the  facts  already  stated  evincing  the  determination  of  the 
people,  if  need  be,  to  take  the  field.  Richard  Henry  Lee.  in 
a  remarkable  letter,  written  as  in  a  prophetic  spirit,  said, 
"  The  ways  of  Heaven  are  inscrutable  ;  and  freqiu  ntly 
the  most  unlooked-for  events  have  arisen  from  seemingly  the 
most  inadequate  causes.  Possibly  this  step  of  the  mother 
country,  though  intended  to  oppress  and  keep  us  low,  in 
order  to  secure  our  dependence,  may  be  subversive  of  this 
end."  2  John  Adams  saw  in  the  intention  in  the  ministry 
an  entire  subversion  of  the  whole  system  of  the  fathers  of 
America,  and  the  introduction  of  the  inequalities  of  feudal- 
ism ;  and  he  held  that  to  submit  to  slavery  would  be  a 
sacrilegious  breach  of  trust,  as  offensive  in  the  sight  of 
God  as  it  would  be  derogatory  to  the  honor,  the  interest,  or 
the  happiness  of  the  people.3  Richard  Bland  appealed  to  the 
laws  of  nature  and  the  rights  of  mankind,  and  urged  the 

1  Otis's  Rights  of  the  Colonies,  51.     It  was  said,  that  the  colonists,  by  fraud  or 
force,  would  claim  to  be  an  independent  legislature.     Otis,  in  denying  this,  sajrs : 
"  This,  I  think,  would  be  revolting  with  a  vengeance.     What  higher  revolt  can 
there  be  than  for  a  province  to  assume  the  right  of  an  independent  legislature  or 
state." 

2  Letter,  May  31,  1764. 

8  Boston  Gazette,  Oct.  21,  1765.  This  journal  printed,  Aug.  12,  a  communica- 
tion without  a  title  or  a  signature;  and  continuations  of  it  in  the  issues  of  Aug.  19. 
Sept.  30,  and  Oct.  21.  This  paper  was  written  by  John  Adams.  It  was  copied 
Into  the  "  London  Chronicle,"  and  in  1768  printed  by  Almon,  in  a  volume  entitled 
"  The  True  Sentiments  of  America,"  where  it  is  termed  "  A  Dissertation  on  the 
Canon  and  Feudal  Law."  It  was  subsequently  reprinted  under  this  title.  —  See 
John  Adams's  Works,  iii.  447.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  last  number:  — 

"  Let  us  presume,  what  is  in  fact  true,  that  the  spirit  of  liberty  is  as  ardent  as  ever  among 
the  body  of  the  nation,  though  a  few  individuals  may  be  corrupted.  Let  us  take  it  for 
granted,  that  the  same  great  spirit  which  once  gave  Caesar  so  warm  a  reception  ;  which 
denounced  hostilities  against  John  till  Magna  Charta  was  signed ;  which  severed  the  head 
of  Charles  the  First  from  his  body,  and  drove  James  the  Second  from  his  kingdom  ;  the 
same  great  spirit  (may  Heaven  preserve  it  till  the  earth  shall  be  no  more)  which  first  seated 
the  great  grandfather  of  his  present  most  gracious  majesty  on  the  throne  of  Britain, — 
is  still  alive  and  active  and  warm  in  England;  and  that  the  same  spirit  in  America, 
instead  of  provoking  the  inhabitants  of  that  country,  will  endear  us  to  them  for  ever,  and 
secure  their  good  will." 


THE   STAMP   ACT   AND   A   SENTIMENT   OP   UNION.          199 

colonies  to  unite  in  a  representation  of  their  common  griev- 
ances ;  and,  as  a  part  of  the  answer  to  the  question  "  what 
should  be  done  if  justice  shall  be  denied,"  said  that  injury 
and  violence  would  render  the  colonies  an  alien,  and  pointed 
to  the  Helvetic  Confederacy  and  the  States  of  the  United 
Netherlands  as  glorious  examples  of  what  "  a  petty  people 
in  comparison  "  could  do  when  acting  together  in  the  cause 
of  liberty.1  Choiseul,  Minister  of  the  Marine  of  France, 
foresaw  the  struggle  for  independence,  and  in  a  memorial 
urged  his  sovereign  to  be  prepared  for  the  crisis.2 

Meantime  the  prosperity  and  progress  of  the  colonies  con- 
tinued to  elicit  foreshadowings  of  the  future  of  America. 
Ezra  Stiles,  one  of  the  gifted  Americans  of  his  age,  antici- 
pated the  independence  of  his  country.  He  said  that  there 
would  be  a  provincial  confederacy  formed  on  free  suffrage, 
which  in  time  would  grow  into  an  imperial  dominion  ; 8 
Watson,  Vicar  of  Yorkshire,  in  a  sermon  on  American 
colleges,  adopting  the  thought  that  all  arts  and  sciences 
were  travelling  westward,  speculated  on  what  America  would 
be  as  a  powerful  and  independent  state,  —  the  school  of  Chris- 
tian knowledge  and  of  liberal  science.4  James  Otis  wrote 

1  Richard  Bland,  of  Virginia,  printed,  early  in  1766,  a  pamphlet,  entitled  "  An 
Enquiry  into  the  Rights  of  the  British  Colonies:  intended  as  an  answer  to  'The 
Regulations  lately  made  concerning  the  Colonies,  and  the  taxes  upon  them  con- 
sidered.'   In  a  Letter  addressed  to  the  Author  of  that  Pamphlet."     The  writer 
of  the  pamphlet  held  "  that  the  colonies  should  be  prohibited  from  uniting  in  a 
representation  of  their  general  grievances"  to  the  common  sovereign.     Bland  re- 
plied as  follows:  — 

"  Divide  et  impera  is  your  maxim  in  colony  administration,  lest  '  an  alliance 
should  be  formed  dangerous  to  the  mother  country.'  Ungenerous  insinuation! 
detestable  thought !  abhorrent  to  every  native  of  the  colonies !  who  by  an  uniformity 
of  conduct  have  ever  demonstrated  the  deepest  loyalty  to  their  king  as  the  father 
of  his  people,  and  an  unshaken  attachment  to  the  interest  of  Great  Britain.  But 
you  must  entertain  a  most  despicable  opinion  of  the  understandings  of  the  colonists, 
to  imagine  that  they  will  allow  divisions  to  be  fomented  between  them  about  incon- 
siderable things,  when  the  closest  union  becomes  necessary  to  maintain,  in  a  consti- 
tutional way,  their  dearest  interest." 

2  Bancroft,  v.  361. 

8  1760.  Sermon  on  the  Capture  of  Montreal,  cited  in  lt  Duyckink's  Cyclopedia," 
i.  159. 

4  1763.  The  sermon  was  printed  in  England  in  1763.  Extracts  were  copied 
into  the  "  Gentleman's  Magazine  "  for  May,  1783. 


200  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

that  the  world  was  on  the  ere  of  the  highest  scene  of  earthly 
power  and  grandeur  that  has  ever  been  displayed.1  It  was 
circulated  in  the  press  of  England  and  of  America,  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  colonies,  at  the  least  computation,  num- 
bered two  millions  ;  that  in  twenty-five  years  they  would 
grow  to  four  ;  in  fifty  years,  to  eight ;  in  seventy-five  years,  to 
sixteen  ;  and  in  a  hundred  years,  to  thirty-two  millions,  —  a 
striking  prospect  of  increasing  population  :  and  it  was  said, 
"  Little  doubt  can  be  entertained,  that  America  will  in  time 
be  the  greatest  and  most  prosperous  empire  that  perhaps 
the  world  has  ever  seen."  2 

1  Rights  of  the  British  Colonies. 

2  A  piece  from  the  "  London  Gazetteer,"  Nov.  1, 1765,  copied  into  the  "  Boston 
Evening  Post,"  Feb.  10, 1766. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

How  THE  ASSERTION  BY  PARLIAMENT,  IN  THE  TOWNSHEND  REVENUE 
ACTS,  OF  ABSOLUTE  POWER  OVER  THE  COLONIES,  WAS  MET  BY  A 
CONSTITUTIONAL  OPPOSITION,  AND  HOW  AN  ARBITRARY  ROYAL 
ORDER  ELICITED  ACTION  IN  A  SIMILAR  SPIRIT  BY  THIRTEEN  AS- 
SEMBLIES, IN  DEFENCE  OF  THEIR  LOCAL  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

1766  TO  1770. 

THE  sentiment  of  union,  evoked  by  the  attempt  to  carry  out 
so  much  of  the  new  policy  as  was  developed  in  the  Stamp 
Act,  had  a  solid  basis  in  the  traditional  attachment  of  the 
people  of  each  colony  to  similar  political  ideas.  The  next 
embodiment  of  this  policy  in  the  Townshend  IJevenue  Acts, 
designed  to  establish  the  principle  that  parliament  had  ab- 
solute power  over  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  was 
met  by  a  constitutional  opposition  on  the  basis  of  social 
order,  and  occasioned  a  further  development  of  the  senti- 
ment of  union  by  inter-colonial  correspondence;  while  an 
arbitrary  royal  order,  designed  to  check  a  growing  com- 
munion of  the  colonies,  elicited  action  by  thirteen  assem- 
blies' asserting  rights  inherent  in  local  self-government,  and 
served  to  fix  public  opinion  as  a  power  in  the  American 
political  world. 

Thoughtful  minds  questioned  whether  the  repeal  of  the 
Stamp  Act,  "  on  European  rather  than  American  reasons," l 
was  worthy  of  the  rejoicings  that  burst  spontaneously,  in 
full  chorus,  from  the  heart  of  a  grateful  people.  The  Re- 
peal was  accompanied  by  the  famous  Declaratory  Act,  that 
parliament  had  the  right  to  bind  the  colonies  in  all  cases 
whatsoever.  The  great  champion  of  Repeal,  William  Pitt, 
asserted  for  parliament  this  right  of  governing,  as  emphati- 

l  Boston  Gazette,  May  5,  1766. 


202  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

cally  as  he  denied  the  right  to  tax.1  It  was  said,  however, 
that  this  act  was  but  laying  down  an  abstraction.  Against 
it  were  the  declarations  of  the  thirteen  colonies,  that  the 
people  had  inherent  rights,  and  that  the  powers  of  the  king 
and  the  parliament  were  limited  by  the  Constitution.  Some 
urged,  that  the  new  declaration  might  be,  and  ought  to  be, 
met  by  a  fresh  assertion,  by  each  colony,  of  what  it  regarded 
as  its  rights.2  But  the  appeals  for  a  continuation  of  agita- 
tion against  an  abstraction  proved  of  little  account.  The 
Sons  of  Liberty  dissolved  their  association,  and,  in  a  great 
measure,  ceased  their  operations.3  The  masses  are  moved 
more  by  feeling  than  by  reasoning,  and  the  paramount  feel- 
ing was  that  of  gratitude.  It  was  said  that  the  Repeal 
hushed  into  silence  every  clamor,  and  composed  every  wave 
of  popular  disorder  into  a  smooth  and  peaceful  calm.  The 
colonies  cheerfully  and  gratefully  acknowledged  their  de- 
pendence on  the  crown  of  Great  Britain.4 

The  Repeal  was  regarded  by  the  king  as  a  fatal  coinpli- 

1  Pitt,  in  the  debate  in  which  he  astonished  the  House  with  the  declaration,  "  I 
rejoice  that  America  has  resisted,"  said,  "  It  is  my  opinion  that  this  kingdom  has  no 
right  to  lay  a  tax  upon  the  colonies;  at  the  same  time  I  assert  the  authority  of  this 
kingdom  over  the  colonies  to  be  sovereign  and  supreme,  in  every  circumstance  of 

government  and  legislation  whatever Taxation  is  no  part  of  the  governing 

or  legislative  power.     Taxes  are  a  voluntary  gift  and  grant  of  the  commons  alone." 
—  Report  in  Massachusetts  Gazette,  May  8,  1766. 

2  The  "  Boston  Post  Boy"  of  Aug.  11,  1766,  copied  an  elaborate  paper,  dated 
"  Virginia,  20th  of  May,  1766,"  and  signed  "A  British  American,"  which  covers 
the  whole  ground  of  the  Repeal  and  the  Declaratory  Act.     It  urged  that  the  latter 
should  be  expunged  from  the  journals  of  parliament.     It  says,  "  We  really  consider 
ourselves  as  the  same  people  with  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain,  and  feel  the 
same  sentiments  of  joy  or  sorrow,  on  every  acquisition  or  loss  of  our  mother  coun- 
try, as  if  we  still  inhabited  her  happy  island.  .  .  .   Will  it  be  beneath  the  dignity 
of  that  august  body  (parliament)  to  expunge  from  their  journals  an  entry  fraught 
with  such  mischievous  consequences?"  "Algernon  Sidney,"  in  the  "Boston  Ga- 
zette," Aug.  18, 1766,  in  arraigning  the  Declaratory  Act,  says,  "  Let  every  House  of 
assembly  on  the  Continent  assert  those  rights  it  is  not  in  their  power  to  alienate." 

3  Leake's  Life  of  Lamb,  36. 

4  Diary  of  John  Adams.     Works,  ii.  203.     "  There  never  was  a  time,  since  the 
first  European  set  forth  on  this  continent,  wherein  the  colonies,  from  one  end  to 
the  other,  more  cheerfully  and  affectionately  acknowledged  their  dependence  on  the 
crown  of  Great  Britain.     Never  were  a  people  more  in  love  with  their  king  and  the 
Constitution  by  which  he  has  solemnly  engaged  to  govern  them."  —  Boston  Even- 
ing Post,  Sept.  14,  1767. 


THE   TOWNSHEND   ACTS   AND   PUBLIC   OPINION.  203 

auce.1  It  proved  only  a  pause  in  the  attempt  to  carry  out 
the  new  policy.  Soon  after,  to  the  astonishment  and  sorrow 
of  the  liberal  world,  William  Pitt  accepted  a  peerage,  and 
entered  the  House  of  Lords  ;  when  Charles  Townshend 
became  the  leader  of  the  House  of  Commons.  He  had  won- 
derful ability,  and  was  fully  informed  on  American  affairs  ; 
but  was  arrogant  and  imperious,  and  prized  the  smiles  of 
the  sovereign  more  than  the  friendship  of  the  Earl  of  Chat- 
ham. He  continued  to  ftivor  the  policy  of  remodelling 
the  local  governments,  which  he  urged  when  a  member 
of  the  Board  of  Trade.  On  the  3d  of  June,  1766,  he  spoke 
from  the  ministerial  benches  the  following  remarkable 
words  :  "  It  has  long  been  my  opinion  that  America  should 
be  regulated  and  deprived  of  its  militating  and  contradic- 
tory charters,  and  its  royal  governors,  judges,  and  attorneys 
be  rendered  independent  of  the  people.  I  therefore  expect 
that  the  present  administration  will,  in  the  recess  of  par- 
liament, take  all  necessary  previous  steps  for  compassing 
so  desirable  an  event."  After  adducing  the  madness  and 
distractions  of  America  as  his  justification,  he  said,  "  If  I 
should  differ  in  judgment  from  the  present  administration 
on  this  point,  I  now  declare  that  I  must  withdraw  ...  I 
hope  and  expect  otherwise,  trusting  that  I  shall  be  an  in- 
strument among  them  of  preparing  a  new  system."  2  The 
journals  contained  rumors  that  new  measures  were  proposed 
for  America,  and  among  them  were  these,  —  that  the  gover- 
nors had  strict  orders  to  prevent  the  assembling  of  another 
Congress  ;  that  the  local  governments  would  be  remodelled  ; 
and  that  Great  Britain  would  assert  its  dignity  and  sove- 
reignty. Townshend  became  the  master  spirit  of  the  cabinet 
that  succeeded  the  Rockinghatn  ministry.  His  speeches  in 
support  of  violent  methods,  as  one  of  his  sympathizers  ex- 
pressed it,  and  urging  "  a  different  police  founded  on  and 
supported  by  force  and  vigor,"3  had  a  wide  circulation.  He 

1  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  England,  vi.,  App.  xlix. 

2  Bancroftjias  a  manuscript  report  of  this  speech,  vi.  10. 
«  Moffat's  Utter,  in  "  Boston  Post  Boy,"  Oct.  20,  1766. 


204  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

urged  the  expediency  of  a  revenue  from  America,  and  of 
using  an  army  to  collect  it,  saying  that  he  voted  to  repeal 
the  Stamp  Act,  not  because  it  was  not  a  good  measure,  but 
because  Repeal  was  at  that  time  expedient.  He  repeated 
the  sentence,  that  the  galleries  might  hear  it ;  remarking, 
"  After  that,  I  do  not  expect  to  have  any  statue  erected  in 
America."  1 

These  reports  proved  the  forerunners  of  the  Townshend 
Revenue  Acts,  the  chief  of  which  was  introduced  into  par- 
liament the  13th  of  May,  1767,  received  the  royal  assent 
the  29th  of  June,  and  was  to  go  into  effect  on  the  20th  of 
November.  These  acts,  in  brief,  imposed  duties  on  glass, 
paper,  painters'  colors,  and  tea;  established  a  board  of  cus- 
toms at  Boston  to  collect  the  revenue  throughout  America ; 
and  legalized  writs  of  assistance.  The  preamble  of  the  act 
imposing  duties  stated  that  they  were  laid  for  raising  a  rev- 
enue to  provide  for  the  support  of  civil  government  in  the 
provinces,  and  for  their  general  defence.  It  was  designed 
that  the  governors,  judges,  and  attorneys  should  be  rendered 
independent  of  the  local  assemblies.  The  extent  to  which 
parliament  interfered  with  these  bodies  was  seen  in  the  law 
suspending  the  New- York  assembly  from  the  exercise  of 
the  powers  of  legislation  until  it  should  comply  with  the  act 
requiring  it  to  provide  quarters  for  British  troops. 

The  new  duties  were  imposed  not  on  commercial  grounds, 
but  for  political  reasons ;  not  to  regulate  trade,  but  for 
revenue  and  to  assert  British  sovereignty.  The  scheme  was 
thoroughly  dissected  by  the  press.  Its  aggression  on  the 
ancient  self-government  was  pointed  out.  The  line  between 
external  and  internal  taxation  —  between  the  spheres  of  the 
colonial  or  local  and  the  imperial  —  was  not  clearly  defined ; 

i  The  "  Boston  Evening  Post "  of  May  4, 1767,  has  a  letter  dated  London,  Feb.  14, 
1767,  which  says,  "  Taxing  the  colonies,  in  some  shape  or  other,  begins  to  be  talked 
of."  Another  letter,  Feb.  18,  says,  that  the  action  of  the  New- York  assembly,  declin- 
ing to  comply  with  the  act  of  parliament  for  quartering  troops,  caused  it  to  be  "gen- 
erally said  they  are  in  a  state  of  rebellion,  and  are  endeavoring  to  throw  off  their 
dependence."  The  action  of  the  Massachusetts  assembly  also  gave  great  ofTence 
A  letter  on  this  action  was  printed  in  the  "  Boston  Post  Boy,"  March  2  1767 


THE   TOWNSHEND    ACTS   AND   PUBLIC   OPINION.  205 

fet  it  was  the  theory  of  the  Whigs,  that  each  colony,  as 
an  integral  part  of  the  nation,  had  a  general  assembly, 
which,  though  subordinate,  was  a  free,  deliberative  body  ; 
and,  while  parliament  had  the  right  to  make  the  laws  for 
England,  these  assemblies,  with  the  council,  had  the  right 
to  make  the  laws  bearing  exclusively  on  America ;  and  that 
the  king  was  the  common  executive,  whose  rightful  preroga- 
tive was  in  force  in  each  colony  as  it  was  in  England.1  This 
law-making  power  regulated  "  the  internal  police  ;  "  which 
meant,  that  it  provided  for  the  elective  franchise,  represen- 
tation, trial  by  jury,  the  habeas  corpus,  the  concerns  of 
order,  education,  and  religion.  This  power  was  the  custo- 
dian of  the  municipalities ;  and  they,  in  the  fine  words  of 
Mirabeau,  "  are  the  basis  of  the  social  state,  the  safety 
of  every  day,  the  security  of  every  fireside,  the  only  pos- 
sible way  of  interesting  the  entire  people  in  the  government, 
and  of  securing  all  rights."  2  Now  the  new  scheme  was 
regarded  by  Americans  as  more  dangerous  to  their  liberties 
than  the  Stamp  Act,  because  it  was  an  aggression  on  the 
old  usages,  grown  into  a  right,  of  fashioning  the  "  internal 
police."  A  British  official,  who  knew  America  by  personal 

1  Hutchinson,  in  a  letter  dated  March  27,  1768,  says,  "  The  authority  of  parlia- 
ment to  make  laws  of  any  nature  whatsoever  in  the  colonies  is  denied  with  the 
same  freedom  their  authority  to  tax  the  colonies  has  been  for  two  or  three  years 
past.     This  is  a  new  doctrine;  but  it  spreads  every  day,  and  bids  fair  to  be  as 
generally  received  as  the  other."    In  a  letter  dated  Aug.  27,  1772,  he  says,  "  Before 
America  is  settled  in  peace,  it  would  be  necessary  to  go  to  the  bottom  of  all  the 
disorder,  ...  the  opinion  that  every  colon}-  has  a  legislature  within  itself,  the  acts 
and  doings  of  which  are  not  to  be  controlled  by  parliament,  and  that  no  legislative 
power  ought  to  be  exercised  over  the  colonies  except  by  their  legislatures."     He 
termed  this  "  the  doctrine  of  independence  of  parliament."     He  said  (Letter,  Aug. 
27,  1772),  "  For  assemblies  or  bodies  of  men  who  shall  deny  the  authority  of  parlia- 
ment, may  not  all  their  subsequent  proceedings  be  declared  to  be  ipso  facto  null 
and  void,  and  every  member  who  shall  continue  to  act  in  such  assembly  be  subject  to 
penalties  and  incapacities."    This  was  a  wanton  misrepresentation  of  the  position  of 
the  Whigs.     The  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives  say,  in  a  letter  to  the  Mar- 
quis of  Rockingham,  in  reference  to  parliament,  "  My  Lord,  the  superintending  power 
of  that  high  court  over  all  his  majesty's  subjects  in  the  empire,  and  in  all  cases 
that  can  consist  with  the  fundamental  rules  of  the  Constitution,  was  never  ques- 
tioned in  this  province,  nor,  as  the  House  conceives,  in  any  other."     The  patriots 
claimed  only  the  right  of  self-taxation,  and  to  make  the  local  law. 

2  Cited  by  Thierry,  in  Hist.  Essays.     Phil.  od.     84. 


206  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

observation,  described  the  situation,  politically,  as  lie  re- 
marked, that  the  operation  of  the  Stamp  Act,  on  colonial 
ideas,  "  would  have  been  by  sap ; "  but  the  Townshend 
scheme  "  was  attacking  them  by  storm  every  day."  1 

The  father  of  the  new  acts,  Charles  Townshend,  died 
before  they  went  into  effect ;  and  their  execution  devolved 
on  Lord  North,  appointed  chancellor  of  the  exchequer.  This 
character,  so  famous  in  American  story,  was  thirty-five  years 
of  age  ;  but  this  was  not  the  time  of  his  full  entrance  on  the 
stage.  The  administration  was  living  on  the  great  name  of 
the  Earl  of  Chatham.2  The  business  of  the  colonies  had 
become  so  large,  that  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State  for  them 
was  created,  which  was  filled  by  Lord  Hillsborough.  He 
was  bland,  and  full  of  fair  professions,  but  constantly  aimed 
to  strengthen  the  prerogative.  He  was  the  channel  of  com- 
munication with  the  colonies. 

It  was  then  said  that  "  American  liberty  must  be  entirely 
of  American  fabric."  3  A  new  movement,  as  it  was  termed, 
began.  The  popular  leaders  enjoined  the  people  to  avoid 
mobs,  confusions,  tumults,  —  the  terrible  spirit  of  disorder 
that  was  a  part  of  the  action  against  the  Stamp  Act,  and  which 
was  like  the  European  popular  action,  —  spasmodic,  danger- 
ous, and  ruinous.  This  advice  was  given,  in  line  upon  line, 
in  the  press.4  On  the  day  the  new  acts  went  into  effect,  there 
was  posted  under"  Liberty  Tree,"  in  Boston,  a  paper  calling 
on  the  "  Sons  of  Liberty  "  to  rise  and  fight  for  their  rights, 
and  saying  that  they  would  be  joined  by  legions.  This 
incident  drew  from  James  Otis,  the  moderator  of  a  meeting 
held  in  the  town  on  that  day,  a  spirited  denunciation  of  mobs. 
He  said,  that,  "  were  the  burdens  of  the  people  ever  so  heavy, 
or  their  grievances  ever  so  great,  no  possible  circumstances, 

1  Knox's  Extra-Official  Papers,  ii.  26. 

2  The  king  said  this  in  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  dated  Jan.  23,  1768.    He 
was  then  in  strict  seclusion. 

8  Arthur  Lee,  in  "Life  of  R.  H.  Lee,"  i.  62.     The  letter  is  dated  London,  1767; 
but,  as  the  "  Farmer's  Letters  "  are  referred  to,  it  should  be  1768. 
4  Boston  Gazette,  Nov.  9  and  14,  1767. 


THE  TOWNSHEND    ACTS    AND   PUBLIC   OPINION.  207 

though  ever  so  oppressive,  could  be  supposed  sufficient 
to  justify  private  tumults  and  disorders,  either  to  their  con- 
sciences before  God,  or  legally  before  men ;  that  their  fore- 
fathers, in  the  beginning  of  the,  reign  of  Charles  I.,  for 
fifteen  years  together,  were  continually  offering  up  prayers 
to  their  God,  and  petitions  to  their  king  for  redress  of  griev- 
ances, before  they  would  betake  themselves  to  any  forcible 
measures ;  that  to  insult  and  tear  each  other  in  pieces  was 
to  act  like  madmen ; " 1  This  speech  was  printed  in  the 
newspapers,  and  was  heartily  indorsed.  "  Our  cause,"  it 
was  said,  "  is  a  cause  of  the  highest  dignity :  it  is  nothing 
less  than  to  maintain  the  liberty  with  which  Heaven  itself 
has  made  us  free.  I  hope  it  will  not  be  disgraced  in  any 
colony  by  a  single  rash  step.  We  have  constitutional  meth- 
ods of  seeking  redress,  and  they  are  the  best  methods."  2 
The  Whigs,  with  these  views,  entered  upon  the  work  of 
"  defending  the  liberties  of  their  common  country."  3  Aim- 
ing to  avoid  any  thing  like  insurrection,  and  repelling  the 
idea  of  revolution,  they  unfurled  their  banner  under  the 
noble  aegis  of  law.  They  based  their  action  on  social  order. 
They  hoped  to  build  up  their  cause  on  the  foundation  of  an 
intelligent  public  opinion.  This  was  a  new  and  an  Ameri- 
can method  of  political  agitation. 

The  Whigs,  in  this  spirit,  aimed  at  concert  of  action. 
They  did  not  fail  to  profit  by  such  union  as  was  reached 
in  the  Stamp  Act,  and  they  sought  opportunities  to 
cement  and  perpetuate  it.  When  the  air  was  full  of  re- 
joicing on  account  of  the  repeal,  a  learned  divine  of 
Boston,  Jonathan  Mayhew,  in  a  note  addressed  to  James 
Otis,  proposed  that  the  Massachusetts  assembly  should  send 
congratulatory  letters  to  the  other  assemblies  on  the  favor- 

1  Boston  Evening  Post,  Nov.  23,  1767.     The  entire  report  of  this  speech  is  in 
"  Life  and  Times  of  Warren,"  38. 

2  Letter  written  by  John  Dickinson,  and  addressed  to  Otis,  dated  Dec.  7,  1767. 
Extracts  were  printed  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette,"  Jan.  25,  1768.     The  entire  letter  is 
in  u  Warren's  History  of  the  American  War,"  i.  413. 

*  Boston  Gazette,  Jan  25,  1768,  — the  beginning  of  Dickenson's  Letter. 


208  THE   RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

able  aspect  of  things,  expressing  warm  friendship,  and  a 
desire  to  cultivate  union  among  them  by  all  practical  meth- 
ods ;  remarking,  that  the  communion  of  colonies,  like  the 
communion  of  churches,  might  be  of  great  use,  and  that 
on  some  future  occasion  union  might  be  the  only  means  of 
perpetuating  their  liberties.1  The  benefit  of  keeping  up  a 
friendly  correspondence  among  the  patriots  was  urged  in 
public  meetings  and  in  the  press.2  The  appeals  of  the  pop- 
ular leaders  have  an  elevation  of  sentiment  so  common  and 
so  continuous,  as  to  constitute  a  feature  of  the  revolutionary 
struggle.  Thus  "  The  Farmer's  Letters,"  addressed  to  "  The 
American  People," — imbued  with  a  sentiment  of  union 
—  say,  "  You  are  assigned  by  Divine  Providence,  in  the 
appointed  order  of  things,  the  protector  of  unborn  ages, 
whose  fate  depends  on  your  virtue."3 

The  earliest  movement,  in  reference  to  the  new  scheme, 
was  a  renewal  of  the  non-importation  agreement.  At  a  town 
meeting  held  at  Boston,  Oct.  28,  1767,  in  which  James  Otis 
presided,  statements  were  read  to  the  effect,  that  one  town, 
the  past  year,  made  thirty  thousand  yards  of  cloth  ;  that 
Lynn  turned  out  forty  thousand  pairs  of  women's  shoes; 
that  a  circle  of  agreeable  ladies  had  agreed  to  lay  aside 

1  This  letter  is  dated  "  Lord's  Day  Morning,  June  8,  1766:"  and  commences, 
«  Sir,  —  To  a  good  man  all  time  is  holy  enough,  and  none  too  holy  to  do  good  or  to 
think  upon  it."     It  was  printed  by  Mrs.  Warren,  in  her  "  History  of  American  War," 

1.  416. 

2  "  With  respect  to  North  America  in  general,  it  is  our  advice  and  instruction 
that  you  keep  up  a  constant  and  friendly  intercourse  with  the  other  English  govern- 
ments on  the  continent;  that  you  conciliate  divisions  and  differences,  if  any  be  now- 
subsisting,  or  should  hereafter  arise;  ever  preferring  their  friendship  and  confidence 
to  the  demands  of  rigorous  justice  without  them  "  — Boston  Instructions  to  the  Rep- 
resentatives in  Massachusetts  Gazette,  May  29,  1766. 

3  These  letters,  by  John  Dickinson,  appeared  first  in  the  "  Pennsylvania  Chronicle 
and  Universal  Advertiser,"  printed  in  Philadelphia.     Number  one  was  printed  Dec. 

2,  1767;  number  twelve,   Feb.  15,  1768.     They  were  copied  into  other  journals,  and 
widely  circulated  in  every  colony.     They  were  printed  also  in  pamphlet  form  in 
America  and  in  London.     Letters  of  thanks  were  sent  to  their  author.     Thus  the 
town  of  Lebanon,  Conn.,  April  11,  1768,  congratulated  him  as  one  born  for  the  most 
noble  and  exalted  purpose,  and  as  having  erected  a  monument  that  would  transmit 
a  grateful  remembrance  of  the  "  Farmer  "  to  the  latest  posterity.  —  Pennsylvania 
Chronicle,  May  9,  1768. 


THE  TOWNSHEND   ACTS   AND  PUBLIC   OPINION. 

the  use  of  ribbons :  and  a  subscription  was  started  to  pro- 
mote economy,  industry,  and  manufactures.  The  proceed- 
ings, under  the  heading  "  Save  your  money,  and  you  save 
your  country,"  were  printed  in  the  journals,1  and  made 
a  great  noise  in  England. 

It  was  circulated  in  the  newspapers,  that,  whenever 
"  the  cause  of  American  freedom  was  to  be  vindicated," 
the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  "  as  it  had  hitherto 
done,  must  first  kindle  the  sacred  flame  that  must  illumin- 
ate and  warm  the  continent."2  Its  legislature  came  to- 
gether in  its  second  session,  Dec.  30,  1767,  in  the  Town 
House,  or  State  House,3  as  it  was  then  sometimes  termed,  — 
still  standing  at  the  head  of  State  Street,  then  King  Street. 
Several  members  of  the  Council  and  many  of  the  House 
"  appeared  completely  clothed  in  the  manufacture  of  the 
country."4  Thomas  Gushing,  of  Boston,  a  merchant  of 
liberal  culture,  and  a  patriot  always  in  favor  of  a  moderate 
course,  was  the  speaker ;  and  Samuel  Adams,  a  poor  man, 
a  universally  good  character,  and  of  rising  influence  as  a 
popular  leader,  was  the  clerk.  Among  the  members  were 
Otis,  whose  brilliant  intellect  was  entering  its  cloud ;  and 


1  The  proceedings  were  printed  in  the  "  Boston   Gazette,"   Nov.  2,  and  are 
copied  into  the  "  Pennsylvania  Chronicle",  Nov.  11.    They  are  in  the  "  Gentleman's 
Magazine  "  for  December,  1767,  and  elicited  (p.  620)  a  violent  piece,  calling  on 
parliament  to  declare  the  combination  illegal.     It  is  pronounced  a  "  daring  attack 
on  our  commerce;"  and  it  is  said,  "The  enterprises  of  the  Americans  are  now 
carried  to  such  a  point,  that  every  moment  we  lose  serves  only  to  accelerate  our 
perdition."     This  piece  was  copied  by  the  American  newspapers.     The  excitement 
which  the  Boston  Resolutions  occasioned,  elicited  from  Franklin  the  paper  entitled 
"Causes  of  the  American  Discontents"  (see  works  of  Franklin  by  Sparks,  iv.  242), 
which  had  the  motto  "  The  waves  never  rise  but  when  the  winds  blow."     This  was 
printed  in  the  "  London  Chronicle  "  of  Jan.  7, 1768,  in  the  "  Pennsylvania  Chronicle  " 
of  April  25,  and  as  a  postscript  to  the  collection  of  papers  entitled  "  The  True  Sen- 
timents of  America." 

2  Boston  Gazette,  Jan.  25,  1768. 

8  The  papers  of  some  of  the  colonies  are  dated  from  "  The  State  House."  The 
petition  of  Delaware,  Sept.  28,  1768,  is  so  dated. 

4  Boston  Gazette,  Jan.  11,  1768.  The  issue  of  the  4th  says,  that  the  senior  class 
at  the  University  in  Cambridge  had  ';  unanimously  agreed  to  take  their  degrees, 
next  Commencement,  dressed  altogether  in  the  manufactures  of  this  country,  —  a 
resolution  which  reflects  the  highest  honor  on  that  seat  of  learning." 

14 


210  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

John  Hancock,  a  generous  and  steady  patriot,  whose  per- 
sonal services  and  great  wealth  were  freely  given  to  the 
cause.  James  Warren,  of  large  revolutionary  fame,  repre- 
sented the  town  of  Plymouth.  Joseph  Hawley,  of  rare 
singleness  of  purpose  and  integrity,  was  sent  from  North- 
ampton, and  was  the  politician  of  the  largest  influence  from 
the  western  part  of  the  province.  The  list  of  members 
shows  many  who  are  held  in  grateful  remembrance. 

On  opening  the  session,  Governor  Bernard  summoned  the 
members  of  the  House  to  the  council  chamber,  but  in  his 
address  to  them,  did  not  refer  to  the  new  acts.  They  were, 
however,  read  in  the  House,  and  referred  to  a  committee  on 
the  state  of  the  province.1  They  reported  an  elaborate  letter 
written  by  Samuel  Adams,  to  be  sent  to  the  agent  of  the 
colony  in  London,  and  intended  for  the  ministers.  Daring 
the  discussion  of  it,  running  through  several  days,  it  was 
read  eight  times,  and,  having  been  amended,  was  adopted  as 
embodying  the  sentiments  of  the  House.  This  masterly  pre- 
sentation of  the  American  question  is  too  long  to  admit  of  an 
abstract.  It  reproduced  the  old  argument  respecting  taxa- 
tion. It  claimed  for  the  colonial  assemblies,  as  the  guardians 
of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people,  the  free  exercise  of 
powers  of  legislation  within  their  limits  as  essential  to  secure 
to  His  Majesty's  subjects  in  America  the  benefits  of  the  Con- 
stitution. It  urged  that,  without  this  freedom,  a  legisla- 
tive body  was  incomprehensible,  that  there  could  be  no 
essential  difference  between  a  legislature  restricted  and 
none  at  all ;  and  that  it  would  be  a  strange  political  phe- 
nomenon, should  all  laws,  both  of  police  and  revenue,  be 
made  by  a  legislature  at  such  a  distance  that  the  local  cir- 
cumstances of  the  governed  could  not  be  known  by  it.  The 
letter  claimed  that  the  colonists  were  equally  entitled  with 


1  On  the  first  day  of  the  session,  Dec.  30,  1767,  ordered,  that  Mr.  Speaker,  Col. 
Otis,  Mr.  Adams,  Major  Hawley,  Mr.  Otis,  Mr.  Hancock,  Capt.  Sheaffe,  Col.  Bowers, 
an  I  Mr.  Dexter,  be  a  committee  to  take  under  consideration  the  state  of  the  province 
and  report.  —  Journal. 


THE  TOWNSHEND   ACTS   AND   PUBLIC   OPINION.  211 

all  British  subjects  to  the  fundamental  rules  of  the  British 
Constitution  as  their  grand  security,  and  that  these  bounded 
and  circumscribed  the  supreme  legislature.  Tested  by 
these  rules,  the  new  acts  were  held  to  be  unconstitutional. 
In  asking  for  their  repeal,  the  House  disclaimed  the  most 
distant  thought  of  independence. 

The  same  committee  reported  letters  to  several  noblemen 
in  England,  and  a  petition  to  the  king,  prepared  by  Samuel 
Adams.  The  most  celebrated  of  these  papers,  the  petition, 
was  expressed  in  simple  and  beautiful  terms.  It  contained 
the  warmest  sentiments  of  loyalty,  duty,  and  affection ; 
glanced  at  the  origin  and  growth  of  the  colony ;  spoke  of 
the  happiness  of  a  people  blessed  with  the  rights  of  English- 
men ;  and,  recognizing  the  supreme  legislative  power  in  all 
cases  that  could  consist  with  the  fundamental  rights  of 
nature  and  the  Constitution,  it  averred  that  the  power 
claimed  for  parliament  to  raise  a  revenue  when  it  was 
utterly  impracticable  for  the  colonists  to  be  represented  in 
it,  would  leave  them  only  the  name  of  free  subjects.1 

It  was  next  proposed,  in  the  spirit  of  the  prevailing  sen 
timent  of  union,  to  inform  the  other  assemblies  of  these 
measures.  The  House  voted,  Jan.  22,  to  assign  a  time 
to  consider  the  expediency  of  writing  to  the  assemblies  of 
the  other  colonies  with  respect  to  the  importance  of  join- 
ing in  petitioning  his  majesty.  This  was  earnestly  debated, 
and  the  proposition  was  at  first  rejected,  on  the  ground  that 
this  would  be  equivalent  to  the  call  of  a  congress.  But  the 

1  The  papers  adopted  by  the  House  soon  appeared  in  the  newspapers.  The 
celebrated  letter  addressed  to  Dennis  De  Berdt,  dated  Jan.  12, 1768,  is  in  the  "  Boston 
Gazette"  of  April  4,  and  "  Pennsylvania  Chronicle"  of  April  18;  and  it  was  printed 
in  London  by  Thomas  Hollis,  in  a  volume  under  the  title  of"  The  True  Sentiments  of 
America."  See  Wells's  "  Life  of  Adams,"  i.  172,  on  the  authorship  of  it.  The  letter 
to  the  Earl  of  Shelburne,  dated  Jan.  15,  is  in  the  Boston  papers  of  March  21 ;  as  is 
also  the  petition  to  the  king,  dated  Jan.  20.  The  letter  to  the  Marquis  of  Rocking- 
ham,  dated  Jan.  22,  is  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  March  28.  The  letter  to  the  Earl 
of  Camden,  dated  Jan.  29,  is  in  the  "  Massachusetts  Gazette"  of  April  4.  The  letter 
to  the  Earl  of  Chatham  is  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  April  7.  The  letter  to  Henry 
Seymour  Conway,  dated  Feb.  13,  is  in  the  "  Boston  Post  Boy  "  of  March  28.  The 
letter  to  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  the  Treasury  is  in  the  "  Boston  Post  Boy," 
April  4. 


212  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

friends  of  the  measure  —  and  none  were  more  indefatigable 
than  Samuel  Adams  —  urged  that  it  was  no  more  than  exer- 
cising the  right  of  correspondence.  At  length  the  vote  was 
reconsidered,  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  a 
communication  to  be  sent  to  the  other  colonies.  In  a  week, 
Feb.  11,  they  reported  a  letter,  drawn  up  by  Samuel  Adams, 
which  was  adopted.  The  speaker  was  directed  to  sign  it, 
and  send  it  to  the  several  assemblies  on  the  continent. 

This  Circular  Letter  states  that  the  House  had  taken  into 
serious  consideration  the  several  acts  of  parliament  and 
their  consequences ;  and,  in  the  view  that  all  possible  care 
should  be  taken  that  the  several  assemblies  should  har- 
monize with  each  other,  it  freely  communicated  their  mind 
to  their  sister  colonies,  on  a  common  concern,  in  the  same 
manner  as  they  would  be  glad  to  receive  in  return  the  sen- 
timents of  any  similar  assembly.  Then  the  positions  that 
had  been  taken,  in  the  papers  which  had  been  adopted,  were 
tersely  recapitulated.  The  idea  was  disclaimed  of  being  fac- 
tious, disloyal,  or  having  any  desire  of  independence ;  and 
confidence  was  expressed  that  the  other  assemblies  would  be 
too  generous  to  ascribe  the  letter  to  an  ambition  to  dictate. 
The  House  said  that  they  would  consider  it  kind  in  them  to 
point  out  any  thing  further  which  might  be  thought  neces- 
sary, and  that  they  acted  in  the  belief  that  the  united  and 
dutiful  applications  of  distressed  Americans  to  the  king, 
"  their  common  head  and  father,"  would  meet  with  his  royal 
acceptance.  The  authors  of  this  letter  regarded  it  inno- 
cent, prudent,  calculated  to  quiet  the  public  mind,  and  to 
procure  a  reversal  of  an  obnoxious  policy.  It  was  calm 
in  its  tone,  imbued  with  a  spirit  of  loyalty,  respectful  to 
sister  colonies,  and  true  to  American  ideas.1 

1  The  spirit  in  which  the  speaker  signed  this  letter  may  be  seen  in  his  own  words, 
in  a  letter  dated  ''  Boston,  July  13,  1768,"  and  printed  in  the  "  American  Gazette," 
p.  67.  The  Circular  Letter  was  printed  in  the  "Boston  Gazette,"  March  14,  1768; 
and  was  reprinted  in  the  Boston  papers  of  June.  It  was  copied  by  the  newspapers  in 
the  other  colonies.  It  is  in  the  ''  Pennsylvania  Chronicle  "  of  July  11. 

The  "Boston  Gazette"  of  Feb.  15,  has  an  editorial  relating  the  proceedings  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  which  the  Circular  Letter  is  thus  referred  to:  — 

"  Their  committee  have  reported  a  Letter  .  .  .  communicating  in  decent  terms  their 


THE   TOWNSHEND   ACTS   AND   PUBLIC   OPINION.  213 

The  House,  by  a  special  committee,  informed  tho  Gover- 
nor of  the  adoption  of  this  letter,  and  stated  that  a  copy  of 
it  would  be  laid  before  him  as  soon  as  a  draft  could  be 
made,  and  copies  also  of  other  papers,  if  he  should  desire 
them.  A  few  days  after,  he  summoned  the  members  into 
the  council  chamber,  when,  on  proroguing  the  House, 
he  delivered  a  speech,  in  which  he  sharply  censured  them 
for  their  doings,  saying  there  were  men  to  whose  being 
everlasting  contention  was  necessary,  but  that  time  would 
soon  pull  the  masks  off  those  false  patriots  who  were  sacri- 
ficing their  country  to  the  gratification  of  their  passions.  He 
laid  aside  this  arrogance,  as  he  spoke  to  the  council,  whom 
he  commended  for  what  he  termed  their  uniform  and  patri- 
otic conduct. 

The  Circular  Letter  elicited  gratifying  replies.  The  New- 
Hampshire  assembly,  by  their  speaker,  Peter  Oilman,  grate- 
fully acknowledged  the  communication,  highly  applauded 
its  sentiments,  regarded  the  union  of  all  the  colonies  of  the 
highest  importance,  but  said  that  the  period  they  would  be 
in  session  was  so  short,  they  could  only  express  the  hope 
their  successors  would  pursue  the  method  adopted  by  Mas- 
sachusetts ;  and  they  prayed  the  Lord  of  the  universe  to 
avert  the  impending  evil,  make  way  for  the  establishment 
of  British  liberty,  and  quiet  every  colony  in  an  enjoyment  of 
all  its  civil  and  religious  rights.  The  House  of  Burgesses 
of  Virginia,  through  their  speaker,  Peyton  Randolph,  ap- 
plauded the  Massachusetts  assembly  for  its  attention  to 
American  liberty ;  gave  a  summary  of  the  sentiments  em- 
bodied in  the  memorials  they  had  adopted ;  characterized 
their  local  government  as  one  under  which  the  people  had 
enjoyed  the  fruits  of  their  own  labor  with  a  serenity  liberty 
only  could  impart ;  not  only  disclaimed  any  intention  of 
aiming  at  independence,  but  promised  a  cheerful  acquics- 

sentiments  and  proceedings,  on  this  common  concern ;  and  to  prevent  the  enemies 
of  the  colonies  misrepresenting  this  measure,  we  are  informed,  the  House  has  ordered 
a  copy  of  the  last  mentioned  letter  to  be  transmitted  to  Mr.  Berdt,  to  be  by  him 
produced  as  necessity  may  require." 


214  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

cence  in  the  authority  of  parliament  to  make  laws  for  pre- 
serving a  necessary  dependence  and  for  regulating  the  trade 
of  the  colonies  ;  and  they  not  merely  petitioned  for  a  redress 
of  grievances,  but  sent  a  circular  to  all  the  assemblies  on 
the  continent,  inviting  their  concurrence.  The  New-Jersey 
assembly,  by  their  speaker,  Courtland  Skinner,  recognized 
the  candor,  spirit,  and  design  of  the  Massachusetts  circular ; 
adopted  the  mode  of  action  it  suggested ;  expressed  a  desire 
to  keep  up  a  correspondence,  and  to  unite  with  the  colonies, 
if  necessary,  in  further  supplications  to  His  Majesty  to  re- 
lieve his  distressed  subjects,  and,  in  their  petition  to  the 
king,  disclaimed  any  intention  of  denying  a  subordination 
to  parliament,  or  dependence  on  the  crown ;  but  earnestly 
averred  that  the  most  effectual  way  to  strengthen  the  con- 
nection was  by  zealously  striving  to  preserve  in  perfect  vigor 
those  sacred  rights  and  liberties  under  the  inspiring  sanc- 
tion of  which  the  colony  had  become  populous,  flourishing, 
and  valuable  to  Great  Britain.  The  Connecticut  assembly, 
by  their  speaker,  Zebulon  West,  viewed  the  Circular  Letter 
as  proceeding  from  a  hearty  concern  for  the  just  rights,  the 
common  interest,  and  welfare  of  the  colonies ;  regarded 
union  in  sentiment  and  practice  as  essential  to  success ; 
was  desirous  to  cultivate  the  strictest  friendship  with  the 
neighboring  colonies,  and  with  none  more  than  Massachu- 
setts ;  and  was  confident  that  the  united  and  dutiful  suppli- 
cations of  the  king's  faithful  and  distressed  subjects  in 
America  would  meet  with  a  kind  and  gracious  reception. 
Three  of  these  replies  soon  appeared  in  the  newspapers.1 

At  this  point  in  the  communion  of  the  colonies,  the  king 
appeared  on  the  stage,  and  as  a  direct  consequence  of  the 

1  The  dates  of  the  replies  are  as  follows:  New-Hampshire  assembly,  Feb.  25, 
1768,  printed  in  the  "Journals  of  the  House;"  Virginia,  May  8,  in  the  "Boston 
Post  Boy,"  June  27;  New-Jersey,  May  9,  in  the  "Post  Boy,"  June  27;  Connecticut, 
June  11,  in  "Post  Boy"  of  June  27.  Explanatory  letters  were  received  from  Alex- 
ander Wylly,  speaker  of  the  Georgia  assembly,  dated  June  16;  P.  Manigault, 
speaker  of  the  South-Carolina  assembly,  dated  July  10;  and  Metcalfe  Bowler, 
speaker  of  the  Rhode-Island  assembly,  dated  Aug.  5.  These  replies  were  cordial, 
and  contained  assurances  that  were  subsequently  made  good. 


THE  TOWNSHEND   ACTS  AND  PUBLIC  OPINION.  215 

course  of  the  Tories.  They  represented  that  the  Whigs 
meant  to  resist  by  force  the  execution  of  the  revenue  acts : 
in  fact,  that  their  real  object  was  independence ;  and  that 
British  troops  were  required  to  prevent  an  insurrection  in 
Boston,  which  might  extend  through  the  colonies.  Governor 
Bernard  of  Massachusetts  was  conspicuous  in  this  bald  mis- 
representation. He  had  the  full  confidence  of  Lord  Hills- 
borough.  He  had  also  a  relative  at  the  head  of  the  war 
department,  Lord  Barrington ;  and  the  correspondence  be- 
tween these  two  friends  was  voluminous  and  confidential, 
in  which  the  progress  of  events  in  Boston  was  minutely 
described.  Bernard  characterized  the  Circular  Letter  as 
designed  to  pave  the  way  for  a  confederacy,  and  calculated 
to  inflame  the  continent;  and,  presented  in  this  light,  it 
naturally  alarmed  the  ministers.  Lord  Hillsborough  (April 
15)  laid  it  before  the  cabinet,  where  it  was  pronounced  little 
better  than  an  incentive  to  rebellion.  The  king,  then  giving 
unusual  attention  to  American  affairs,  judged  that  the  exi- 
gency required  special  measures ;  and,  without  any  regard  to 
the  limitations  of  law,  it  was  determined  that  one  royal  order 
should  require  the  Massachusetts  assembly  to  rescind  its 
Circular  Letter,  and  that  another  order  should  require  the 
other  assemblies  to  treat  it  with  contempt,  —  imposing  the 
penalty  of  dissolution  in  case  of  non-compliance  with  these 
orders.  "  I  think,"  a  British  official  said,  "  this  measure 
will  bring  matters  to  a  crisis  very  speedily ;  and  if  the  col- 
onies see  this  country  is  in  earnest,  they  will  presently  make 
their  option,  and  take  the  part  of  peaceable  subjects  in  fu- 
ture." l  The  monarchical  office  was  the  most  powerful  polit- 
ical machine  in  Europe.  In  the  colonies  the  king's  name  was 
a  tower  of  strength ;  and  hence  this  entrance  of  George  III. 
into  the  arena  added  vastly  to  the  interest  and  importance 
of  the  American  question. 

Meantime,  the  people  of  Massachusetts  had  elected  a  new 
assembly,  containing  most  of  the  members  of  the  last,  and 

l  Knox,  in  Grenville  Papers,  iv.  298. 


216  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

nearly  all  the  popular  leaders.  It  convened  when  events  — 
driftings  toward  revolution  —  were  creating  intense  excite- 
ment in  this  colony,  and  attracting  more  and  more  the  atten- 
tion of  the  other  colonies.  A  British  naval  force  was  moored 
in  Boston  Harbor.  It  was  the  common  report  that  an  army 
was  to  be  stationed  in  this  town  to  overawe  the  citizens  and 
execute  the  odious  policy.  The  seizure  of  Americans  by 
a  press-gang  from  the  ships,  and  of  the  sloop  "  Liberty," 
owned  by  Hancock,  for  a  violation  of  the  revenue  laws,  bred 
a  riot.  This  occasioned  one  of  those  public  meetings l  in 
the  spirit  of  fidelity  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  and  yet  under 
the  law,  which  henceforward  characterized  the  revolutionary 
history  of  Boston  and  of  Massachusetts.  Governor  Bernard, 
in  this  case,  dealt  with  a  distressed  community  in  a  spirit  of 
candor  and  conciliation,  for  which  he  met  with  grateful  ac- 
knowledgments. While  doing  this,  he  received  a  despatch 
from  Lord  Hillsborough,  terming  the  Circular  Letter  of  the 
last  House  inflammatory,  tending  to  create  unwarrantable 
combinations,  and  to  excite  unjustifiable  opposition  to  the 
authority  of  parliament ;  and  containing  the  royal  order  for 
the  assembly  to  rescind  the  resolution  on  which  it  was  based, 
on  the  penalty  of  a  dissolution  in  case  of  a  refusal.  Hence  the 
Governor,  June  21,  sent  to  the  House  the  following  mes- 
sage :  "  I  have  His  Majesty's  orders  to  make  a  requisition  to 
you,  which  I  communicate  in  the  very  words  in  which  I  have 
received  it.  I  must  desire  you  to  take  it  into  immediate 
consideration,  and  I  assure  you,  that  your  resolution  thereon 
will  have  most  important  consequences  to  the  province.  I 
am  myself  merely  ministerial  in  this  business,  having  received 
His  Majesty's  instruction  for  all  I  have  to  do  in  it.  I  heart- 
ily wish  that  you  may  see  how  forcible  the  expediency  of 
your  giving  His  Majesty  this  testimonial  of  your  duty  and 
submission,  is  at  this  time.  If  you  should  think  otherwise,  I 
must  nevertheless  do  my  duty."  The  Governor  sent  only 

1  The  "Life  and  Times  of  Joseph  Warren,"  chap,  iv.,  has  a  relation  of  the  occur- 
rences in  Boston  on  this  occasion. 


THE  TOWNSHEND   ACTS  AND  PUBLIC  OPINION.  217 

the  part  of  Hillsborough's  despatch  containing  the  requisi- 
tion. This  message  placed  George  III.  in  a  novel  position 
before  an  American  assembly. 

There  was  no  debate  at  this  time ;  but  the  news  of  the 
message  spread  through  the  community,  and  in  the  after- 
noon, as  the  gallery l  and  both  of  the  doors  of  the  hall  were 
open.2  There  were  present  great  numbers  of  the  citizens. 
The  message  was  read  again ;  when  James  Otis  took  the 
floor,  and  spoke  two  hours  on  public  affairs.  He  named 
the  king  with  respect,  but  arraigned  with  great  severity  the 
course  of  the  ministry.  He  reviewed  the  past,  extolled  the 
times  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  eulogized  Cromwell.  He 
cast  the  political  horoscope,  prophesied  of  the  future,  and 
hoped  there  would  be  another  congress.  He  portrayed  the 
character  of  the  members  of  parliament,  dwelling  on  the 
unfitness  of  many  for  their  places.  "  We  have  now  before 
us,"  he  said,  "  a  letter  from  Lord  Hillsborough.  From  the 
style,  one  would  conclude  it  to  be  the  performance  of  a  school- 
boy. They  are  pleased  in  their  wonderful  sagacity  to  find 
fault  with  our  Circular  Letter.  I  defy  the  whole  legislature 
of  Great  Britain  to  write  one  equally  correct."  He  shewed 
that  it  would  be  impossible  for  the  new  House  to  rescind  a 
measure  of  the  previous  House,  which  had  been  executed ; 
and  he  exclaimed,  "  When  Lord  Hillsborough  knows  that 
we  will  not  rescind  our  acts,  he  should  apply  to  parliament 
to  rescind  theirs.  Let  Britain  rescind  her  measures,  or  the 
colonies  are  lost  to  her  for  ever."  3  He  spoke  in  an  impas- 

1  On  the  motion  of  Otis,  June  3,  1766,  a  gallery  was  opened  "for  such  as  wished 
to  hear  the  debates;"  the  first  instance,  Tudor  remarks  ("Life  of  Otis,"  253),  ot 
authorized  publicity  being  given  to  legislative  deliberations.    A  writer  in  the  "New 
Hampshire  Gazette,"  cited  in  the  "Boston  Gazette,"  Dec.  15,  1766,  expressed  .his 
satisfaction  at  the  opportunity  he  had  of  hearing  the  debates  in  the  Massachusetts 
assembly,  and  hoped  that  the  people  of  that  colony  "would  soon  have  the  same 
happy  privilege  of  galleries." 

2  Bernard's  letter,  July  16. 

8  Bernard's  letters  of  June  28  and  July  16.  The  journal  of  the  House,  however, 
says,  that,  in  the  morning,  the  consideration  of  the  message  and  papers  was  referred 
to  the  next  day  at  ten  o'clock.  Bernard's  letters  are  very  minute.  He  says  that  he 
went  every  day  to  the  council  chamber,  and  his  friends  reported  to  him  what  was 
said  and  done  hi  the  House. 


218  THE  RISE  OF  THE  BEPUBLIC. 

sioned  vein,  and  then  his  tongue  was  as  a  flame  of  fire.     This 
speech  was  one  of  the  masterly  efforts  of  the  great  orator. 

The  question  occupied  the  minds  of  the  House  for  nine 
days,  during  which  the  members  were  guided  by  a  special 
committee,1  and  were  inspired  by  the  answers  received  from 
the  other  assemblies.  The  Governor,  in  a  second  message, 
communicated  the  threat  to  dissolve  the  House  in  case  of 
non-compliance ;  in  a  third,  he  pressed  a  decision ;  in  a 
fourth,  he  declined  to  grant  a  recess.  He  passed  much  time 
in  the  council  chamber,  watching  the  proceedings.  On  the 
30th  of  June,  the  speaker  informed  the  House  that  the  com- 
mittee were  ready  to  report,  when  the  gallery  was  ordered 
to  be  cleared ;  the  door  was  locked  and  notice  was  sent  to 
the  council  that  the  House  was  entering  on  a  debate  of  im- 
portance. The  door-keeper  was  directed  not  to  call  any 
member  out,  nor  to  let  any  messenger  come  in,  until  further 
orders.  No  reporter  described  the  scene  in  this  secret  ses- 
sion. Thomas  Gushing  was  in  the  chair,  and  Samuel  Adams 
was  the  clerk.  A  letter  addressed  to  Lord  Hillsborough  was 
read.  It  stated  the  origin  and  purpose  of  the  Circular  Let- 
ter ;  that  the  House  was  the  representative  of  the  com- 
mons of  the  province,  as  the  British  House  was  of  the  Brit- 
ish commons ;  that  perhaps  no  requisition  from  the  -throne, 
of  the  nature  then  made,  had  been  known  since  the  Revolu- 
tion ;  and  it  expressed  the  hope  that  a  petition  to  the  king 
might  not  be  deemed  inconsistent  with  the  British  con- 
stitution, nor  a  Letter,  acquainting  their  fellow-subjects 
with  what  they  had  done,  be  judged  an  inflammatory  pro- 
ceeding. The  letter  was  read  twice,  adopted,  and  ordered 
to  be  sent  to  Lord  Hillsborough.  Then  the  question  was 
put,  "  Whether  this  House  will  rescind  the  resolution  of  the 
last  House  which  gave  birth  to  their  Circular  Letter  to  the 
several  houses  of  representatives  and  burgesses  of  the  other 

1  The  committee  consisted  of  Mr.  Speaker,  Mr.  Otis,  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Hancock, 
Col.  Otis,  Col.  Bowers,  Mr.  Spooner,  Col.  Warren,  and  Mr.  Saunders.  Bernard 
(letter,  July  16)  says,  they  were  "entirely  of  the  most  violent  heads  of  the  fac- 
tion." 


THE  TOWNSHEND  ACTS  AND  PUBLIC   OPINION. 

colonies  on  this  continent."  The  vote  was  taken  by  yeas 
and  nays,  and  was  printed  in  the  newspapers  in  the  order 
of  counties.  Suffolk  led  in  the  negative,  with  the  names  of 
Otis,  Gushing,  Adams,  and  Hancock ;  Middlesex,  with  Bar- 
rett, subsequently  in  command  in  the  fight  at  Concord,  Pres- 
cott,  and  Gardner,  the  first  treasurer  in  the  provisional 
goverjunent ;  Essex,  with  the  familiar  names  of  Greenleaf, 
Phillips,  and  Gerrish ;  Worcester,  with  Bigelow,  distin- 
guished in  civil  walks,  the  Whitcombs,  for  service  in  the 
field,  and  Ward,  the  future  commander  of  the  American 
forces ;  Plymouth,  with  White,  the  Secretary  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Safety,  and  James  Warren,  the  President  of  the 
Provincial  Congress;  Cumberland  (Maine),  with  Preble ; 
and  other  counties,  with  names  held  in  grateful  remem- 
brance for  large  revolutionary  services.  Ninety-two  an- 
swered nay,  and  among  them  were  several  who  usually 
voted  on  the  side  of  the  administration,1  while  only  seven- 
teen answered  yea.  The  House  then  adopted  an  answer  to 
the  messages  of  the  Governor,  saying  that  they  regarded 
the  Circular  Letter  moderate  and  innocent,  respectful  to  the 
authority  of  parliament,  and  dutiful  to  the  king ;  that  they 
entertained  sentiments  of  reverence  and  affection  for  both ; 
that,  should  they  ever  depart  from  these  sentiments,  they 
must  stand  "  self-condemned  as  unworthy  the  name  of  Brit- 
ish subjects  descended  from  British  ancestors,  intimately 
allied  and  connected  in  interests  and  inclination  with  their 
fellow-subjects,  the  commons  of  Great  Britain ; "  that  the 
resolution  required  to  be  rescinded  was  not  then  executory, 
but  executed ;  that  answers  had  been  received  to  the  Letter, 
which  were  in  the  public  papers,  and  the  world  must  judge 
of  their  proposals  and  purposes ;  that  they,  as  subjects, 
claimed  the  rights  of  petition  jointly  and  severally,  of  cor- 
respondence and  of  having  a  free  assembly,  and  that  the 

1  Bernard  says  (letter,  June  28),  "Among  the  majority  were  many  members 
who  were  scarce  ever  known  upon  any  other  occasion  to  vote  against  the  govern- 
ment side  of  a  question." 


220  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

charge  of  treason  was  hurled  at  some  of  the  best  blood  of 
the  province.  After  stating  the  vote  refusing  to  comply 
with  the  royal  command,  they  concluded :  "  In  all  this  we 
have  been  actuated  by  a  conscientious,  and  finally  a  clear 
and  determined  sense  of  duty  to  God,  to  our  king,  our  coun- 
try, and  to  our  latest  posterity ;  and  we  most  ardently  wish 
and  humbly  pray  that  in  your  future  conduct  your  Excellency 
may  be  influenced  by  the  same  principles." 1  This  action 
was  in  the  spirit  of  fidelity  to  self-government  manifested  by 
a  former  Massachusetts  assembly  when  it  triumphantly  re- 
sisted an  illegal  commission  of  Charles  II.2 

The  Governor,  early  in  the  day,  went  to  the  council  cham- 
ber to  watch  the  proceedings  of  the  House  ;  but  he  says  they 
kept  locked  up  all  the  morning.  The  council  were  in  ses- 
sion when  the  special  committee  appeared  bearing  the  noble 
answer  of  the  House,  which  was  read ;  when  the  Governor 
immediately  summoned  all  the  representatives  before  him. 
"  A  fracas  occurred,"  he  says.  "  One  of  the  council  expos- 
tulated with  me  upon  my  calling  up  the  House  whilst  the 
council  was  engaged  in  business,  and  was  so  indecent  as  to 
appeal  to  the  House.  I  silenced  him.  Another  gentleman 
interrupted.  I  stopped  him  also  and  proceeded  to  the  pro- 
rogation."3 The  Governor  thus  closed  the  session.  He 
dissolved  the  General  Court  the  next  day  by  Proclamation, 
which  was  formally  published  by  the  sheriffs  in  every  county. 

1  "Boston  Gazette,"  July  4,  1768,  has  the  answer.     The  committee  who  carried 
it  to  the  council  were  Col.  Bowers,  Major  Fry,  Mr.  Greenleaf,  Col.  Saltonstall,  and 
Brigadier  Preble. 

2  See  above,  page  59.     George  Grenville,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  termed  the 
king's  order  for  the  House  to  rescind  the  Circular  Letter  an  unwarrantable  stretch  of 
power.  —  "Boston  Evening  Post,"  May  1,  1769.     This  was  the  view  of  Burke  and 
Wedderburne.  —  Bancroft,  vi.  232. 

3  Bernard,  July  1,  1768.    His  letters  stated  that  the  patriots  were  inaugurating 
a  rebellion.     The  assembly  petitioned  the  king  for  the  removal  of  Bernard.     The 
petition  was  reported,  June  28,  by  a  committee  consisting  of  "Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Otis, 
Col.  Otis,  and  Mr.  Hancock,  and  has  the  following:  — 

"He  has  endeavored  to  persuade  Your  Majesty's  ministers  to  believe  that  an  inten- 
tion was  formed,  and  a  plan  settled,  in  this,  and  the  rest  of  your  colonies,  treasonably 
to  withdraw  themselves  from  all  connection  with,  and  dependence  upon,  Great  Britain 
and  from  their  natural  allegiance  to  Your  Majesty's  sacred  person  and  government." 


THE  TOWNSHEND   ACTS  AND  PUBLIC   OPINION.  221 

It  was  thus  made  known  that  the  vital  right  of  representa- 
tion was  to  be  enjoyed  only  on  the  condition  of  a  servile 
compliance  with  an  arbitrary  royal  instruction. 

These  proceedings  created  profound  sensation  in  this 
colony  and  in  other  colonies.  It  was  said  that  the  question 
was  the  greatest  which  had  ever  occupied  the  attention 
of  an  American  legislature ;  that  the  brave  and  virtuous 
behavior  of  the  assembly  in  the  sacred  cause  of  liberty  and 
their  country  gave  general  satisfaction;  and  that  the  vote 
not  to  rescind  elicited  as  evident  tokens  of  joy  as  were  mani- 
fested on  the  fall  of  Louisburg  or  the  conquest  of  Canada ; 
and  that  the  "Illustrious  Ninety-Two"  was  the  toast  in  all 
companies.  "  May  the  same  noble  zeal,"  a  New-Yorker 
wrote,  "  spread  itself  from  town  to  town  and  colony  to 
colony,  till  we  become  united  as  one  man  in  this  glorious 
resolution,  —  never  to  surrender  our  inherent  rights  and 
privileges." 1 

And  now  the  other  royal  order,  requiring  the  assemblies 
not  to  notice  the  Massachusetts  Circular  Letter,  appeared  in 
the  newspapers  in  a  despatch  sent  by  Lord  Hillsborough  to 
the  Governor  of  Rhode  Island.  The  despatch  termed  the 
Circular  Letter  an  unwarrantable  combination  and  a  flagitious 
attempt  to  disturb  the  public  peace,  and  the  Governor  was 
instructed  to  treat  it  with  the  contempt  it  deserved.  Hills- 
borough  recognized  the  proofs  which  the  colony  had  repeat- 
edly given  of  reverence  and  respect  for  the  laws  and  of  faith- 
ful attachment  to  the  constitution ;  and  he  remarked  that  His 
Majesty  expected  it  would  give  another  proof  by  shewing 
proper  resentment  at  that  unjustifiable  attempt  to  revive 

1  Letter  dated  New  York,  July  14,  1768.  The  "  Boston  Evening  Post,"  July  4, 
says:  — 

"  We  cannot  too  much  admire  and  commend  the  conduct  of  our  House  of  assembly. 
Though  threatened  with  immediate  annihilation  unless  they  complied  with  a  requisition 
l,o  rescind  the  resolution  of  a  former  House,  they  have,  with  a  firmness  and  unanimity 
becoming  the  representatives  of  a  wise  and  free  people,  asserted  and  maintained  in- 
stead of  giving  up  their  rights  and  privileges;  thus  preferring  the  life  of  their  country 
to  their  own  political  existence.  The  names,  however,  of  the  famous  Ninety-Two  will 
live  for  ever  in  the  annals  of  America." 


222  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

those  dissensions  which  had  operated  so  fatally  to  the  preju- 
dice of  this  kingdom  and  the  colonies.  This  despatch l  was 
first  commented  on  as  addressed  only  to  the  Governor  of  Rhode 
Island,  but  it  proved  to  be  a  general  circular  to  the  govern- 
ors ;  and  it  had  the  effect  to  put  the  king  before  all  the  assem- 
blies in  the  same  attitude  as  he  stood  in  towards  the  Massa- 
chusetts House.  It  provoked  severe  comment.  The  patriots 
termed  it  an  attempt  to  prevent  a  colony  from  uniting  with 
the  continent  in  all  legal  endeavors  for  the  removal  of  gen- 
eral grievances,  and  a  fresh  proof  of  the  necessity  of  a  com- 
mon union.  They  reasoned  :  "  One  would  think  that  a  joint 
supplication  would  meet  with  a  more  gracious  reception  than 
separate  and  different  prayers.  In  public  and  joint  worship 
of  the  Supreme  Being,  a  special  promise  of  a  blessing  is 
annexed.  Is  it  not  very  strange,  then,  that  the  minister 
should  attempt  to  make  us  believe  that  the  recommendation 
of  the  principal  government  to  the  several  legislatures  in 
this  remote  part  of  the  world,  to  join  in  beseeching  our 
gracious  Sovereign  to  consider  and  remove  our  griefs,  is 
dangerous  or  factious  ?  He  might  as  well  persuade  us,  that, 
in  a  time  of  pestilence  or  famine,  a  united  supplication  to 
Heaven  to  remove  the  calamity  was  an  unwarrantable  com- 
bination."2 

The  assemblies  now  had  before  them  the  Circular  Letters 
of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  communicated  by  the  speak- 
ers, and  the  king's  requisition  to  treat  the  Letter  of  Massa- 
chusetts with  contempt,  communicated  by  the  Royal  Govern- 
ors, who  enjoined  a  compliance  with  it  in  terms  dictated  by 
their  judgment  of  their  public  duty.  The  action  that  fol- 
lowed strikingly  illustrates  the  oneness  of  spirit  and  prin- 

1  This  despatch,  dated  Whitehall,  April  21,  1768,  was  printed  in  the  "Boston 
Gazette,"  June  27,  as  a  "copy  of  a  Letter  communicated  to  the  Assembly  of  the 
Colony  of  Rhode  Island  on   Saturday,  the  18th  inst."     It  was  signed    "Hills- 
borough."     This  despatch,   the   Circular   Letter  of  February  11,   the  replies  of 
Virginia,  Connecticut,  and  New  Jersey,  and  a  relation  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
Massachusetts  House,  are  printed  on  the  same  day  in  one  newspaper. 

2  "Boston  Evening  Post,"  July  18,  1768.    The  citation  is  from  a  spirited  com- 
munication signed  Roger  Martyn,  and  dated  Colony  of  Rhode  Island,  July  5, 1768. 


THE   TOWNSHEND   ACTS   AND   PUBLIC   OPINION.  223 

ciple  which  animated  the  patriots  and  the  development  of 
the  sentiment  of  union. 

In  Maryland,  Governor  Sharpe  assumed  an  arrogant  tone 
as  he  laid  the  king's  requisition  before  the  assembly,  saying, 
that  he  flattered  himself,  in  case  such  a  Letter  as  he  described 
had  been  addressed  to  the  House,  they  would  confirm  the 
favorable  opinion  His  Majesty  entertained  of  his  Maryland 
subjects  by  taking  no  notice  of  it.  The  House,  in  a  high- 
toned  and  admirable  reply,  said :  "  What  we  shall  do  upon 
this  occasion,  or  whether  in  consequence  of  that  Letter  we 
shall  do  any  thing,  it  is  not  our  present  business  to  com- 
municate to  your  Excellency ;  but  of  this  be  pleased  to  be 
assured,  that  we  cannot  be  prevailed  on  to  take  no  notice 
of,  or  to  treat  with  the  least  degree  of  contempt,  a  Letter  so 
expressive  of  duty  and  loyalty  to  the  sovereign,  and  so 
replete  with  just  principles  of  liberty ;  and  your  Excellency 
may  depend  that,  whenever  we  apprehend  the  rights  of  the 
people  to  be  affected,  we  shall  not  fail  boldly  to  assert  and 
steadily  endeavor  to  maintain  and  support  them,  always 
remembering,  what  we  could  wish  never  to  be  forgot,  that  by 
the  bill  of  rights  it  is  declared,  <  That  it  is  the  right  of  the 
subject  to  petition  the  king,  and  all  commitments  and  prose- 
cutions for  such  petitioning  are  illegal.' "  The  House  said, 
in  an  answer  to  the  Massachusetts  Circular,  that  they  felt 
obliged  by  a  candid  and  free  communication  of  sentiment  by 
a  sister  colony  on  a  point  so  interesting  to  the  whole  ;  that 
they  coincided  exactly  with  the  opinions  expressed  as  to  the 
consequences  of  the  new  acts  of  parliament ;  and  were  per- 
suaded of  the  necessity  of  harmonizing  as  much  as  possible 
in  public  measures  for  redress.1 

In  South  Carolina,  Governor  Montagu  enjoined  the  as- 
sembly to  treat  with  contempt  any  letter  or  paper  that 
appeared  to  have  the  smallest  tendency  to  sedition.  The 
assembly  assured  his  Excellency,  that,  should  a  communica- 

1  The  Reply  of  Maryland,  dated  June  24,  is  in  the  Boston  papers  of  July  11, 
1768;  also  Gov.  Sharpe' s  message  and  the  answers  of  the  assembly. 


224  THE   RISE    OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

tion  of  such  a  character  be  laid  before  them,  they  would 
treat  it  with  the  contempt  it  deserved.  The  Governor  then, 
in  a  message,  specified  the  Circular  Letter  of  Massachusetts, 
already  before  them,  as  of  factious  tendency.  A  committee, 
composed  of  such  eminent  men  as  Gadsden,  Laurens, 
Rutledge,  Lynch,  and  Pinckney,  reported  resolves  declaring 
the  circulars  of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  replete  with 
duty  and  loyalty  to  His  Majesty,  respect  for  the  parliament, 
affection  for  the  mother-country,  tender  care  for  the  preser- 
vation of  the  rights  of  His  Majesty's  subjects,  and  founded 
upon  undeniable  constitutional  principles.  Twenty-six  mem- 
bers voted  for  these  resolves.  At  eight  o'clock  the  same 
evening,  the  Governor,  by  beat  of  drum,  dissolved  the 
assembly,  when  the  general  toast  became,  "  The  Unanimous 
Twenty-Six  who  would  not  recede  from  the  Massachusetts 
Circular  Letter."  The  speaker,  in  the  name  of  the  House, 
sent  an  answer  to  the  Massachusetts  assembly,  courteously 
thanking  them  for  their  communication  to  their  fellow-sub- 
jects and  sufferers ;  and,  transmitting  the  journal  of  the  pro- 
ceedings which  caused  their  own  dissolution,  remarked,  that 
the  record  must  convince  the  impartial  world  that  the  House 
had  acted  with  duty  and  affection  to  His  Majesty,  and  at  the 
same  time  had  supported  with  firmness  the  rights  they  held 
under  the  Constitution.1 

The  assembly  of  Georgia  was  composed  of  twenty-five 
members,  and  eighteen  were  stanch  Whigs.  When  the 
circulars  of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  were  laid  before 
the  commons,  they  resolved  that  these  circulars  were  not 
of  a  factious  tendency,  but  were  calculated  to  promote  a 

1  The  reply  of  South  Carolina  is  dated  Nov.  21,  and  is  in  the  "Boston  Gazette  " 
of  Jan.  9,  17G9.  The  resolutions  and  other  papers  were  printed  in  the  issue  of  the 
2d  of  January.  The  committee  to  petition  the  king  were  Capt.  Gadsden,  Mr.  Lynch, 
and  Mr.  Rutledge.  The  "Gazette"  says:  "The  assembly  of  South  Carolina  is 
pleased  to  say  that  it  (Circular  Letter)  is  'founded  on  undeniable  constitutional  prin- 
ciples ; '  if  so,  it  will  be  difficult  to  make  it  appear  that  it  is  calculated  to  encourage 
opposition  to  and  a  denial  of  the  (just)  authority  of  Parliament,  which  is  always  cir- 
cumscribed by  the  Constitution." 


THE   TOWNSHEND   ACTS   AND   PUBLIC    OPINION.  225 

justifiable  union  of  subjects,  who  felt  aggrieved,  in  law- 
ful and  laudable  ways  to  obtain  redress,  and  that  they 
originated  in  a  commendable  and  tender  attachment  to  the 
natural  rights  of  the  American  colonies.  Governor  Wright 
in  vain  warned  them  that  this  action  tended  to  independence, 
and  that  this  would  bring  ruin  on  America.  They  adopted 
a  reply  to  the  Massachusetts  Circular,  in  which  they  entirely 
approved  of  the  method  it  suggested  for  obtaining  a  redress 
of  common  grievances,  and  of  the  course  of  communicating 
an  account  of  those  measures  to  the  other  colonies.  The 
arrogant  tone  of  the  Governor's  messages  and  his  dissolution 
of  the  House  elicited  severe  comment  from  the  press.1 

In  Rhode  Island,  the  assembly,  on  receiving  the  Circular 
Letter,  proceeded  to  act  in  accordance  with  its  suggestions 
by  preparing  petitions.  A  letter  from  the  speaker,  in  reply, 
gave  a  strong  assurance  that  the  assembly  highly  approved 
of  the  Massachusetts  House,  and  thought  their  measures 
were  worthy  of  a  free  people  and  perfectly  consistent  with 
that  loyalty  to  His  Majesty  and  regard  for  the  British  Con- 
stitution which  had  always  distinguished  the  province.2 

In  Pennsylvania,  the  assembly  considered  the  acts  of  par- 
liament, and  gave  instructions  to  their  agents  in  London  to 
unite  with  the  agents  of  the  other  colonies  in  efforts  to 
effect  their  repeal.  On  receiving  the  Circular  Letter,  the 
assembly  directed  it  to  be  entered  on  their  journals.  When 
the  royal  requisition  to  treat  it  with  contempt  was  laid  be- 
fore them,  with  the  declaration  that  the  Governor,  in  case 
of  refusal,  was  commanded  to  dissolve  them,  they  resolved 
that  by  their  charter  they  had  the  right  to  sit  on  their 
own  adjournments,  that  the  Governor  had  no  right  to  dis- 
solve them,  and  that  they  had  an  undoubted  right  to  corre- 

1  The  reply  of  Georgia  is  dated  Dec.  24, 1768,  and  is  in  the  "Boston  Gazette" 
of  March  6,  1769.     Governor  Wright's  message  and  the  resolves  are  in  the  "Massa- 
chusetts Gazette,"  Feb.  13.     The  "  Gazette  "  of  Feb.  6  says,  that  Wright's  speech 
was  as  extraordinary  as  any  speech  that  had  appeared,  with  one  exception. 

2  The  petition  of  Rhode  Island  to  the  king  is  in  the  "Boston  Post  Boy,"  May  15, 
1769. 

15 


226  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

spond  with  the  representatives  of  the  freemen  of  any  of  the 
colonies  in  America.  They  petitioned  the  king  for  a  redress 
of  grievances.  A  large  public  meeting  in  Philadelphia 
declared  in  favor  of  a  cordial  union  of  sentiment  and  meas- 
ures with  the  other  colonies,  on  which  they  said  the  happi- 
ness of  the  whole  depended.1 

In  Delaware,  the  assembly  asserted  the  right  of  corre- 
spondence, expressed  their  intention  to  co-operate  with  the 
other  colonies,  and,  in  a  petition  to  the  king,  affirmed  that 
if  the  British  parliament  could  enforce  obedience  to  every 
act  of  theirs  imposing  taxes,  and  deprive  the  assemblies  of 
the  power  of  legislation  for  differing  with  them  in  opinion 
in  matters  of  legislation,  the  colonies  would  have  not  the 
shadow  of  liberty  left.2 

In  New  York,  the  freemen  of  the  city,  in  a  letter  addressed 
to  their  representatives,  regarded  the  despatch  of  Hillsbor- 
ough,  inhibiting  the  assemblies  from  answering  the  Circular 
Letter,  as  the  most  daring  insult  that  was  ever  offered  to 
any  free  legislative  body ;  entreated  them  to  answer  the  Let- 
ter in  a  respectable  manner  ;  and  said  that,  as  the  unanimity 
it  recommended  to  the  colonies  was  their  only  bulwark  and 
defence,  any  attempts  to  intimidate  them  from  so  glorious  a 
purpose  ought  to  be  treated  with  the  contempt  and  just  in- 
dignation which  they  could  not  but  excite  in  the  minds  of 
virtuous  representatives  of  a  free  people.  The  assembly 
sent  petitions  to  the  king  and  the  lords,  and  a  remonstrance 
to  the  commons.  It  adopted  a  reply  to  the  Circular  Letter, 
in  which  it  applauded  the  Massachusetts  House  for  its  atten- 
tion to  American  liberty ;  and,  in  resolves,  it  declared  that 
it  had  an  undoubted  right  to  correspond  and  consult  with 
any  of  the  neighboring  colonies,  or  with  any  of  His  Majesty's 

*  Gordon  Hist.  Penn.,  451—456.  The  proceedings  of  the  public  meeting  of  July 
30 are  in  the  "Boston  News  Letter,"  Aug.  15, 1768.  The  petition  and  memorial  to 
king  and  parliament,  dated  Sept.  22,  1768,  are  in  the  "  Massachusetts  Gazette," 
Feb.  16,  1769. 

2  The  petition  of  Delaware  to  the  king  is  dated  State  House,  Oct.  28,  1768,  and 
*as  copied  into  the  "Gentleman's  Magazine"  for  1769,  p.  29. 


THE  TOWNSHEND   ACTS   AND   PUBLIC   OPINION.  227 

subjects  in  any  part  of  his  dominions ;  and  it  chose  a  com- 
mittee of  correspondence.1 

The  North  Carolina  assembly  returned  a  hearty  answer 
to  the  Circular  Letter,  saying  they  were  extremely  obliged 
for  it,  should  ever  be  ready  to  unite  firmly  with  their  sister 
colonies  in  every  constitutional  measure  for  the  redress  of 
grievances,  cultivate  the  strictest  harmony  and  friendship 
with  their  assemblies  and  interchange  political  sentiment. 

When  this  patriotic  letter  was  printed,  it  was  said  that 
the  colonies  were  no  longer  disconnected  from  each  other, 
but  formed  one  body  and  were  possessed  by  a  common  sen- 
sation.2 The  people  manifested  their  approval  of  the  doings 
of  their  representatives  by  votes  of  thanks,  by  joyful  demon- 
strations and  re-elections.  County  meetings  and  town  meet- 
ings called  for  union,  for  a  continuance  of  correspondence,  and 
for  a  general  congress, — in  some  instances  towns  pledging 
life  and  fortune  in  support  of  their  American  brethren.3  In 

1  The  reply  of  the  assembly  of  New  York,  no  date,  the  resolutions,  and  Governor 
Moore's  message,  are  in  "Boston  Gazette"  of  Jan.  16,  1769.    The  reply  is  signed 
by  Phillip  Livingston.    The  petition  to  the  House  of  Lords,  dated  Dec.  31,  1768,  has 
the  following:  "  That  our  colony  legislatures  are  so  numerous,  is  owing  to  the  pleas- 
ure of  the  crown;  and  let  it  be  remembered  that  the  parliament  stood  by  and  saw 
their  creation  and  rise  without  intimating  the  least  disapprobation;  nor  was  the 
present  claim  of  the  commons  ever  hinted  till  that  melancholy  case  which  gave  birth 
to  that  fatal  act  which  has  proved  so  destructive  of  the  general  repose." 

2  The  reply  of  North  Carolina,  dated  Nov.  10, 1768,  is  in  the  "  Boston  Evening 
Post"  of  May  15,  1769,  accompanied  by  the  following  remark:  "The  above  letter 
completes  the  answers  to  our  Circular  Letter.    The  colonies,  no  longer  disconnected, 
form  one  body ;  a  common  sensation  possesses  the  whole ;  the  circulation  is  complete, 
and  the  vital  fluid  returns  from  whence  it  was  sent  out." 

3  The  town  of  Lebanon,  Conn.,  on  the  26th  of  September,  1768,  expressed  a 
hearty  union  with  their  brethren  of  Boston,  and  said  that  they  would  consider  an 
attack  on  their  liberties  "in  the  same  light  as  though  we  ourselves  were  the  imme- 
diate sufferers;  and,  with  a  determinate,  unalterable  resolution  and  firmness,  we 
agree  to  assist  and  support  our  American  brethren  at  the  expense  of  our  lives  and 
fortunes,  should  their  welfare,  which  is  so  intimately  blended  with  our  own,  demand 
the  sacrifice."     These  resolves  are  attested  by  William  Williams,   town  clerk, 
"Pennsylvania  Chronicle,"  Oct.  17, 1768.    The  town  of  New  London  instructed  its 
representative  to  take  the  most  effectual  measures  to  keep  up  a  union  with  all  the 
neighboring  colonies.  — Ibid.,  Oct.  24.    The  town  of  Windham,  Conn.,  instructed  its 
representatives,  Oct.  10,  to  move  for  measures  to  bring  about  a  general  congress 
from  the  several  English  governments  upon  the  continent.  —  Ibid..  Oct.  31,  1768. 


228  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

New  York,  the  assemblymen,  who  had  distinguished  them- 
selves by  "  supporting  the  rights  and  liberties  of  their  coun- 
try," were  escorted  through  Broadway  by  a  vast  concourse 
with  music  and  banners,  and  saluted  by  huzzas,  —  the 
Daughters  of  Liberty  signifying  their  approval  from  the 
windows.1  In  Massachusetts,  a  convention  of  delegates 
from  the  towns,  on  the  call  of  the  selectmen,  met  in  Faneuil 
Hall.  It  was  a  fine  representation  of  the  intelligence  and 
patriotism  of  the  province.  Though  the  rash  spirits  were 
ready  to  rush  to  arms  and  oppose  by  force  the  troops  ordered 
to  be  stationed  in  Boston,  when  they  should  arrive,  yet  they 
were  wisely  controlled,  and  the  convention  simply  gave  to 
public  opinion  its  most  august  form.  The  general  approval 
of  the  Circular  Letter  and  the  growing  spirit  of  union  filled 
the  hearts  of  the  Boston  patriots  with  joy ;  so  that  Cooper 
and  Adams  said  it  was  the  most  glorious  day  they  ever 
saw. 

This  political  action  kept  remarkably  true  to  social  order, 
carried  on  under  the  banner  of  law,  was  an  unusual  spec- 
tacle in  the  political  world.  England  had  not  attained  to 
the  right  of  public  meeting  or  the  freedom  of  the  press  or 
publicity  in  the  law-making  body.  In  France,  for  a  century 
and  a  half  the  people  had  not  appeared  on  the  public  stage ; 
and  in  Germany  there  was  but  a  glimmer  here  and  there 
of  free  discussion  of  political  measures.  In  the  colonies, 
Whig  and  Tory  regarded  this  embodiment  of  public  opinion 
as  a  new  and  powerful  political  agency.  The  Tory  feared 
it  more  than  he  did  the  greatest  disorders ;  for  he  saw  that 
the  sentiment  thus  put  forth  on  the  nature  of  government 
very  often  met  with  the  approbation  of  the  body  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  could  not  be  counteracted.2  The  Whig,  on  subse- 

1  The  relation  says  the  brilliant  appearance  of  the  ladies  at  the  windows,  the 
number  of  principal  inhabitants  who  graced  the  procession,  and  the  regularity  and 
good  order  with  which  the  whole  was  conducted,  exhibited  one  of  the  finest  and 
most  agreeable  sights  ever  seen  in  this  city.  — Boston  Post  Boy,  Feb.  17,  1708. 

2  Thomas  Hutchinson  to  Lord  Hillsborough,  Oct.  19,  1768. 


THE   TOWNSHEND   ACTS   AND   PUBLIC   OPINION.  229 

quently  revolving  the  steps  of  progress  towards  the  Revolu- 
tion, viewed  the  spark  in  every  American  that  blazed  in  the 
public  meeting  as  "  that  almost  divine  spirit  that  evidenced 
the  approach  of  an  independent  and  free  republic  in 
America."  1 

At  this  time  society  was  alive  with  politics.  Two  num- 
bers now  play  a  conspicuous  part  in  private  and  public  life : 
Forty-Five,  the  number  of  the  "  North  Briton  "  which  occa- 
sioned the  arbitrary  action  in  England  against  the  press,  and 
Ninety-Two,  that  of  the  Massachusetts  vote  against  rescinding 
the  Circular  Letter.  "  Forty-Five "  for  years  had  been 
used  in  England  to  symbolize  liberty.  When  the  Ameri- 
cans in  London  heard  of  the  action  of  the  Massachusetts 
assembly,  their  favorite  toast  became  :  "  May  the  unrescind- 
ing  Ninety-Two  be  for  ever  united  in  idea  with  the  glorious 
Forty-Five."  2  These  talismanic  numbers  were  combined  in 
endless  variety  in  the  colonies.  Ninety-two  patriots  at  the 
festival  would  drink  forty-five  toasts.  The  representative 
would  have  forty-five  or  ninety-two  votes.  The  ball  would 
have  ninety-two  jigs  and  forty-five  minuets.  The  Daugh- 
ters of  Liberty  would,  at  a  quilting  party,  find  their 
garment  of  forty-five  pieces  of  calico  of  one  color  and 
ninety-two  of  another.  Ninety-two  Sons  of  Liberty  would 
raise  a  flag-staff  forty-five  feet  high.  At  a  dedication  of  a 
Liberty  Tree  in  Charleston,  S.O.,  forty-five  lights  hung  on 
its  branches,  forty-five  of  the  company  bore  torches  in 
the  procession,  and  they  joined  on  the  march  in  honors  to 
the  Massachusetts  Ninety-Two.  At  the  festival,  forty-five 
candles  lighted  the  table  and  ninety-two  glasses  were  used 
in  drinking  the  toasts ;  and  the  President  gave  as  a  senti- 
ment :  "  May  the  ensuing  members  of  the  assembly  be 
unanimous,  and  never  recede  from  the  resolutions  of  the 
Massachusetts  Ninety-Two."  The  Sons  of  Liberty  of  Massa- 
chusetts, in  their  celebrations,  toasted  "  The  assemblies  on 

1  Boston  Gazette,  Jan.  27,  1777. 

2  Boston  News  Letter,  Jan.  26.  1769. 


230  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

this  vast  and  rapidly  populating  continent,  who  treated  u 
late  haughty  and  merely  ministerial  mandate  with  all  that 
contempt  it  so  justly  deserves."  1 

The  proceedings  growing  out  of  the  Circular  Letter  are 
certainly  remarkable.  The  action  of  the  king  is  in  the 
spirit  of  Louis  XIV.,  who,  in  his  hunting  dress  and  his 
great  boots,  with  a  whip  in  his  hand,  entered  the  French 
Parliament,  saying :  "  The  mischievous  consequences  of  your 
assemblies  are  well  known.  I  therefore  order  this,  which  is 
met  to  discuss  my  edict,  to  be  now  at  an  end."  2  The  action 
of  the  assemblies  is  that  of  freemen  knowing  their  privileges 
and  duties.  They  concurred  in  a  spirited  assertion  of  the 
inherent  rights  of  political  discussion,  of  free  interchange 
of  thought,  of  an  untrammelled  legislature,  —  in  a  word,  of 
their  right  to  enjoy  the  national  heritage  of  English  law, 
not  merely  for  themselves,  but  for  their  posterity ;  and  with 
the  thought,  as  an  inspiration,  that  they  were  acting  not 
merely  for  their  country,  but  for  humanity.  They  asked 
that  their  municipal  freedom  and  self-government,  which 
were  felt  to  be  fountains  of  a  rich  public  life,  might  be 
spared  from  the  benumbing  influences  of  centralization ;  and 
thus  that  the  public  liberty  developed  on  American  soil,  out 
of  the  roots  of  a  grand  historic  past,  might  be  respected  as 
a  sacred  possession.  This  was  the  sum  of  their  prayer  to 
the  Sovereignty ;  or,  in  words  often  used,  to  the  mother-coun- 
try. The  tone  of  affection  in  which  they  addressed  her  is 
as  that  of  children,  conscious  of,  and  grateful  for,  the  benefi- 
cent influences  which  the  venerable  parent  casts  around 
them  as  an  invulnerable  shield. 

The  memorials  and  petitions  were  delivered  by  the  agents 
of  the  colonies  into  the  hands  of  Lord  Hillsborough.  Ow- 

1  The  following  is  one  of  the  paragraphs  that  went  the  rounds  of  the  newspapers : 
"America  seems  to  have  been  very  early  concerned  in  the  numbers  92  and  45.     It 
was  discovered  in  fourteen  hundred  and  92 ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  San  Salvador 
(the  first  land  discovered)  visited  Admiral  Columbus  in  their  canoes,  with  45  per- 
sons in  each." 

2  Voltaire's  Age  of  Louis  XIV.,  ii.  2. 


THE  TOWNSHEND   ACTS  AND  PUBLIC   OPINION.  231 

ing  to  various  causes  not  needed  to  be  dwelt  upon  here,  rea- 
soning which  seemed  conclusive,  and  loyalty  urged  with  a 
fervid  sincerity,  proved  of  no  avail.  The  petitions,  it  was 
said,  were  from  a  distempered  and  a  delirious  people.  Some 
did  not  reach  the  royal  ear.  Some  met  with  cold  neglect. 
All  were  thrown  in  the  faces  of  the  colonists.  The  misrep- 
resentations of  unscrupulous  politicians  working  for  selfish 
ends,  or  of  conservatives  jealous  of  the  republican  idea,  out- 
weighed the  noble  appeals  of  millions  of  loyal  subjects.1 

The  proceedings  in  Massachusetts  attracted  in  England 
the  greatest  attention,  elicited  the  severest  comment,  and, 
because  a  military  force  had  been  ordered  to  Boston  to  sup- 
port the  stand  of  the  administration,  created  the  greatest 
solicitude.  The  step  of  the  assembly,  in  inviting  union, 
was  peculiarly  obnoxious.  Lord  Mansfield  thought  its  mem- 
bers ought  to  be  summoned  to  England  to  account  for  their 
conduct.  The  king,  on  opening  parliament,  characterized 
the  action  of  Boston  as  a  subversion  of  the  Constitution  and 
evincing  a  disposition  to  throw  off  dependence  on  Great 
Britain.  The  indictment  against  the  colonies  was  presented 
in  sixty  papers  laid  before  parliament.  Both  Houses  de- 
clared that  the  proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  assembly 
in  opposition  to  the  revenue  acts  were  unconstitutional,  and 
derogatory  to  the  rights  of  the  crown  and  the  parliament ; 
that  the  Circular  Letter  tended  to  create  unlawful  combina- 
tions; that  the  call  of  a  convention  by  the  selectmen  of 
Boston  was  proof  of  a  design  of  setting  up  an  independent 
authority ;  and  both  Houses  proposed  to  transport  the  orig- 
inators of  the  obnoxious  proceedings  to  England  for  trial 
and  condign  punishment  under  the  cover  of  an  obsolete 
act  of  Henry  VIII.2  Some  in  England  denounced  this 

1  A  spirited  piece  copied  into  the  "Boston  Gazette  "  of  May,  22,  1769,  from  the 
"Maryland  Gazette"  of  May  4,  says  "that  the  acts  and  misrepresentations  of  men 
in  office  have  had  greater  weight  than  the  humble  and  dutiful  petitions  and  remon- 
strances of  all  the  colonies,  and  the  cries  of  four  millions  of  loyal  subjects." 

2  A  copy  of  what  was  termed  the  substance  of  the  Resolves  passed  by  the  House 
of  Lords  was  printed  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  March  20, 1769.     The  newspapers 
also  printed  the  Act  of  Henry  VIII. ,  which  was  said  to  extend  to  America. 


232  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

action  as  in  the  spirit  of  despotism.  It  was  said  that  the 
soberest  men  began  to  be  alarmed ;  that  they  ruminated  on 
the  scenes  of  the  last  century ; 1  and  that  the  bloody  axe  of 
Henry  VIII.  had  been  scoured  up  and  whetted  for  the 
necks  of  the  poor  Americans.2  The  momentous  question 
of  England  and  her  colonies  was  the  subject  of  diplomatic 
correspondence,  and  was  the  talk  in  Madrid,  in  Paris,  and 
at  every  court  in  Europe.3 

The  king's  speeches,  the  parliamentary  documents,  and 
the  debates  and  a  flood  of  letters  circulating  broadcast  in 
the  American  newspapers,  revealed  the  hot  temper  of  Eng- 
land, and  filled  the  colonies  with  indignation.  Tory  officials 
added  to  the  bitterness  by  calling  the  Whigs  deceivers  and 
hypocrites,  who  said  they  only  opposed  an  administration 
when  they  aimed  at  independence, — who  professed  loyalty, 
but  were  plotting  rebellion.  This  charge  was  a  severe  strain 
on  the  nerves  of  honest  men.  A  single  sentence  will  show 
how  their  muscles  quivered  as  they  met  the  insulting  allega- 
tion. "  It  is  enough  to  make  a  man's  bones  crack  that, 
when  the  manly,  fair,  dispassionate  arguments  of  the  colo- 
nists in  support  of  their  rights  and  privileges  remain  totally 
unanswered,  every  mushroom  upstart  and  petty  officer  of  the 
revenue  should  cry  out  rebels  and  traitors."4  The  stir  was 
so  general,  the  passions  were  so  roused,  and  the  Whigs  were 
so  unanimous,  that  it  was  said  in  the  press :  "  Throughout  the 
wide  extended  settlements  of  America  there  is  hardly  to  be 
found  an  American  who  is  not  determined  to  die  a  free- 
man." 

The  administration  determined  to  make  an  example  of 
Massachusetts,  as  the  ring-leading  province  in  political  mis- 
chief, by  transporting  its  popular  leaders  to  England  to  be 
tried  for  their  lives  in  the  king's  bench.  Such  was  the  pur- 

1  Letter  from  London  in  "Boston  Evening  Post,"  June  26,  1769. 

2  "London  Public  Advertiser,"  Jan.  15,  1769,  copied  into  "Boston  Evening 
Post"  of  Aug.  21. 

8  Bancroft,  vi.  182.  4  Boston  Gazette,  June  26,  1769. 


THE   TOWNSHEND   ACTS   AND   PUBLIC   OPINION.  233 

port  of  an  elaborate  despatch  which  Lord  Hillsborough  sent 
to  Governor  Bernard,  directing  an  inquiry  to  be  instituted 
into  the  conduct  of  any  persons  who  had  committed  any 
overt  act  of  resistance  to  the  laws.  This  step  was  the  occa- 
sion of  a  flood  of  reports  contained  in  letters  printed  in 
the  newspapers.1  Thus  a  great  issue  was  created  that 
affected  all  the  colonies;  for  the  proposed  action  touched 
the  individual  unit  of  society.  Because  this  was  man,  it 
had  rank  and  position  on  American  soil  which  power  was 
bound  to  respect.  The  word  now  was  that  Massachusetts 
or  Boston  represented  a  common  cause  and  ought  to  be 
sustained.2 

There  was  no  adequate  step  taken  to  meet  the  threatened 
aggression  until  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia  con- 
vened in  May.  This  colony,  in  opposing  the  administration, 
was  co-equal  with  Massachusetts  in  guilt  or  in  merit ;  but 
while  the  bayonet  was  pointed  at  the  one,  blandishment  was 
devised  for  the  other, — it  being  a  cardinal  object  of  the 
government  to  divide  the  colonies,  and  thus  paralyze  their 
efforts.  Many  years  had  elapsed  since  a  governor  had  re 
sided  in  Virginia ;  and  the  selection  of  Lord  Botetourt,  with 
the  understanding  that  he  should  live  in  the  colony,  it  was 
supposed  would  be  so  pleasing  that  it  was  termed  a  measure 
for  reconciling  America.3  He  was  fresh  from  the  closet  of 

1  Boston  Gazette,  April  17,  1769. 

2  The  following  from  the  "Boston  Evening  Post,"  April  3,  1769,  will  give  an 
idea  of  matter  circulated  hi  the  newspapers :  — 

"  Williamsburg,  Va.,  Feb.  23.    Extract  from  a  London  letter  dated  Nov.  9,  1768. 
During  the  debate  in  the  House  of  Commons,  on  the  king's  speech,  doctrines  were 

mentioned  that  would  set  America  in  flames,  if  they  were  admitted,  by  N th, 

C rl,  and  B n.     These  were  to  govern  America  by  military  force,  seize  Otis 

(whose  name  was  frequently  mentioned)  and  all  the  leading  men  in  Boston,  and 
everywhere  else,  who  opposed  their  measures,  bring  them  here  and  hang  them.  The 
Ministry  are  violent  against  us.  ...  I  think  all  America  should  be  swallowed  up 
in  an  earthquake,  if  they  do  not  stand  by  Boston ;  for  if  that  fall,  they  will  in  a  short 
time :  they  must  share  the  same  fate.  And  let  this  be  the  American  political  creed, 
that  a  firm,  steady,  and  determined  union,  and  constitutional  opposition,  will  be  the 
surest  safeguard  from  any  violence  from  hence." 

s  Whately,  in  Grenville  Papers,  iv.  331. 


234  THE  KISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  king,  where  he  had  been  a  groom  of  the  bed-chamber , 
and  though  characterized  by  Junius  as  a  cringing,  bowing, 
sword-bearing  courtier,  yet  was  urbane,  and  as  governor 
evinced  good  sense,  was  really  friendly  to  the  colony,  and 
won  the  general  good-will.  His  speech  to  the  Burgesses 
was  complimentary,  but  no  more  than  just  to  their  loyalty, 
and  contained  assurances  of  the  royal  favor.  A  reply  in  the 
same  spirit  was  so  satisfactory  to  the  Governor,  that,  in  a 
rejoinder,  he  said  that  he  could  not  wish  a  word  of  it  altered. 
He  was  so  complaisant  as,  in  the  course  of  two  days,  to 
receive  at  his  table,  with  an  elegant  hospitality,  all  the  Bur- 
gesses. Though  he  executed  firmly  the  order  of  his  supe- 
riors, he  managed  to  retain  the  good-will  of  the  Virginians  to 
the  day  of  his  death ;  and  they  erected  a  monument  to  his 
memory. 

The  Burgesses  included  in  their  ranks  illustrious  men; 
for  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Patrick  Henry,  Peyton  Randolph, 
Archibald  Carey,  and  Washington,  were  of  their  number ;  all 
of  whom  were  in  former  assemblies.  Thomas  Jefferson,  at 
the  age  of  twenty-six,  was  a  member  for  the  first  time.  He 
fitted  for  college  in  the  classic  schools  of  two  Episcopal 
clergymen  ;  had  two  years'  training  in  Williams  and  Mary 
and  read  law  with  George  Wythe,  who  was  his  friend  through 
life  and  introduced  him  to  the  bar.  He  took  an  office  in 
Williamsburg,  soon  had  a  large  and  growing  practice,  and 
attained  high  rank  in  the  profession  he  loved.  His  manners 
were  elegant,  and  his  conversation  was  fascinating.  He  had 
hunted  on  his  native  hills,  travelled  as  far  north  as  New 
York,  and  had  met  Elbridge  Gerry,  of  Boston.  He  was  a 
hard  student  in  the  fields  of  literature  and  science,  and 
already  was  a  philosopher  and  a  man  of  the  world.  He  was 
of  so  lovable  a  nature  that  his  family  and  intimate  friends 
seemed  to  idolize  him.  His  uncommon  legal  erudition 
broadened  rather  than  narrowed  his  mind.  He  drew  from 
the  wells  of  the  noble  parliamentarians  of  the  age  of  the 
Commonwealth,  became  a  disciple  of  the  republican  school, 


THE  TOWNSHEND   ACTS  AND  PUBLIC   OPINION.  235 

and  had  a  living  faith  in  its  idea.  He  also  had  a  faith  in 
humanity  that  never  wavered.  He  aimed  to  secure  for  it 
law  that  should  deal  out  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men, 
and  he  sought  to  lift  all  men  up  to  their  native  dignity  by 
life-long  labor  in  the  cause  of  education.  His  fidelity  in 
applying  principle  appears  in  his  courageous  and  wise  work 
in  early  assailing  the  laws  of  primogeniture,  entails,  and 
the  established  church.  This  fidelity,  with  practical  states- 
manship, carried  him  to  the  head  of  a  powerful  party  who 
gave  him  their  love  and  confidence.  He  had  the  rare 
faculty  of  compressing  political  ideas  into  a  small  compass, 
which  were  accepted  by  a  political  school  as  its  current  plat- 
firm  ;  and  this  enabled  him  to  wield  an  influence  over  his 
countrymen  larger  and  longer  than  fell  to  the  lot  of  any 
other  American.  He  began  his  remarkable  career  by  intro- 
ducing into  the  House  of  Burgesses  a  bill  to  give  the  owners 
of  slaves  the  right  to  manumit  them,  and  by  throwing  him- 
self with  ardor  into  the  American  cause,  which  from  this 
time  had  the  benefit  of  his  felicitous  pen. 

It  was  the  report  among  the  Burgesses  that  the  Governor 
would  be  gratified  if  they  would  maintain  silence  on  political 
questions.  The  popular  leaders,  however,  had  revolved  the 
grave  issue  that  had  sprung  up,  and  came  prepared  to  play  a 
great  part.  They  adopted  a  series  of  resolves  declaring  that 
the  sole  right  of  imposing  taxes  on  the  inhabitants  of  the 
colony  was  constitutionally  vested  in  the  House  of  Burgesses, 
with  the  consent  of  the  Council  and  His  Majesty,  or  his 
Governor  for  the  time  being;  that  it  was  an  undoubted 
privilege  to  petition  the  Sovereign,  and  procure  the  concur- 
rence of  the  other  colonies ;  that  all  trials  for  treason  ought 
to  be  conducted  in  the  courts  of  the  colony,  and  that  the 
seizing  of  any  persons  suspected  of  crime,  and  transporting 
them  to  places  beyond  seas,  would  deprive  them  of  the  ines- 
timable privilege  of  being  tried  by  a  jury  from  the  vicinage ; 
and  that  a  dutiful  and  loyal  address  be  presented  to  His 
Majesty  to  beseech  him  to  quiet  the  minds  of  the  inhabitants 


236  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

of  that  colony,  by  averting  the  dangers  and  miseries  that 
might  ensue  from  the  seizing  and  carrying  beyond  sea  any 
person  residing  in  America,  to  be  tried  in  any  other  manner 
than  by  the  ancient  mode  of  proceeding.1  These  resolves 
were  calm  in  manner,  concise,  simple,  and  effective,  and  so 
perfect  in  form  and  substance  that  time  finds  no  omission  to 
regret  and  no  improvement  to  suggest.2  They  were  viewed 
by  one  of  the  Burgesses  as  nothing  more  than  a  necessary 
and  manly  assertion  of  social  privileges  founded  in  reason, 
guaranteed  by  the  English  Constitution,  and  rendered  sacred 

1  The  Resolves  were  passed  May  16,  1769.     They  are  in  the  "Pennsylvania 
Chronicle  "  of  June  5,  and  in  the  Boston  papers  of  June  8.     They  are  as  follows, 
copied  from  the  "Chronicle:  "  — 

Resolves  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  passed  the  16th  of  May,  1769. 

Resolved,  Nemine  )  That  the  sole  right  of  imposing  taxes  on  the  inhabitants  of  this 
Contradicente,  J  His  Majesty's  Colony  and  Dominion  of  Virginia  is  now,  and  ever 
hath  been,  legally  and  constitutionally  vested  in  the  House  of  Burgesses,  lawfully  con- 
vened, according  to  the  ancient  and  established  practice,  with  the  consent  of  the  Coun- 
cil, and  of  His  Majesty,  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  or  his  Governor  for  the  time 
being. 

Resolved,  nernine  contradicente,  That  it  is  the  undoubted  privilege  of  the  inhabitants 
of  this  colony  to  petition  their  Sovereign  for  redress  of  grievances ;  and  that  it  is  law- 
ful and  expedient  to  procure  the  concurrence  of  His  Majesty's  other  colonies,  in  dutiful 
addresses,  praying  the  royal  interposition  in  favor  of  the  violated  rights  of  America. 

Resolved,  nemine  contradicente,  That  all  trials  for  treason,  misprision  of  treason,  or 
for  any  felony  or  crime  whatsoever,  committed  and  done  in  this  His  Majesty's  said 
colony  and  dominion,  by  any  person  or  persons  residing  therein,  ought  of  right  to  be 
had,  and  conducted  in  and  before  His  Majesty's  courts,  held  within  his  said  colony, 
according  to  the  fixed  and  known  course  of  proceeding ;  and  that  the  seizing  any  per- 
BOU  or  persons  residing  in  the  colony,  suspected  of  any  crime  whatsoever,  committed 
therein,  and  sending  such  person  or  persons  to  places  beyond  the  sea  to  be  tried,  is 
highly  derogatory  of  the  rights  of  British  subjects,  as  thereby  the  inestimable  privilege 
of  being  tried  by  a  jury  from  the  vicinage,  as  well  as  the  liberty  of  summoning  and 
producing  witnesses  on  such  trial,  will  be  taken  away  from  the  party  accused. 

Resolved,  nemine  contradicente,  That  an  humble,  dutiful  and  loyal  address  be  pre- 
sented to  His  Majesty,  to  assure  him  of  our  inviolable  attachment  to  his  sacred  person 
and  government;  and  to  beseech  his  royal  interposition,  as  the  father  of  all  his  people, 
however  remote  from  the  seat  of  his  empire,  to  quiet  the  minds  of  his  loyal  subjects  of 
this  colony,  and  to  avert  from  them  those  dangers  and  miseries  which  will  ensue,  from 
the  seizing  and  carrying  beyond  sea  any  person  residing  in  America,  suspected  of  any 
crime  whatsoever,  to  be  tried  in  any  other  manner  than  by  the  ancient  and  long  estab- 
lished course  of  proceeding. 

The  following  order  is  likewise  in  their  journal  of  that  date:  — 

Ordered,  That  the  speaker  of  this  House  do  transmit,  without  delay,  to  the  speakers 

of  the  several  houses  of  assembly  on  this  continent,  a  copy  of  the  resolutions  now 

agreed  to  by  this  House,  requesting  their  concurrence  therein. 

2  Bancroft,  vi.  280. 


THE   TOWNSHEND   ACTS   AND   PUBLIC   OPINION.  237 

by  the  possession  of  two  hundred  years.1  But  Lord  Bote- 
tourt  looked  on  them  as  abominable,  and  dissolved  the 
House. 

The  speaker,  Peyton  Randolph,  sent  the  resolves  to  the 
other  assemblies,  accompanied  by  a  brief  Circular  Letter 
expressing  a  belief  that  the  importance  of  the  subject  would 
be  sufficient  to  engage  immediate  attention,  and  that  the  cir- 
cumstances of  America  would  evince  the  propriety  of  the 
action  of  the  Burgesses.2  This  generous  action,  spread 
through  the  colonies  in  the  newspapers,  elicited  expressions 
of  admiration  and  gratitude.  A  North-Carolina  patriot 
wrote :  "  Don't  you  think  the  Virginians  behaved  like 
men  ?  "  3  A  Philadelphia  patriot  exclaimed  :  "  Noble  con- 
duct! I  hope  every  assembly  on  the  continent  will  con- 
cur." 4  A  New-York  judgment  ran :  "  The  resolves  breathe 
that  noble  spirit  of  freedom  and  inflexible  firmness  for  which 
Virginia  has  been  justly  celebrated  ever  since  the  beginning 
of  our  troubles  with  Great  Britain."  5  And  it  was  said  in 
Boston,  "  Joy  and  gladness  are  printed  on  the  countenances 
of  all  the  friends  of  liberty.  '  The  brave  Virginians '  is  a 
toast  throughout  New  England,  where  the  people  bear  them 
the  most  affectionate  regard."6  Well  might  there  have 

1  Letter  of  Richard  Henry  Lee,  May  31,  1769. 

2  Randolph's  Circular  was  in  the  Boston  papers  of  June  8,  1769. 
8  Letter  in  newspapers  dated  Edenton,  N.C.,  June  22,  1769. 

4  John  Dickinson's  Letter,  June  22. 

8  Massachusetts  Gazette,  June  15. 

«  Letter  printed  in  Philadelphia,  dated  June  26.  "  The  Journal  of  the  Times  " 
was  the  title  of  a  series  of  papers  prepared  in  Boston,  but  printed  originally  by 
John  Holt,  in  New  York,  and  extensively  copied  into  the  newspapers.  They 
extend  over  many  months.  Under  the  date  of  June  16,  1769,  it  had  the  follow- 
ing:- 

"  The  late  resolves  of  the  Virginia  assembly  are  regarded  with  veneration.  They  do 
great  honor  to  themselves  and  give  spirit  to  the  other  colonies.  We  see  in  these  the 
same  sense  of  justice,  value  for  the  constitutional  rights  of  America,  the  same  vigor 
and  boldness,  that  breathed  through  the  first  resolves  of  that  truly  honorable  house, 
and  greatly  contributed  to  form  the  free  and  generous  spirit  in  which  the  colonies  are 
now  one.  There  is  a  peculiar  generosity  in  the  resolve,  relating  to  the  revival  of  the 
severe  and  obsolete  statute  of  Henry  VIII.,  by  the  late  extraordinary  resolutions  of 
parliament,  —  as  this  was  pointed  not  directly  against  themselves,  but  another  colony. 
Massachusetts  ought  long  to  remember  this  obligation,  and  as  common  sense  dictates 


238  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

been  this  gratitude ;  for  Virginia  invited  all  the  colonies 
to  make  common  cause  with  Massachusetts  when  king  and 
parliament  had  laid  a  heavy  hand  upon  her,  and  the  pres- 
ence of  an  army  and  a  fleet  attested  that  complete  submis- 
sion was  decreed  as  her  lot. 

The  assemblies,  as  they  convened,  responded  heartily  to 
the  Virginia  resolves.  The  assembly  of  Delaware,  the  ear- 
liest to  act,  did  it  by  reiterating  their  sentiment.1  Some 
of  the  assemblies,  as  those  of  North  Carolina,  Rhode  Island, 
and  New  York,  adopted  the  Virginia  resolves  entire  ;  others, 
as  in  the  case  of  Massachusetts,  added  resolves  dictated  by 
their  local  condition ;  others,  as  in  Maryland,  altered  the 
phraseology.  The  assemblies  agreed  in  essentials.  The 
harmony  was  so  inspiring  that  it  was  said,  "  The  whole  con- 
tinent from  New  England  to  Georgia  seems  firmly  fixed: 
like  a  strong,  well-constructed  arch,  the  more  weight  there 
is  laid  upon  it  the  firmer  it  stands  ;  and  thus  with  Americans, 
the  more  we  are  loaded  the  more  we  are  united."  2  Thus 
grandly  was  the  aegis  of  the  inchoate  union  cast  over  the 
personal  liberty  of  Americans.  Thus  fixed  was  the  deter- 
mination to  claim  as  a  birthright  trial  by  jury. 

When  Lord  Botetourt  dissolved  the  House  of  Burgesses, 
the  members  immediately  went  to  Anthony  Hay's  residence, 
chose  Peyton  Randolph  moderator,  discussed  the  situation, 
and  decided  to  unite  into  an  association  to  carry  out  the 
non-importation  agreement.  On  the  next  day  articles  sub- 
that  each  colony  should  feel  for  its  neighbors  under  those  severities  to  which  all  are 
exposed,  there  will,  there  must  be,  a  reciprocation  of  such  kind  of  obligations  and  grate- 
ful sentiments  through  all  the  colonies,  to  the  disappointment  and  confusion  of  those 
who  wish  to  divide  and  enslave  us." 

1  A  letter  dated  Newcastle,  Pa.,  May  19,  will  show  the  spirit  of  the  time.    "  In  con- 
sequence of  a  letter  from  the  speaker  of  the  late  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia,  en- 
closing their  resolves,  the  House  of  assembly  here  took  into  consideration  the  advice 
given  to  His  Majesty  by  the  Houses  of  Parliament  for  the  seizing  and  carrying  over 
any  person  from  America  to  England  that  may  be  obnoxious  to  the  king's  ministers, 
and  the  House  thought  fit  to  adopt  the  Virginia  Resolves  in  spirit  as  well  as  senti- 
ment, which,  if  done  in  other  governments  on  the  continent,  will  be  the  best 
evicfence  of  unanimity  that  can  be  given." — Pennsylvania  Chronicle,  June  26, 
1769. 

2  Massachusetts  Gazette,  Nov.  13,  1769. 


THE   TOWNSHEND   ACTS  AND   PUBLIC   OPINION.  239 

mitted  by  Washington  were  adopted  and  signed,  —  his  name 
being  near  the  head  of  the  list.  The  journals  circulated 
these  proceedings ; 1  and  thus  this  patriotic  movement  re- 
ceived a  powerful  impulse.  It  had  been  ridiculed  and 
opposed  by  the  Tories  when  proposed  in  the  time  of  the 
stamp  act ;  and,  on  its  revival  to  meet  the  new  revenue  acts, 
it  had  not  been  generally  adopted,  even  by  the  Whigs. 
Neither  persuasion,  threats,  nor  personal  violence  could 
bring  the  Tories  to  accede  to  it.  They  alleged  that  to  stimu- 
late domestic  manufactures  would  draw  off  labor  from  hus- 
bandry and  the  fisheries ;  that  the  combination  was  illegal, 
a  defiance  of  Great  Britain,  and  tended  to  produce  a  breach 
between  her  and  the  colonies.2  The  Whigs  in  some  quar- 
ters were  backward  in  entering  into  it.  Thus,  because  in 
Rhode  Island  they  hesitated,  this  colony  was  held  up  in  the 
press  as  a  plague  spot ;  and  patriots  refused  to  deal  with  its 
inhabitants.3  After  the  decisive  action  of  the  Burgesses,  the 
Whigs  pressed  the  movement  vigorously ;  assemblies  thanked 
the  merchants  for  their  patriotism  in  adopting  it ; 4  colony 
after  colony,  including  Rhode  Island,  entered  into  it ;  and 
when  it  was  adopted  by  North  Carolina,  it  was  said :  "  This 
completes  the  chain  of  union  throughout  the  continent  for 
the  measure  of  non-importation  and  economy."5  It  was 

1  The  articles  of  association  and  signatures  were  printed  in  the  "Philadelphia 
Chronicle"  of  June  5th,  1769,  and  are  quite  elaborate.    One  was,  not  to  "import 
any  slaves  or  purchase  any  imported  after  the  fifth  day  of  November  next,  until  the 
said  acts  of  Parliament  are  repealed."     They  were  drawn  up  by  George  Mason,  and 
sent  by  him  in  a  noble  letter  to  Washington.  —  Sparks' s  Writings  of  Washington, 
ii.  356. 

2  Timothy  Ruggles,  Feb.  29,  1768,  "  Reasons  for  not  voting  for  Resolves  in 
Massachusetts  Assembly." 

8  The  "Boston  Gazette,"  Oct.  9,  1769,  had  an  extract  from  a  letter  written  in 
New  York,  which  says :  "  It  is  currently  reported  here  that  all  intercourse  with  Rhode 
Island  is  nearly  shut  up,  as  if  the  plague  was  there,  as  we  will  neither  sell  to  them  or 
ship  them  any  goods,  nor  receive  any  from  thence,  nor  suffer  them  to  sell  any  in  this 
province."  It  was  stated  in  the  newspapers  in  February,  1770,  that  the  merchants 
at  Philadelphia  and  New  York  had  agreed  to  renew  their  trade  with  Rhode  Island. 

4  The  assemblies  of  Connecticut  and  New  Jersey  passed  resolutions  in  October, 
1769,  which  are  in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Nov.  2  and  9. 

6  Letter  dated  Dec.  15,  1769,  in  "Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Feb.  1,  1770. 
"  Thus  are  the  colonies  at  last  all  happily  united.  It  now  remains  for  the  patriots  to 
improve  this  union  to  the  best  advantage,"  &c. 


240  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

patriotism  not  to  use  certain  European  articles  of  luxury, 
not  to  import  slaves  or  to  buy  them  of  importers.  It  was 
patriotism  to  grow  flax  and  wool,  to  spin  and  weave,  to 
make  clothes  and  wear  them.  Ingenuous  youth  received 
the  honors  of  their  Alma  Mater,  and  legislators  appeared 
in  their  halls,  clothed  in  American  apparel.  The  Daughters 
of  Liberty  vied  with  each  other  in  their  spinning-matches 
and  homespun  gowns.1  Such  attire  was  of  more  lustre  than 
all  the  gems  that  sparkle  in  the  mine,  for  it  spoke  fidelity  to 
a  just  cause.  The  American  saw  in  this  harmony  a  proof 
that  "  all  the  colonies  had  the  same  ideas  of  liberty."  The 
saying  was  current  in  London  that  industry  and  economy  were 
universal  in  America,  where  the  farmer  strutted  in  home- 
spun and  cast  an  indignant  look  at  the  meanness  of  soul 
that  hoped  for  superior  distinction  by  indulging  in  the  manu- 
factures of  a  country  that  exulted  in  enslaving  the  colonies.2 
The  ministers  postponed  the  design  of  altering  the  Amer- 
ican constitutions.  Lord  North,  in  April,  1770,  based  a 
motion  for  a  partial  repeal  of  the  Townshend  Revenue  Act 
on  the  petition  of  the  merchants  of  London.  He  urged  the 
abolition  of  the  duties  on  glass,  paper,  and  painter's  colors, 
on  the  ground  that  they  were  uncommercial,  while  he  justi- 
fied the  retention  of  the  duty  on  tea  as  necessary  to  assert 
the  supremacy  of  parliament.  Such  was  the  judgment  of 
the  king  who  held  that  "  there  must  always  be  one  tax  to 

1  "  Williamsburg,  Va.,  January  3, 1770.     On  Wednesday  evening  the  honorable 
speaker  and  gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  gave  a  ball  at  the  capitol,  for  the 
entertainment  of  His  Excellency,  Lord  Botetourt ;  and  it  is  with  the  greatest  pleas- 
ure we  inform  our  readers  that  the  same  patriotic  spirit  which  gave  rise  to  the  asso- 
ciation of  gentlemen  on  a  late  event  was  most  agreeably  manifested  in  the  dress  of 
the  ladies  on  that  occasion,  who,  to  the  number  of  near  one  hundred,  appeared  in 
homespun  gowns ;  a  lively  and  striking  instance  of  their  acquiescence  and  concur- 
rence in  whatever  may  be  the  true  and  essential  interest  of  their  country.     It  were 
to  be  wished  that  all  assemblies  of  American  ladies  would  exhibit  a  like  example  of 
public  virtue  and  private  economy,  so  amiably  united. 

"  Not  all  the  gems  that  sparkle  in  the  mine 
Can  make  the  fair  with  so  much  lustre  shine." 

Massachusetts  Gazette,  Feb.  12,  1770. 

2  Piece  in  newspapers,  under  the  head  of  "London,  Aug.  16,  1769." 


THE  TOWNSHEND  ACTS  AND  PUBLIC   OPINION.  241 

keep  up  the  right." l  Hence  the  Act  was  repealed  (April 
12,  1770)  only  in  part.  The  Declaratory  Act,  asserting  the 
right  to  legislate  for  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever, 
and  the  tax  on  tea,  remained  on  the  statute  book. 

The  popular  leaders  regarded  this  partial  repeal  as  insid- 
ious and  unsatisfactory, — settling  nothing  and  boding  evil. 
They  urged  a  rigid  adherence  to  the  non-importation  agree- 
ment as  the  most  effectual  method  to  obtain  a  redress  of 
grievances.  Above  all,  they  commended  union  as  absolutely 
essential  to  the  salvation  of  America. 

The  attempt  of  the  ministry  to  check  the  republican  ele- 
ment, to  abridge  English  liberties  in  America,  had  the 
effect  to  throw  the  colonists  back  on  themselves ;  to  move 
them  to  reflect  on  the  scope  and  tendency  of  the  ideas  they 
had  applied,  on  the  institutions  they  had  reared  and  the  posi- 
tion they  had  attained ;  and  to  reveal  the  fact  that  there  were 
marked  differences  on  fundamentals  between  the  views  held 
by  the  statesmen  in  England  and  in  America.  A  striking 
illustration  of  this  fact  is  seen  in  the  view  taken  of  ordinary 
legislation.  The  ministry  were  united  on  the  point  that 
when  an  act  was  passed  in  parliament  and  approved,  it 
became  a  part  of  the  Constitution ; 2  while  in  America  it  was 
reasoned  that  unless  some  power  existed  in  a  free  State 
superior  to  the  House  of  Commons,  and  which  no  power 
could  destroy,  the  idea  of  a  constitution  was  a  nullity;3  and 
the  power  specified  was  the  law  embodied  in  Magna  Charta, 
the  Bill  of  Rights,  and  the  Act  of  Settlement.  This  reason- 
ing familiarized  the  American  mind  with  the  thought  that 
public  liberty  required  the  establishment  of  a  body  of  organic 
law,  which  should  be  the  rule  of  action  of  the  agents  chosen 
periodically  to  administer  the  affairs  of  government ;  and  it 
shews  the  progress  that  was  going  on  in  political  science. 

1  King  to  Lord  North,  in  Bancroft,  vi.  277. 

2  De  Berdt,  Aug.  29,  1768  (Bradford's  State  Papers,  162),  says  the  whole  min- 
istry were  united  on  this  point. 

8  Piece  in  the  newspapers,  1769. 

16 


242  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

This  veneration  for  the  free  principles  of  the  British  Con- 
stitution was  accompanied  with  the  warmest  expressions  of 
loyalty  to  the  crown.  The  popular  leaders,  so  far  from  desir- 
ing to  divide  the  empire,  averred  that  they  could  not  justly 
be  suspected  of  the  most  distant  thought  of  independency, 
would  refuse  it  if  it  were  offered  to  them,  and  would  deem  it 
the  greatest  misfortune  to  be  obliged  to  accept  it.1  There  is  t 
no  valid  ground  on  which  to  question  their  sincerity  in  these 
declarations.  They  knew  that  they  did  not  deal  with  the 
question  of  sovereignty,  and  did  not  mean  that  their  oppo- 
nents should  force  them  to  do  it.  Their  loyalty,  however,  did 
not  imply  passive  submission  to  the  arbitrary  commands  of 
the  king,  nor  did  their  respect  for  the  Constitution  imply 
acquiescence  in  the  decisions  of  administrative  majorities 
when  they  violated  fundamental  rights.  The  treatment  of 
the  free  assemblies,  the  proposed  transportation  of  Ameri- 
cans, in  direct  violation  of  trial  by  jury,  were  viewed  as  the 
illegal  acts  and  purposes  of  the  party  in  power ;  and  were 
resisted  with  the  spirit  of  freemen. 

Propositions  continued  to  appear  for  a  union  of  the  colo- 
nies. Pownal  reasoned  that  the  train  of  events  must  estab- 
lish either  a  British  or  an  American  union ;  and  he  argued 
that  it  was  not  more  necessary  to  preserve  the  several  gov- 
ernments subordinate  in  their  several  spheres  than  it  was 
essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  whole  empire  to  keep  them 
disconnected  and  independent  of  each  other.2  A  plan  termed 
"  a  new  model"  found  favor  with  the  New- York  politicians  ; 

1  Letter  of  Massachusetts  assembly,  Jan.  12,1768,  in  "Bradford's  State  Papers," 
124,  143.     The  "Boston  Post  Boy"  of  May  1,  1769,  has  the  Petition  of  the  New 
York  General  Assembly  to  the  Lords  spiritual  and  temporal  in  Parliament  assem- 
bled, signed  Phillip  Livingston,  speaker,  which  has  the  following:  "  If  disloyalty 
to  the  crown,  want  of  affection  to  Great  Britain,  or  a  desire  of  independency,  had 
the  least  influence  upon  our  minds,  no  words  could  sufficiently  express  our  ingrati- 
tude and  our  folly.     But,  my  Lords,  we  are  neither  so  foolish  nor  ungrateful.     We 
can  appeal  to  the  omniscient  Searcher  of  hearts,  for  the  most  inviolable  fidelity  to  His 
Majesty,  an  utter  abhorrence  of  a  disunion  with  Great  Britain,  and  a  cheerful  sub- 
mission to  her  supremacy,  in  every  instance  of  authority  essential  to  the  common 
safety  of  the  empire." 

2  Pownal' s  Administration  of  the  Colonies,  4th  ed.,  1768. 


THE   TOWNSHEND   ACTS   AND   PUBLIC   OPINION.  243 

and  the  assembly  of  that  province  invited  each  colony  to 
elect  representatives  clothed  with  power  to  meet  and  legis- 
late for  the  whole.  The  House  of  Burgesses  responded  to 
this  suggestion  by  choosing  delegates  to  such  a  body.1  It 
did  not,  however,  meet  with  general  favor.  Secretary  Oliver 
broached  the  plan  in  Massachusetts ;  but  Dr.  Cooper  wrote 
that  the  body  of  the  people  were  for  the  old  establishments, 
under  which  they  had  grown  and  flourished,  and  viewed  the 
project  as  calculated  to  create  a  condition  like  Ireland.2 

A  union  movement  by  the  Presbyterians  was  regarded  by 
the  Tories  as  of  great  importance.  It  was  held  by  the  crown 
lawyers  that  the  supremacy  of  the  crown  in  ecclesiastical 
affairs  extended  to  the  colonies,  and  that  it  was  not  lawful 
for  the  clergy  to  assemble,  as  in  a  synod,  without  a  royal 
license.3  Since  the  movement  of  1725  there  had  been 
none  called.4  On  the  breaking  out  of  the  present  troubles, 
several  Presbyterians  of  Philadelphia,  in  a  circular,  stated 
that,  though  numerous,  yet  they  were  considered  as  nobody, 
or  of  very  little  weight  or  consequence ;  and  submitted  a 
plan  whereby  they  might  act  as  one  body  whenever  they 
might  be  called  upon  to  defend  the  civil  and  religious 
liberties  and  privileges  they  enjoyed,  or  to  obtain  any 
of  which  they  might  be  abridged.  The  immediate  result  of 
this  movement  was  a  union  between  the  congregations  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Delaware,  which  extended  through  the 
southern  provinces ;  so  that  in  Philadelphia,  in  1765,  an 
annual  synod  began  its  session  without  a  royal  license. 
"  Men  of  sense  and  foresight,"  alarmed  at  so  formidable  a 
confederacy,  brought  about  by  letters  "buried  in  studied 
secrecy,"  obtained  possession  of  these  letters ;  and  in  1769 
they  were  printed  in  New  York,  when  they  elicited  sharp  dis- 
cussion. A  Tory  review  of  the  rise  of  the  Revolution  gives 


1  Bancroft,  vi.  316. 

2  Samuel  Cooper  to  Governor  Pownal,  Jan.  1,  1770. 
8  Chalmers's  Opinions  of  Eminent  Lawyers,  50. 

«  See  above,  p.  121. 


244  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

this  movement  the  honor  of  being  the  mainspring  of  the 
opposition  to  the  government.1 

At  this  period,  the  prophecies  concerning  the  future  of 
America  multiplied.  Thomas  Hutchinson  wrote  that  the 
natural  increase  of  population  was  so  great,  it  was  probable  in 
a  few  generations  a  mighty  empire  would  be  formed  on  this 
continent.2  The  consequences  that  might  grow  out  of  such  an 
empire,  with  continued  union  with  Great  Britain,  were  glow- 
ingly dwelt  upon.  "  Never,"  William  Livingston  wrote, "  was 
there  such  a  Phoenix  state.  Liberty,  religion,  and  science 
were  on  their  wing  to  these  shores.  The  finger  of  God 
pointed  to  a  mighty  empire.  The  mother  and  her  sons 
would  again  be  collected  in  one  house,  and  in  proportion  to 
the  abatement  of  national  glory  in  Europe  would  be  the 
brightness  of  its  resurrection  in  America.  The  day  dawns 
in  which  the  foundation  of  this  mighty  empire  is  to  be  laid 
by  the  establishment  of  a  regular  American  Constitution. 
All  that  hitherto  has  been  done  seems  to  be  little  beside  the 
collection  of  materials  for  the  construction  of  this  glorious 
fabric.  'Tis  time  to  put  them  together.  The  transfer  of 
the  European  part  of  the  great  family  is  so  swift,  and  our 
growth  so  fast,  that  before  seven  years  roll  over  our  heads 
the  first  stone  must  be  laid."  3  Here  a  union  and  constitution 


1  The  "Pennsylvania  Chronicle"  of  Sept.  25,  1769,  has  the  Circular  Letter, 
dated  Philadelphia,  March  24,  1764,  and  the  "Plan  or  Articles,"  copied  from  the 
" New-York  Journal,"  Sept.  14, 1769.    Both  were  printed  by  Galloway  in  his  "  His- 
torical and  Political  Reflections,"  London,  1780.     He  says  that  the  Presbyterians 
throughout  the  colonies,  after  1725,  aimed  to  unite  their  churches:  "To  form  these 
into  one  religious  as  well  as  one  political  body,  was,  therefore,  the  first  measure  pur- 
sued by  this  congregated  faction,  after  they  found  themselves  freed  from  the  embar- 
rassments and  dangers  of  Indian  and  French  incursions,"  p.  48. 

2  Preface  to  the  Collections,  1768. 

8  "The  American  Whig,  No  V.,"  in  "New-York  Gazette,"  April  11,  1768,  a 
series  of  papers  attributed  to  William  Livingston.  They,  with  the  replies  they 
elicited,  were  published  in  a  volume.  The  words  in  the  text  are  from  pp.  57,  58. 
The  volume  is  entitled  "A  Collection  of  Tracts  from  the  late  Newspapers,"  &c.,  con- 
taining "The  American  Whig,"  "A  Whip  for  the  American  Whig,"  with  some 
other  pieces  on  the  subject  of  the  residence  of  Protestant  Bishops  in  the  American 
colonies,  and  in  answer  to  the  writers  who  opposed  it,  &c.  New  York :  1768.  In 
one  of  the  Tracts,  a  Son  of  Liberty  remarks  that  the  public  mind  was  concerned  to 


THE   TOWNSHEND   ACTS  AND  PUBLIC   OPINION.  245 

were  foreshadowed  that  were  to  be  in  harmony  with  alle- 
giance to  the  crown. 

The  progress  of  events,  however,  suggested  more  accurate 
prophecy.  Samuel  Adams  said  that  he  desired  the  union  with 
Great  Britain  to  continue.  But  he  judged  that  in  the  natural 
course  of  things  the  policy  of  the  ministry  must  alienate 
the  affections  of  the  colonies  from  the  mother-country, 
and  he  speculated  on  the  consequences  that  might  ensue 
from  American  independence.  French  agents — one  was 
Baron  De  Kalb — sent  over  to  watch  the  progress  of  events 
observed  the  cold  indifference  with  which  Canada  and  its 
dependencies  viewed  the  efforts  of  the  patriots,  and  reported 
that  they  were  the  only  parts  of  English  America  that  were 
perfectly  quiet.1  They  were  so  impressed  with  the  aspect 
of  other  parts,  they  wrote  home  that,  unless  the  mother- 
country  desisted  from  her  course,  the  independence  of  the 
colonies  was  certain  to  take  place.2  The  French  ambassador 
in  London  held  frequent  interviews  with  Franklin.  Illus- 
trious Frenchmen  now  uttered  remarkable  prophecies.  Du- 
rand,  the  minister  at  London,  felt  assured  that  the  colonies 
would  soon  form  a  separate  State.3  Chatelet,  his  successor, 
witnessing  the  determined  stand  of  the  king  and  the  ministry, 
predicted  that  the  day  of  separation  was  not  far  off,  and  that 
it  must  necessarily  have  the  greatest  influence  on  the  whole 
political  system  of  Europe.4  Turgot  saw  with  joy  the  pros- 
pect of  an  event  which,  more  than  all  the  books  of  philoso- 
phers, would  dissipate  the  sanguinary  phantom  of  commer- 
cial monopoly,  separate  all  America  from  Europe,  and  make 
its  discovery  truly  useful  to  mankind.5  Choiseul,  the  pre- 

know  "whether  we  are  a  nation  of  generous  freemen  or  of  despicable  slaves."  —  p.  48. 
Another  gives  the  following  statistics :  "In  all  New  England  there  are  but  eleven 
Presbyterian  congregations;  whilst  there  are  thirty  Quaker  churches,  thirty-nine 
Anabaptists,  about  fifty  Separatist  churches,  about  eighty  congregations  of  the 
Church  of  England,  and  five  hundred  and  eighty-six  Congregational  meetings."  — 
p.  430. 

1  De  Witt's  Jefferson  and  the  American  Democracy,  379. 

2  Ibid.,  382.    De  Kalb,  in  a  letter  dated  Jan.  15,  1768. 

»  Cited  in  Bancroft,  vi.  169.  *  Ibid.,  245.  «  Ibid.,  370. 


246  THE  RISE  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

mier,  sagaciously  interpreting  the  signs  of  the  times,  planned 
a  treaty  of  commerce  to  offer  America,  with  the  view  of 
hastening  this  result.1 

The  movement  elicited  by  the  Townshend  Revenue  Acts 
resulted  in  a  settled  public  opinion  and  conviction  by  a  free 
people,  as  to  the  nature  and  value  of  their  rights.  This  was 
embodied  in  the  utterances  of  public  bodies  and  the  press. 
Many  were  circulated  in  the  journals  and  in  pamphlets  iii 
England,  and  the  ability  they  evinced  elicited  high  praise. 
It  was  said  to  be  a  common  remark  in  London  that  "  they 
were  written  in  a  style  not  to  be  equalled  in  any  part  of  the 
British  dominions."  2  Many  were  translated  and  circulated  on 
the  continent.  "  All  Europe,"  Franklin  wrote,  "  is  attentive 
to  the  dispute  between  Britain  and  the  colonies :  our  part  is 
taken  everywhere."  3  Generous  tributes  from  abroad  flowed 
in  upon  the  patriots.  A  London  letter  reads:  "Your  late 
conduct  is  noble  indeed :  every  ray  is  splendid  with  asserted 
right  and  vindicated  freedom." 4  Another  wrote :  "  The 
whole  Christian  world  owe  you  much  thanks.  The  star  ris- 
ing out  of  your  wilderness  will  become  a  great  luminary  and 
enlighten  the  whole  earth."5  A  Paris  letter,  urging  a  con- 
tinuance of  the  "noble  struggle  for  liberty,"  runs:  "I 
imagine  I  see  illustrious  statesmen,  eloquent  orators,  wise 
historians,  and  learned  philosophers  rising  up  among  you, 


1  Bancroft,  vi.  169. 

2  London  letter,  Jan.  19,  1769,  in  the  newspapers. 

8  Franklin's  Works,  vii.  470.     Letter,  April  14,  1770. 
*  Massachusetts  Gazette,  Oct.  19,  1769.    Letter  from  London,  Aug.  3. 
6  A  letter  dated  London,  July  23,  1770,  printed  in  the  "  Boston  Evening  Post" 
of  Sept.  17,  1770,  says:  — 

"  The  voluntary  recess  of  your  virtuous  and  brave  ancestors  from  the  scenes  of  tyr- 
anny and  corruption  which  the  reign  of  the  Stuarts  had  spread  over  this  kingdom, 
and  the  colonies  and  churches  which  they  established  on  your  continent  upon  the  more 
glorious  principles  of  catholic  Christianity,  I  cannot  but  consider  as  a  most  important 
event,  by  which  very  happy  fruits,  which  are  now  (though  amidst  heavy  storms)  ripen- 
ing for  the  signal  benefit  of  the  whole  Christian  Church.  For  that  noble  stand  you 
have  made  in  the  cause  both  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  the  whole  Christian  world 
owe  you  much  thanks.  The  star  rising  out  of  your  wilderness  will,  I  trust  and  pray, 
become  a  great  luminary  and  enlighten  the  whole  earth.  May  your  patience  and  fidel- 
ity continue  steadfast  to  the  end." 


THE   TOWNSHEND   ACTS  AND  PUBLIC   OPINION.  247 

whose  generous  souls  have  espoused  the  interests  of  human- 
ity, and  are  spreading  the  blessings  of  liberty  throughout 
the  world  around  them."1  These  praises,  circulated  by  the 
press,  might  be  read  in  every  home  in  America.  They  could 
hardly  fail  to  strengthen  the  conviction  of  the  patriots  that 
their  stand  for  liberty  and  law  was  appreciated, — that  it 
would  be  approved  by  the  wise  and  good,  and  that  they 
would  be  justified  in  maintaining  it  at  every  cost. 

In  the  tribute  just  cited,  it  is  said  that  the  patriots  had  em- 
braced the  cause  of  humanity.  It  is  averred  that  the  word 
mankind,  to  signify  brotherhood,  never  passed  the  lips  of 
Socrates,  Plato,  or  Aristotle;2  and  that  the  idea  of  human 
equality  was  thoroughly  ignored  by  society  in  the  pagan 
world.3  But  the  word  and  the  idea  were  in  common  use  in 
speaking  of  the  movement  germinating  in  America.  The 
earliest  utterances  of  the  patriots  are  inspired  by  the  thought 
that  Providence  had  set  them  to  defend  the  rights  and  liber- 
ties of  mankind;4  and  in  their  proud  day  of  triumph  they 
said,  Let  it  be  remembered  that  it  has  ever  been  the  pride  and 
boast  of  America  that  the  rights  for  which  she  contended 
were  the  rights  of  human  nature.5  Their  noble  array  of 
utterances  warrant  the  remark  that  they  viewed  "  mankind 
toiling  and  suffering,  separated  by  oceans,  divided  by  lan- 
guage, and  severed  by  national  enmity,  yet  evermore  tending 
under  a  divine  control  towards  the  fulfilment  of  that  inscru- 
table purpose  for  which  the  world  was  created,  and  man 
placed  in  it,  bearing  the  image  of  God."  6  Native  gifts  de- 
veloped in  labors  in  behalf  of  such  a  cause.  Men  thus  grew 
in  stature ;  each  colony  had  its  roll  of  honor,  and  said  and 
did  things  that  made  a  mark  on  the  age.  One  great  name, 

1  Letter  from  Paris,  in  "Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Aug.  27,  1770. 

2  Max  Mullet's  Chips  from  a  German  Workshop,  ii.  5. 
«  Above,  p.  6. 

4  This  was  the  language  of  the  Boston  press  before  the  Stamp  Act.  Life  and 
Times  of  Warren,  35. 

6  Address  of  Congress,  April  26,  1783,  drawn  by  Madison. 
6  Max  Muller,  Chips,  &c.,  ii.  5. 


248  THE  RISE  OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

in  particular,  was  gathering  lustre.    Washington  was  active 
on  the  political  stage,  destined  soon  to  be 

"  Among  the  sons 

Of  fame  well  known,  bright  as  the  morning  star 
Among  the  lesser  lights;  a  patriot  skilled 
In  all  the  glorious  arts  of  peace  and  war."  * 

1  "Rising  Glory  of  America,"  spoken  at  the  commencement  of  the  college  in 
New  Jersey,  Sept.  25, 1771.  In  the  "  General  Advertiser,"  London,  Feb.  14, 1778. 
The  following  is  an  extract  from  this  poem :  — 

"  The  mind  prophetic  grows,  and  pierces  fax 
Through  ages  yet  unborn.    We  saw  the  states 
And  mighty  empires  of  the  East  arise, 
In  swift  succession  from  the  Assyrian 
To  Macedon  and  Rome ;  to  Britain  thence 
Dominion  drove  her  car.    She  stretched  her  reign 
O'er  many  isles,  wide  seas,  and  peopled  lands. 
Now,  in  the  West,  a  continent  appears ; 
A  newer  world  now  opens  to  her  view ; 
She  hastens  onward  to  the  Americ  shores, 
And  bids  a  scene  of  recent  wonders  rise : 
New  states,  new  empires,  and  a  race  of  men 
High  raised  in  glory ;  cities  and  people 
Numerous  as  sand  upon  the  ocean  shore. 
Th'  Ohio  then  shall  glide  by  many  a  town 
Of  note  ;  and  where  the  Mississippi  stream, 
By  forests  shaded,  now  runs  weeping  on, 
Nations  shall  grow,  and  states  not  less  in  fame 
Than  Greece  and  Rome  of  old:  we  too  shall  boast 
Our  Alexanders,  Pompeys,  heroes 
That  in  the  womb  of  time  yet  dormant  lie, 
Waiting  the  joyful  hour  for  life  and  light." 

In  the  copy  in  the  "Advertiser"  of  1778,  Washington's  name  occurs  in  the  cita- 
tion hi  the  text,  but  does  not  occur  in  the  original  printed  in  Philadelphia  in  1772. 
It  was  written  by  Phillip  Freneau,  and  the  title-page  of  the  pamphlet  of  1772  has 
Seneca's  "venient  annts." 


CHAPTER   VII. 

How  THE  PATRIOTS  ADVANCED  FROM  AN  EMBODIMENT  OF  PUBLIC 
OPINION  TO  A  PARTY  ORGANIZATION,  BY  FORMING  COMMITTEES 
OF  CORRESPONDENCE. 

MARCH,  1770,  TO  AUGUST,  1773. 

THE  patriots,  in  dealing  with  the  Stamp  Act  and  the 
Townshend  Revenue  Acts,  developed  elements  of  union, 
which  had  gathered  strength  beneath  the  diversity  that 
characterized  the  colonial  age ;  and  thirteen  communities 
embodied  in  their  varied  action  common  convictions  on  polit- 
ical ideas,  and  so  were  prepared  for  a  general  organization. 
When  the  ministry  attempted  to  carry  out  their  policy  by 
arbitrary  Royal  Instructions,  the  patriots  formed  commit- 
tees of  correspondence,  and  thus  organized  the  party  which 
achieved  the  American  Revolution. 

The  successive  British  administrations,  since  the  beginning 
of  the  controversy  of  the  colonies  with  the  mother-country, 
had  been  composed  of  members  of  several  parties ;  but  at 
length  the  Tory  party  attained  power,  as  it  ruled  England, 
with  brief  intervals,  for  half  a  century.1  It  was  imbued 
with  low  views  of  human  nature,  high-toned  principles  of 
government,  unsound  doctrines  of  political  economy,  and  a 
disposition  to  stretch  the  prerogative  and  to  gratify  the  pride 
of  dominion.  Out  of  its  ranks  George  III.  formed  a  cabinet 
"to  deal  with  Wilkes  and  America."  The  premier,  Lord 
North,  about  forty  years  of  age,  was  a  scholar  of  elegant 
taste,  of  eminent  ability  as  a  debater,  and  had  administra- 
tive talents  which  qualified  him  for  his  place.  He  voted 
for  the  Stamp  Act  and  against  its  repeal,  and  was  the 

'  Earl  Russell's  Essay  on  the  English  Government.    Introduction,  Ed.  1865. 


250  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

first  to  move  the  expulsion  of  Wilkes.  One  of  his  sayings 
then  circulated  in  the  press  was,  that  he  never  could  ac- 
quiesce in  the  absurd  opinion  that  all  men  were  equal; 
another,  that  the  question  between  England  and  her  colonies 
was  no  less  than  sovereignty  on  the  one  side  and  independ- 
ence on  the  other,1  when  simple  justice  by  England  might 
have  adjourned,  at  least  for  years,  all  thought  of  inde- 
pendence. 

The  Tory  party,  in  partially  repealing  the  Townshend 
Revenue  Acts,  only  paused  in  the  execution  of  the  Bute 
policy.  It  was  fully  embodied  in  the  Declaratory  Act  of 
1766,  that  the  king's  majesty,  with  the  advice  of  parlia- 
ment, had,  and  of  right  ought  to  have,  full  power  to  make 
laws  of  sufficient  validity  to  bind  the  people  of  America  in 
all  cases  whatever,  —  "a  resolution,"  Lord  Chatham  said, 
"  for  England's  right  to  do  what  the  Treasury  pleased  with 
three  millions  of  freemen."  2  It  was  also  embodied  in  the  tax 
on  tea  retained  to  keep  up  the  right.  The  party,  and  indeed 
Englishmen  generally,  looked  upon  Americans  as  inferiors, 
whom  England  had  the  right  to  rule,  and  use  for  her  benefit ; 
and  to  question  this  was  to  insult  the  sovereignty.3  The 
Secretary  for  the  colonies  was  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough.  He 
said  in  debate,  as  to  the  past,  that  "  it  had  been  the  object 
of  every  administration  since  the  reign  of  Charles  II.  to 
endeavor  to  establish  a  civil  list  in  America  independent  of 
the  assemblies ; "  and  he  frankly  declared,  as  to  the  future, 
that  "a  republican  spirit  prevailed  through  the  colonies, 
which  every  administration  must  discourage."4  It  might 

1  Lord  North's  speech,  in   "Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Oct.  22,  1770. 

2  Chatham's  Correspondence,  ii.  365. 

8  "Every  Englishman  considers  himself  as  king  of  America,  and  peculiarly 
interested  in  our  subjection." — Boston  Gazette,  Sept.  17,  1770.  Lord  Chatham 
said  that  Americans  must  be  made  to  obey  the  laws  of  England.  "If  you  do  not 
make  laws  for  them,  let  me  tell  you,  my  Lords,  they  do,  they  will,  they  must  make 
laws  for  you."  —  Sparks's  Franklin,  vii.  468.  Franklin  said:  "Every  man  in  Eng- 
land .  .  .  seems  to  jostle  himself  into  the  throne  with  the  king,  and  talks  of  our 
subjects  in  America." 

*  The  "Massachusetts  Gazette"  of  Sept.  3,  1776,  has  a  report  of  Hillsborough' s 
«peech  in  parliament,  delivered  May,  1770. 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND  PARTY  ORGANIZATION.        251 

have  been  wise  to  have  simply  aimed  to  render  the  imperial 
authority  independent  in  its  proper  sphere,  while  leaving  the 
local  authorities  free  to  act  in  their  spheres,  just  as  the 
officers  of  the  United  States  are  independent  of  the  State 
and  municipal  authorities ;  but  the  object  of  putting  the  civil 
list  on  a  new  basis, —  arrogantly  avowed  from  ministerial 
benches,  and  steadily  pursued  by  the  men  in  power, — was  to 
repress  the  republican  spirit,  by  shaping  the  local  govern- 
ments according  to  English  ideas.  Thus  the  minister 
aimed  to  impose  a  polity  on  a  people,  instead  of  recognizing 
and  protecting  the  polity  developed  by  them,  and  which  was 
a  natural  outgrowth.  Such  a  purpose  was  war  on  their  dearly 
prized  local  self-government ;  and  it  was  prosecuted  in  the 
same  spirit  of  persecution  of  the  liberal  element  in  America 
which  characterized  the  course  of  the  party  in  England.  It 
was  as  suicidal  a  policy  as  it  would  be  for  an  American  ad- 
ministration to  arm  at  impairing  the  municipal  liberties, 
which  are  perennial  fountains  of  a  noble  public  life.  On 
this  object  the  vigilant  eye  of  patriotism  kept  steadily  fixed. 
The  ministers,  in  carrying  out  this  policy,  now  resorted 
to  an  extraordinary  use  of  Royal  Instructions,  which,  for 
three  years,  played  an  important  part  in  American  politics. 
A  rule  of  action,  to  meet  a  current  question  in  England, 
was  concisely  stated  in  the  following  terms :  "  The  law  is 
above  the  king ;  and  the  crown,  as  well  as  the  subject,  is 
bound  by  it  as  much  during  the  recess  as  in  the  session  of 
parliament ;  because  no  point  of  time  nor  emergent  circum- 
stance can  alter  the  Constitution,  or  create  a  right  not  ante- 
cedently inherent.  These  only  draw  forth  into  action  the 
power  that  before  existed,  but  was  quiescent.  There  is  no 
such  prerogative  in  any  hour  or  moment  of  time  as  vests 
the  semblance  of  legislative  power  in  the  crown." x  This 

1  See  the  remarkable  speech  in  "Parliamentary  History,"  vol.  xvi.  p.  259. 
Franklin,  Jan.  13,  1772,  relates  a  conversation  he  had  several  years  before  with  Lord 
Granville,  who  said  that  the  king's  instructions,  when  received  by  the  governors, 
were  the  laws  of  the  land ;  "for  the  king  is  the  legislator  of  the  colonies."  —  Sparks*  a 
Works  of  Franklin,  vii.  550. 


252  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

doctrine  seems  to  have  been  accepted  by  the  American 
Whigs ;  for  their  utterances  are  imbued  with  the  sentiment 
inculcated  by  the  school  of  Locke,  that  the  freedom  of  a 
people  under  government  is  to  have  standing  rules  to  live 
by,  so  that  the  government  may  be  one  of  laws,  and  not  of 
men. 

Without  much  regard  to  this  rule,  or  indeed  to  any  law, 
the  ministers,  after  the  repeal  of  the  Townshend  Acts, 
issued  to  the  governors  a  series  of  extraordinary  instruc- 
tions. They  came  under  the  king's  sign  manual,  with  the 
privy  seal  annexed.  It  was  said  that  officials  could  not 
refuse  to  execute  them  without  giving  up  the  rights  of  the 
crown.1  A  set  was  not  framed  to  apply  to  all  the  colonies 
alike,  but  special  instructions  were  sent  to  each  colony  as 
local  circumstances  dictated.  Hence  the  patriots  could  not 
create  a  general  issue  on  them.  They  have  been  termed  a 
new  set  of  measures  determined  on  to  prevent  American 
Independence.  The  first  instruction  was  adopted  in  the 
Privy  Council  on  the  6th  of  July,  1770.2  This  may  be 
fixed  on  as  the  time  when  Royal  Instructions  began  their 
mission. 

In  framing  these  instructions,  little,  if  any,  regard  was 
paid  to  customs,  forms,  and  prejudices  in  the  colonies  as  old 
as  their  existence,  which  had  become  unwritten  law,  and 
were  therefore,  at  least,  worthy  of  consideration.  The  first 
instruction  sent  to  Massachusetts  ordered  Castle  William 
to  be  garrisoned  by  the  king's  troops,  when  the  charter  ol 
the  colony  expressly  provided  that  it  should  be  garrisoned 

1  The  Censor,  Dec.  22,  1771,  p.  18.    This  was  a  periodical  to  which  Lieutenant 
Governor  Oliver,  Thomas  Greenleaf,  and  other  loyalists,  contributed;  published  by 
E  Russell,  Boston.    The  first  number  is  dated  Nov.  23,  1771,  and  the  last  May  2, 
1772.    It  defended  the  policy  of  the  ministers. 

2  Bancroft  (vi.  369)  states  that  this  order  to  garrison  Castle  William  was  the 
beginning  of  "the  system  of  measures  to  prevent  American  Independence."     The 
same  order  directed  that  His  Majesty's  ships  should  rendezvous  in  the  harbor  of 
Boston.     It  was  said  by  this  act  "ministers  had  declared  war  against  Boston." 
Lord  Chatham  termed  the  intelligence  sent  to  him  "a  most  melancholy  piece  of 
information."  —  Chatham's  Correspondence,  iii.  468.     The  execution  of  the  order 
caused  great  excitement. 


BOYAL  INSTRUCTIONS   AND   PARTY   ORGANIZATION.        253 

by  the  provincial  militia.  The  instructions  required  the  dis- 
solution of  assemblies  ;  their  removal  to  unusual  places  of 
meeting,  as  in  South  Carolina  to  Beaufort,1  and  in  Massa- 
chusetts to  Cambridge ;  negatived  arbitrarily  the  choice  of 
speakers ;  provided  for  the  maintenance  of  local  officers : 
and  thus  entirely  ignored  the  local  legislation  for  the  sup- 
port of  government,  and  even  directed  the  executive  to 
refuse  his  assent  to  tax-bills  because  they  taxed  the  officers 
of  government.2  Similar  in  eifect  was  an  extraordinary 
use  of  the  prerogative ;  as  in  Maryland,  where  the  governor 
assumed  by  proclamation  to  revive  a  law  regulating  fees  of 
officers  which  had  expired  by  limitation,  in  this  way  asserting 
the  right  to  levy  taxes  ;  as  in  North  Carolina,  where  royal 
officials  assessed  enormous  fees,  and  imprisoned  the  citizens 
on  slight  evidence  or  none  at  all.  In  Rhode  Island,  the 
commander  of  the  British  schooner  "  Gaspee  "  made  a  gen- 
eral seizure  of  the  vessels  engaged  in  trade  in  Newport 
Harbor,  and  committed  other  outrages.  Royal  Instructions 
required  the  colonies  to  desist  from  their  opposition  to  the 
slave-trade.  The  ministry  seemed  bent  on  giving  full  force 
to  the  Declaratory  Act,  and  governing  the  colonies  in  all 
cases  whatever;  and  their  arbitrary  practices  grated  harshly 
on  a  people  habituated  to  the  ways  of  freedom. 

These  practices  were  manfully,  and  in  general  successfully, 
met.  In  some  cases  they  provoked  deeds  of  violence.  The 
rapine  and  extortion  practised  in  North  Carolina  drove  an 
oppressed  people  to  insurrection,  and  hence  the  war  of  the 
Regulators.8  The  insolence  of  the  commander  of  the 

i  A  writer  in  the  "South  Carolina  Gazette"  of  Sept.  15,  1772,  says:  "There 
has  been  no  assembly  to  do  business  for  a  long  time.  The  last  was  called,  and  after 
sitting  three  or  four  days  was  abruptly  dissolved.  Now  another  is  called  at  Beaufort, 
upwards  of  seventy  miles  from  the  capital,  at  a  place  where  no  assembly  ever  sat 


2  The  "Boston  Gazette"  of  July  8,  1771,  has  this  instruction,  called  the  27th: 
"It  is  our  will  and  pleasure  that  you  do  not  for  the  future,  upon  any  pretext,  give 
your  consent  to  any  law  or  laws  "  by  which  these  officers  were  taxed. 

»  The  "  Boston  Evening  Post"  of  Nov.  12,  1770,  has  an  account  of  the  Regu- 
lators. 


254  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

"  Gaspee,"  in  .Rhode  Island,  led  to  an  enterprise  that 
effected  her  destruction.  The  Executive  Proclamation,  in 
Maryland,  divided  the  colony  into  two  parties,  which  con- 
tinued their  struggle  down  to  the  Revolution ;  and  in  opposi- 
tion to  it  were  Charles  Carroll,  Thomas  Johnson,  William 
Paca,  and  Samuel  Chase.1  In  Georgia  the  rejection  of  the 
speaker  was  regarded  by  the  assembly  a  breach  of  the 
privileges  of  the  House,  and  as  tending  to  subvert  the  most 
valuable  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people.2  The  infamous 
instruction  on  the  slave-trade  elicited  a  remarkable  petition 
from  the  Virginia  Burgesses  to  the  king,  in  which  that  com- 
merce was  represented  as  inhuman ;  and  it  was  urged  that 
unless  it  were  checked  it  would  endanger  the  very  existence 
of  His  Majesty's  American  dominions.3  In  brief,  the  claim 
that  the  king's  instructions  had  the  force  of  law,  or  that 
the  people  were  under  a  personal  government,  was  every- 
where contested.  Its  nature  and  tendency  were  exposed  in 
papers  issued  by  public  meetings,  by  general  assemblies,4  and 
the  press,  often  marked  by  keen  analysis  and  strong  reason 
ing.  Indeed,  the  vein  of  Americanism  was  so  wide  and  deep, 
that,  outside  of  official  circles,  these  instructions  had  scarcely 
more  than  quasi-defenders.  For  even  the  Tories  would  con- 

1  McMahon's  Maryland,  380.     The  Proclamation  was  issued  May  26,  1770. 
From  this  date  to  the  Revolution,  other  subjects  gave  way  to  this  engrossing  topic. 

2  The  commons  elected  Noble  Wimberly  Jones  three  times  their  speaker  unani- 
mously, and  the  choice  was  three  times  negatived,  when  he  declined.    Archibald 
Bullock  was  then  chosen,  and  the  record  made  that  he  was  elected  only  because 
Jones  declined.     The  Governor  said:  "If  this  record  is  to  stand  on  your  journals,  I 
have  no  choice  but  to  dissolve  the  assembly."     The  House  replied:  "Our  third 
choice  of  Noble  Wimberly  Jones,  Esq.,  as  our  speaker,  was  not  in  the  least  meant 
as  disrespectful  to  His  Majesty,  or  you  as  his  representative,  nor  thereby  did  we 
mean  to  infringe  on  the  just  prerogative  of  the  crown."     "Massachusetts  Gazette," 
June  11,  1772,  has  the  documents  at  length. 

s  The  "Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Oct.  8,  1772,  has  the  address  of  the  House  of 
Burgesses  to  the  king  on  the  slave-trade.  They  pray  for  the  removal  of  those 
restraints  on  His  Majesty's  governors  which  inhibit  their  assenting  to  such  laws  as 
might  check  so  pernicious  a  commerce. 

4  The  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives,  June  19, 1771,  protested  "against 
all  such  doctrines,  principles,  and  practices  as  tend  to  establish  either  ministerial  or 
even  Royal  Instructions  as  laws  within  the  province  "  —  Massachusetts  Gazette, 
June  20,  1771. 


ROYAL   INSTRUCTIONS   AND   PARTY   ORGANIZATION.        255 

cede  that  the  colonists  might  justly  claim  and  expect  as  great 
a  degree  of  legislation  among  themselves  as  would  consist 
with  the  maintenance  of  the  supremacy  of  parliament,  and 
the  general  good  of  the  whole;1  while  die  Whigs,  conced- 
ing the  supremacy  of  parliament  in  its  sphere,  held  that 
the  proper  degree  of  legislation  embraced  all  matters  of 
a  domestic  nature,  and  especially  taxation;  indeed,  that 
the  privileges  of  the  commons  or  the  assemblies,  in  their 
sphere,  were,  "  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  full,  express, 
and  uncontrollable  within  the  colony  as  those  usually  exer- 
cised by  the  commons  of  Great  Britain  within  the  realm,"  2 
the  legislation  of  the  assemblies  and  the  parliament  being 
alike  subject  to  the  revision  of  the  king.  In  these  assem- 
blies the  people,  composing  the  political  unit  called  the 
province  and  the  commonwealth,3  made  the  laws  and 
moulded  their  polity;  and  when  instructions,  set  forth  as 
rights  of  the  crown,  were  used  to  levy  moneys,  support  gov- 
ernment, and  administer  justice,  it  was  natural  that  they 
should  have  been  looked  upon  as  war  on  the  old  self-govern- 
ment. It  was  said  in  Virginia  that  "the  ministry  had 
substituted  discretion  for  law,  and  set  the  principles  of  the 
Constitution,  which  should  be  fixed  and  free,  afloat  upon 
the  merciless  and  fluctuating  sea  of  arbitrary  will."  4  It  was 
said  in  Massachusetts  "that  the  king,  by  his  mere  will, 
had  created  a  clandestine,  capricious,  and  destructive  mode, 
couched  under  the  specious  umbrage  of  Royal  Instructions." 
It  was  said  in  Pennsylvania  that  the  practice  tended  to  set 
aside  the  assemblies.5  "  Not  to  oppose,"  Arthur  Lee  wrote, 

1  "  Chronus,"  a  Tory  writer,  in  "  Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Jan.  9,  1772. 

2  Boston  Instructions,  in  "Boston  Gazette,"  May  6,  1773. 

8  The  use  of  the  term  "  Commonwealth  "  (see  p.  59)  was  early  censured.  Franklin 
writes,  June  8,  1770  (Works,  vii.  476):  "The  colonies  originally  were  constituted 
distinct  States."  The  places  where  the  assemblies  met  were  sometimes  termed 
"  State  House." 

*  Life  of  Arthur  Lee,  i.  248. 

6  Among  the  able  papers  of  this  period  is  a  letter  sent  by  the  committee  of  mer- 
chants of  Philadelphia  to  the  committee  of  London  merchants.  It  averred:  — 

"That  all  Americans  concurred  in  the  sentiment  that  the  prosperity  of  the  colonies 
depended  on  their  connection  with  Great  Britain,  and  that  there  could  not  be  a  greater 


256  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

"  this  most  pernicious  system,  would  be  crime  ;  to  oppose  it 
unsuccessfully,  would  be  misfortune  only."  The  colonial 
judgment  on  this  insidious  phase  of  centralization  was  as 
intelligent  as  it  was  just. 

Meantime  word  had  gone  through  the  colonies  to  adhere 
to  the  non-importation  agreement,  as  the  best  means  to  pro- 
cure a  repeal  of  the  tax  on  tea,  and  a  redress  of  grievances ; 
on  the  ground  that  this  would  distress  the  commerce  of  Eng- 
land and  aid  the  opponents  of  the  administration.  Fidelity 
to  this  agreement  came  to  be  looked  upon  as  vital  to  the 
salvation  of  the  cause, — in  fact,  as  a  test  of  patriotism. 
"Let  us  be  united,"  a  Philadelphia  broadside  runs:  "the 
eyes  of  all  Europe,  nay,  of  the  whole  world,  are  fixed  upon 
us." l  In  general,  the  patriots  carried  out  the  agreement  in 
good  faith  ;  but  the  Tories,  and  selfish  men  among  the  Whigs, 
would  not  respect  it,  when  personal  violence  was  used  to 
compel  its  observance.  Its  enemies  charged  upon  the 
patriots  as  a  body  the  delinquencies  really  belonging  to  the 
few.  It  was  alleged  that  Virginia  and  Massachusetts  were 
growing  rich  at  the  expense  of  their  neighbors.  In  this 
period  of  mistrust  the  merchants  of  the  city  of  New  York 
sent  out  a  Circular  to  the  principal  commercial  places,  pro- 
posing to  confine  the  agreement  of  non-importation  to  the 
single  article  of  tea,  and  that  trade  should  be  free  in  all 
other  articles.  The  proposition  fell  upon  the  patriots  like 
the  news  of  some  public  calamity.  It  created  a  panic.2 

deviation  from  truth  than  to  represent  the  colonies  as  concerting  a  plan  of  resistance  to 
the  government.  But  they  also  averred  that  Americans  had  '  anxious  fears  for  the 
existence  of  their  assemblies,  which  they  considered  their  last  and  only  bulwark  against 
arbitrary  power.  For  if,  say  they,  laws  can  be  made,  money  levied,  government  sup- 
ported, and  justice  administered,  without  the  intervention  of  assemblies,  of  what  use 
can  they  be  ?  And  being  useless  and  unessential,  is  there  not  reason  to  fear  they  will 
quickly  become  disagreeable  and  then  be  wholly  laid  aside?  And  when  that  happens, 
what  security  have  we  for  freedom,  or  what  remains  for  the  colonists  but  the  most 
abject  slavery?  These  are  not  the  reasonings  of  politicians,  but  the  sentiments  and 
language  of  the  people  in  general.'  " 

See  more  of  this  admirable  letter  in  Gordon,  i.  268. 

1  Broadside  issued  in  Philadelphia  July  14,  1771. 

2  A  letter  from  Connecticut  says  that  the  universal  consternation  which  the  late 
letter  from  New  York  gave  the  people  of  all  ranks,  was  easier  to  be  conceived  than 


ROYAL   INSTRUCTIONS   AND   PARTY   ORGANIZATION.        257 

Tlie  excitement  was  general  and  intense.  The  proposal  was 
met  by  indignant  remonstrances.  In  Boston,  at  a  meeting 
in  Faneuil  Hall,  the  New- York  Circular  was  ordered  to  be 
torn  in  pieces  and  scattered  to  the  winds,  in  token  of  abhor- 
rence. The  students  of  Princeton  College, — James  Madison 
being  one,  —  clothed  in  American  cloth  and  arrayed  in  black 
gowns,  gathered  in  the  college  yard;  and,  while  the  bell 
tolled,  the  New- York  letter  was  committed  to  the  flames.1 
The  New-Yorkers,  however,  carried  their  point,  and  were 
called  "  Revolters."  The  merchants  of  Charleston,  in  a  noble 
letter,  urged  that  unanimity  was  absolutely  necessary,  and 
that  the  people  of  that  province  had  bound  themselves  to  the 
cause  of  American  liberty,2  and  nowhere  was  the  course  of 
the  Revolters  more  indignantly  denounced.  The  merchants 
of  Philadelphia,  in  a  sorrowful  and  strong  letter,  averred 
that  the  New- York  merchants  had  certainly  weakened  that 
union  of  the  colonies  on  which  their  salvation  depended, 
and,  in  a  day  of  trial,  had  deserted  the  cause  of  their 
country.  There  was  sterner  action  in  other  colonies.  The 
patriots  of  Charleston,  S.C.,  voted,  at  a  great  meeting, 
that,  because  the  inhabitants  of  Georgia  did  not  come 
into  the  agreement,  they  "  ought  to  be  amputated  from 
the  rest  of  the  brethren  as  a  rotten  part  that  might  spread 
a  dangerous  infection ; "  3  and,  for  the  same  offence,  the 
patriots  of  Boston  voted  that  they  would  not  hold  inter- 
expressed,  nor  to  be  conceived  but  by  those  who  have  been  present  at  news  of  some 
public  misfortune  first  spreading.  — Massachusetts  Gazette,  June  28,  1770. 

1  Rives's  Life  of  Madison,  i.  4.     A  broadside  dated  "Philadelphia  State  House, 
July  14,   1770,"   and  signed   "Pennsylvania,"   says:    "The  New-Yorkers  have 
betrayed  a  meanness  and  cowardice  in  deserting  us  in  the  present  important  junc- 
ture, which  wants  a  name.     May  infamy  be  their  portion !     And  may  the  names  of 
a  Bute,  Grenville,  a  Bernard  and  a  Yorker,  hereafter  be  synonymous  words."   Arthur 
Lee,  writing  to  Dr.  T.  Bland,  London,  Aug.  21,  1770,  says:  "I  have  hardly  spirit 
to  write,  so  severely  do  I  feel  the  fatal  news  which  has  just  reached  us  of  the  treach- 
ery of  New  York  in  basely  deserting  the  common  cause  of  liberty.     Much  am  I 
afraid  the  evil  will  spread."  —  Bland  Papers,  i.  28. 

2  This  letter  is  in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette,"  May  24,  1770. 

8  Charles  Pinckney  was  chairman  of  the  meeting,  which  was  described  as  numer- 
ous and  respectable  as  ever  gathered  under  Liberty  Tree.  —  Boston  Evening  Post, 
July  23,  1770. 

17 


258  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

course  with  the  merchants  of  New  Hampshire,  or  with  an) 
who  held  intercourse  with  them.1  The  matter  on  this  sub- 
ject is  voluminous.  The  newspapers  abound  with  relations 
of  the  proceedings  of  towns  and  counties,  denouncing  the 
violators  of  the  agreement ;  and  of  the  merchants  of  Phila- 
delphia, Boston,  and  Charleston,  and  of  other  places,  decree- 
ing non-intercourse  with  New  York.  Words  were  followed 
by  blows  ;  and  the  vessels  from  New  York,  New  Hampshire, 
and  Rhode  Island,  were  driven  from  the  ports  of  Boston, 
Charleston,  Philadelphia,  and  other  places.2  Besides  this 
wholesale  anathema  and  crimination,  there  were  bitter  feuds 
between  several  colonies  about  local  jurisdiction.  New 
Hampshire  and  New  York  were  contending  for  the  territory 
now  Vermont ;  and  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania  were 
fighting  at  Wyoming.3  Thus  the  American  cause  was  in  the 

1  Massachusetts  Gazette,  June  28,  1770.    The  committees  on  imports  and  ex- 
ports were  directed  to  keep  the  strictest  look-out  that  no  sort  of  goods  came  in  from 
or  went  out  to  any  part  of  New  Hampshire.     In  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette,"  June 
4,  1770,  is  the  following:   "The  merchants,  &c.,  of  Philadelphia,  have  come  into 
Resolutions  not  to  have  any  dealings  with  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island  for  breaking 
through  their  non-importation  agreement.     Captain  Whitman,  lately  arrived  at 
Philadelphia  from  Newport,  was  not  suffered  to  land  his  cargo,  but  was  obliged  to 
turn  back  again." 

2  The  newspapers  of  July,  1770,  contain  many  items  showing  the  bitterness  that 
prevailed  between  the  colonies.      The  following   are    from    the    "Massachusetts 
Gazette"  of  July  5:  — 

"  Captain  Smith  has  returned  to  Providence  with  his  cargo  from  Philadelphia.  He 
was  obliged  to  leave  Philadelphia." 

"  The  freeholders,  merchants,  and  traders  of  New  Brunswick,  in  New  Jersey,  have 
come  into  resolves  to  operate  with  the  other  colonies  with  respect  to  non-importation, 
and  to  have  no  commerce  with  Rhode  Island." 

"An  account  is  given  of  the  proceedings  of  'persons'  residing  in  the  principal  trad- 
ing towns  on  Connecticut  River,  who  decreed  non-intercourse  with  Portsmouth, 
N.  H." 

"A  long  relation  of  the  doings  of  the  Committee  of  Inspection  of  Windham,  Conn., 
and  the  sending  goods  back  to  Providence,  the  merchants  of  which,  it  is  said,  had 
'basely  betrayed  their  trust,  and  sold  their  birthright  privileges  for  a  mess  of 
pottage.' " 

s  "  Wyoming,  Aug.  1, 1771.  Last  Tuesday,  about  break  of  day,  I  arrived  at  this 
place  with  thirty-one  men  and  provisions,  and  was  attacked  by  the  Connecticut 
party.  .  .  .  We  were  surrounded  by  their  fire.  .  .  .  Got  in  with  twenty-two  of 
our  men.  Nine  are  missing.  They  have  kept  up  an  almost  .continuous  fire  on  our 
block-house  ever  since,  from  four  intrenchments ;  but  we  are  determined  to  hold  out 
to  the  last  extremity."  —  Massachusetts  Gazette,  Aug.  19,  1771. 

"We  hear  from  Albany  that  another  expedition,  like  that  formerly  carried  on 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND  PARTY  ORGANIZATION.        259 

presence  of  varied  internal  strife.  It  was  feared  by  the 
patriots  that  two  evils  would  be  likely  to  grow  out  of  this 
confusion  and  bloodshed,  that  might  prove  irremediable,  — 
loss  of  character  in  England,  and  the  destruction  of  that 
confidence  at  home  that  was  essential  to  success.1  It  was 
exultingly  said  by  the  Tories,  who  rejoiced  at  the  dissension 
and  weakness,  that  the  union  was  well  broken,2  and  that  it 
would  require  a  miracle  to  restore  it.  It  is  wonderful  that 
men  n^w  living  saw  this  spectacle,  were  born  when  the 
thirteen  colonies  seemed  destined  to  reproduce  only  the  petty 
autonomy  of  ancient  Greece,  and  to  suffer  as  the  penalty 
border  wars,  chronic  impotence,  or  subjection  to  foreign 
sway. 

The  non-importation  agreement  was  broken,  to  the  infinite 
joy  of  the  Tories  in  America  and  in  England.3  Then  no  gen- 
eral issue  remained  to  stir  the  colonies.  The  blood  shed  in 
Boston  by  British  soldiers  on  the  memorable  Fifth  of  March, 
1770,  produced  a  thrill  of  horror ;  but  there  succeeded  im- 
mediately the  forced  removal  from  the  town  of  the  obnox- 
ious troops,  and  the  general  exultations  at  the  triumph  of 
the  patriots.  In  some  of  the  colonies  exciting  local  issues 
were  created  by  the  execution  of  arbitrary  Royal  Instructions  ; 
but  the  desire  was  general  to  drop  the  controversy  with  the 
mother-country.4  Even  in  Massachusetts,  though  there 

against  Noble-Town,  is  proceeding  against  Bennington.  More  of  the  salubrious 
effects  of  the  extensive  wisdom  and  goodness  of  a  righteous  administration,  who 
first  intrusted  Governor  Wentworth  to  grant  those  lands  for  speedy  settlement;  then 
turned  right  about,  and  countenanced  the  monopolizing  grandees  of  New  York."  — 
Boston  Gazette,  July  29,  1771.  The  "  Massachusetts  Gazette  "  of  May  7, 1772,  has 
a  relation  of  a  raid  of  New-Yorkers  on  sundry  towns  granted  by  New  Hampshire,  to 
turn  them  out  of  their  possessions,  in  which  blood  was  shed. 

1  Letter  of  Arthur  Lee. 

2  Hutchinson  wrote  June,  22,  1772 :  "  The  union  of  the  colonies  is  pretty  well 
broke.    I  hope  I  never  shall  see  it  renewed." 

3  John  Adams  writes  (Works,  ii.  364):  "Mr.  Reed  told  us,  at  dinner,  that  he 
never  saw  greater  joy  than  he  saw  at  London  when  the  news  arrived  that  the  non- 
importation agreement  was  broke.    They  were  universally  shaking  hands  and  con- 
gratulating each  other." 

4  Ramsay  (Hist.  Am.  Revolution,  70),  says  that  "  many  hoped  that  the  contention 
between  the  two  countries  was  finally  closed.    In  all  the  provinces,  except  Massa- 


260  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

were  sharp  contests  between  the  assembly  and  the  executive, 
and  passionate  appeals  in  the  press,  the  people  were  averse 
to  political  agitation.  This  calmness  was  the  basis  of  the 
opinion  expressed  in  London,  that  the  disputes  with  the 
government  had  subsided  ;  of  the  congratulations  on  the 
tranquillity  of  public  affairs ;  and  of  the  boast  of  Lord 
Hillsborough,  that  America  had  returned  to  a  due  sense  of 
her  error  in  opposing  his  administration.1 

The   popular   leaders,   however,    kept   on    exposing  the 

chusetts,  appearances  seemed  to  favor  that  opinion."  "  Verus,"  a  Tory,  addressing 
"  The  Free  Electors  of  Massachusetts,"  in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette,"  May  15, 
1771,  says  of  the  popular  leaders  of  Massachusetts:  "  They  cannot  bear  the  tranquil 
state  of  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and 
the  other  governments,  except  North  Carolina,  whose  Regulators  also,  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  will  soon  be  suppressed." 

A  piece  in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette  "  (Tory),  Feb.  6,  1772,  begins:  — 

"  They  that  are  in  will  grin, 
They  that  are  out  will  pout." 

Inserti  Aitctaris. 

"The  dispute  between  the  kingdom  and  the  colonies  ceases  everywhere  except 
in  this  province.  .  .  .  Every  other  colony  has  made  its  peace.  Some  are  seeking 
one  favor,  some  another."  Another  piece  in  the  same  paper  terms  the  patriots 
"  Sons  of  Discontent  and  Rapine." 

The  "Censor,"  No.  5,  Dec.  21,  1771,  republishes  by  request  "An  Eastern 
History,"  in  two  chapters;  one  containing  forty-six  verses,  and  the  other  thirty- 
four.  It  touches  on  things  in  Massachusetts  from  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
George  III.  to  the  time  of  Hutchinson's  appointment  as  governor.  The  twenty- 
sixth  verse  of  chapter  i.  relates  that  certain  sons  of  Belial,  who  had  nor  gold  nor 
silver,  asked  themselves,  "What  can  we  lose?  perad  venture  by  our  craft  we  may 
gain  something."  The  twenty-eighth  verse  runs:  "So  Samuel  the  Publican 
(Adams),  and  William  the  Scribe  (Cooper),  and  Will  the  Weaver  (Molineaux),  with 
others  of  the  sons  of  Belial,  set  themselves  to  oppose  Francis,  the  Governor,  and 
Thomas,  the  Chief  Judge,  and  drew  much  people  after  them ;  and  the  land  was  dis- 
quieted." The  thirty-first  verse  of  chapter  ii.  says,  after  the  repeal  of  the  revenue 
acts,  "  the  land  had  rest,  save  only  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts;  for  there  the 
sons  of  Belial  yet  continued  to  deceive  the  multitude." 

Samuel  Adams,  March  25,  1771,  wrote  to  Arthur  Lee,  now  in  London:  "If  the 
people  are  at  present  hushed  into  silence,  is  it  not  a  sort  of  sullen  silence  which  is  far 
from  indicating  your  conclusion  that  the  glorious  spirit  of  liberty  is  vanquished,  and 
left  without  hope  but  in  miracles  ?  It  is  the  effect  of  a  mistaken  prudence  which 
springs  from  indolence,"  &c. 

i  Massachusetts  Gazette,  Feb.  10,  1772.  Arthur  Lee  says,  in  a  letter  to  Samuel 
Adams,  April  7,  1772:  "  My  Lord  Hillsborough  does  not  deserve  from  us  a  confirma- 
tion of  his  insolent  boast,  that  America  is  quiet  and  returned  to  a  due  sense  of  her 
error  in  opposing  his  righteous  and  able  government.  And,  upon  the  whole,  why 
should  we  be  less  persevering  in  opposition  than  they  are  in  oppression?  " 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND   PARTY  ORGANIZATION.        261 

danger  of  admitting  Royal  Instructions  to  have  the  force 
of  law,  and  earnestly  urged  renewed  effort  in  behalf  of 
American  liberty.  They  never  yielded  to  the  fatal  heresy 
of  a  personal  government,  or  to  the  sweep  of  power  covered 
by  the  Declaratory  Act.  They  saw  in  the  halcyon  sky  the 
cloud  no  bigger  than  a  man's  hand,  which  contained  the 
thunderbolt  of  civil  war  ;  and,  in  the  storm  which  they  pre- 
dicted, they  could  see  shelter  only  in  the  fold  of  union.  It 
is  not  easy  to  imagine  how  political  insight  could  have  been 
more  penetrating  as  to  causes,  or  foresight  more  accurate 
as  to  results. 

Among  these  leaders  Samuel  Adams  was  pre-eminent.  He 
had  been  steadily  rising  in  reputation  in  Massachusetts  and 
abroad.  There  had  been  no  decline  in  his  zeal,  no  pause  in 
his  labor.  He  gave  to  the  cause  the  whole  of  his  time.  A 
wide  correspondence,  voluminous  writing  in  the  press,1  and 
masterly  state  papers  attest  his  intelligence,  industry,  and 
influence.  He  was  now  directing  public  attention,  through 
the  press,  to  the  theory  and  practice  of  the  ministry.  While 
he  restated  the  old  argument  against  the  right  of  parlia- 
ment to  tax,  he  closely  examined  the  foundations  of  the 
claim  of  the  ministers  to  govern  by  Koyal  Instructions.  He 
had  grasped  the  idea  that  the  king,  lords,  and  commons, 
as  well  as  the  colonies,  were  subject  to  the  authority  and 
bound  by  the  limitations  of  constitutional  law.  In  applying 
this  idea,  he  did  not  appeal  to  what  might  quite  as  likely 
be  human  fancy  or  passion,  or  the  political  capital  of  arrant 
demagogues,  as  the  State's  collected  will;  but  he  appealed 
to  a  supreme  law  which  the  nation  had  made,  and  which  it 
was  expected  the  temporary  agents  would  ever  respect  and 
preserve :  as  the  trial  by  jury,  the  habeas  corpus,  Magna 
Charta, — expressions  of  the  general  reason,  organic,  and 
therefore  inviolable.  For  illustration :  when  his  opponents, 

1  "  The  General  Court  not  being  in  session,  the  press  sounded  a  loud  alarm  in  the 
ears  of  the  people.  At  no  period  of  the  world  was  its  freedom  of  greater  service  t3 
mankind."  —  Wells,  MSS.  Life  of  Samuel  Adams,  i.  326. 


262  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

in  controverting  his  position,  urged  that  Magna  Charta  was 
but  an  act  of  parliament,  which  kings,  lords,  and  commons, 
as  the  sovereignty,  might  amend  as  they  could  any  ordinary 
act,  he  would  make  the  grand  answer : l  This  view  made 
Magna  Charta  of  no  greater  consequence  than  a  corporation 
of  button-makers ;  whereas  Lord  Coke  held  that  it  was 
declaratory  of  the  principal  grounds  of  the  fundamental 
laws  and  liberties  of  England.2  His  appeal  could  hardly 
have  been  more  forcible  had  there  been  established  the 
American  custom  of  a  written  constitution,  which,  to  all, 
was  a  supreme  law :  even  this,  however,  is  of  little  value  in 
the  presence  of  a  dead  constitutional  morality.  The  appeal 
of  Samuel  Adams  was  to  such  constitutional  law  as  was 
grounded  in  the  hearts  of  the  nation,  and  which  Americans 
loved  and  respected.  While  he  emphatically  denied  that 
the  just  supremacy  of  parliament  was  questioned,  specifying 
as  an  illustration  the  general  concession  of  the  right  to  regu- 
late the  trade  of  the  empire,  —  and  as  earnestly  disclaimed 
the  intention  of  calling  in  question  the  sovereignty,  specifying 
the  facts  attesting  the  loyalty  to  the  crown, — he  contended 
for  the  preservation  to  each  colony  of  its  old  right  to  make 
its  laws  of  a  domestic  nature,  and  held  that  the  people,  as 
Americans,  were  members  of  one  body,  or  of  the  nation ; 
and  while  they  were  bound  to  fight  for  the  king,  they  were 
entitled  to  be  recognized  as  co-equal  sharers  with  the  English 
people  in  English  liberties. 

The  aggressions  on  popular  rights  in  Massachusetts  re- 
quired continued  service  at  his  hands,  in  private  consulta- 
tions, in  public  meetings,  in  the  general  assembly,  and  in 
preparing  matter  for  the  press  ;  and  it  is  doing  no  injustice 
to  others  to  say  that  he  was  the  centre  around  which  all  the 
movements  of  the  patriots  turned.3  Still  his  eye  was  ever 

1  "  Chronus,"  a  Tory  writer,  in  "Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Jan.  9,  1772. 

2  "Candidas"   (S.  Adams),  in  reply  to  "Chronus,"  in   "Boston  Gazette,' 
Jan.  27,  1772. 

»  Life  of  John  Adams  (by  C.  F.  Adams),  124. 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND   PARTY  ORGANIZATION.        263 

upon  the  whole  American  field.  He  urged  that  the  cause 
of  one  colony  was  the  cause  of  all  the  colonies,  and  that  it 
was  only  through  united  councils  that  the  continent  could 
expect  to  maintain  its  rights.  His  great  theme  from  the 
beginning  of  the  controversy  had  been  a  union  of  the 
colonies.1  In  handling  it,  he  was  comprehensive  in  principle, 
method,  and  object,  looking  ever  for  the  better  time  in  the 
future.  "  Let  us  forget,"  he  now  wrote  to  the  South-Caro- 
lina patriots,  of  the  non-importation  agreement,  "  there  ever 
was  so  futile  a  combination,  and  awaken  an  attention  to  our 
first  grand  object,  and  shew  that  we  are  united  in  consti- 
tutional principles."2  Union  was  his  paramount  thought. 
The  need  of  it  never  seemed  so  great.  The  method  he  sug- 
gested was  for  the  patriots  in  each  town  or  county  in  every 
colony  to  hold  legal  meetings,  and  choose  substantial  citizens 
to  act  as  committees  of  correspondence,  with  a  view  to 
secure  concert  of  action ;  and  for  the  Massachusetts  towns 
to  adopt  the  measure,  and  then,  through  the  assembly,  to 
propose  it  to  the  other  colonies  in  the  hope  that  they  would 
adopt  it.3 

1  Life  of  Samuel  Adams  (by  W.  V.  Wells),  ii.  9,  who  says:  "There  is  scarcely 
any  time,  from  1764  to  1774  inclusive,  in  which  we  do  not  find  him  directing  his 
countrymen  to  a  unity  of  purpose  and  concert  of  action  among  the  several  prov- 
inces."    Wells  states  (ii.  85)  that  the  motions  for  committees  of  correspondence  by 
the  assembly  of  1770  and  1771  were  made  by  Adams. 

2  Adams  wrote  to  Gadsden,  Dec.  11,  1766:  "I  wish  there  were  a  union  and  a 
correspondence  kept  up  among  the  merchants  throughout  the  continent"  —  Wells, 
i.  133.    He  wrote  in  the  "Boston  Gazette,"  Sept.  16,  1771,  over  the  signature  of 
"  Candidus: "   "I  have  often  thought  that,  in  this  time  of  common  distress,  it  would 
be  the  wisdom  of  the  colonists  more  frequently  to  correspond  with  and  to  be  more 
attentive  to  the  particular  circumstances  of  each  other.  .  .  .  The  colonies  form  one 
political  body  of  which  each  is  a  member.  .  .  .  The  liberties  of  the  whole  are  in- 
vaded :  it  is  therefore  the  interest  of  the  whole  to  support  each  individual  with  all 
their  weight  and  influence." 

8  Adams  wrote  to  Arthur  Lee,  Nov.  30,  1772:  "If  our  design  succeeds,  there 
will  be  an  apparent  union  of  sentiments  among  the  people  of  this  province,  which 
may  spread  through  the  continent."  Hutchinson  had  accurate  information  of  every 
step  of  the  union  action  of  the  patriots,  though  he  misrepresented  in  stating  that 
their  aim  was  independence.  In  letters  dated  Jan.  7  and  Feb.  18,  1773,  he  says 
that  he  had  authentic  information  that  it  was  part  of  the  plan  to  invite  every  assem- 
bly on  the  continent  to  concur.  He  makes  the  same  statement  in  "  History  of 
Massachusetts,"  iii.  368. 


264  THE   RISE    OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  engine  of  committees  was  used  in  the  contests  of  the 
parliamentarians  with  the  Stuarts.1  It  was  suggested  very 
early  in  the  controversy  as  a  mode  to  promote  union.2 
Public  meetings,  towns  and  assemblies,  had  chosen  them  at 
various  times,  and  some  were  in  existence.3  A  line  of 
remark  on  their  value  may  be  seen  for  years  in  private 
letters  and  the  press ;  but,  owing  perhaps  to  the  vacillation 
of  the  ministry,  and  their  adroitness  in  avoiding  a  general 
issue,  nothing  efficient  had  been  done  in  the  way  of  a  gen- 
eral organization.  Hence,  while  the  Tory  party,  through 
the  royal  officials,  could  act  as  a  unit,  the  Whigs  were  simply 
opposers  of  obnoxious  measures,  acting  as  local  aggressions 
dictated ;  and,  though  imbued  with  a  common  sentiment,  were 
without  the  inspiration  and  power  which  belong  to  organic 
life.  It  was  to  remedy  this  defect  that  Samuel  Adams  now 
urged  the  formation  of  committees  of  correspondence  to 
bring  about  a  union,  and  thus  won  the  fame  of  a  statesman 
by  embodying  a  great  thought  at  the  right  time  into  a  wise 
measure. 

At  this  period  Lord  Hillsborough  was  succeeded  at  the 
head  of  the  American  department  by  Lord  Dartmouth,  who 
had  the  reputation  of  being  an  amiable  and  good  man,  and 
well  disposed  towards  the  colonies.  Hopes  were  indulged 
that  he  might  reverse  the  policy  of  his  predecessor.  But  this 
policy  had  deeper  roots  than  personal  preferences :  it  grew 
out  of  feudal  ideas ;  and  the  new  secretary  was  a  disciple 
of  the  school  which  had  these  ideas  for  its  platform.  He 
looked  with  unfeigned  distrust  on  the  measure  of  popular 
power  exercised  by  the  colonists.  He  meant  that  they 
should  be  governed,  though  he  meant  to  govern  them  well. 

1  Adolphus's  History  of  England,  ii.  24.     Rushworth's  Collections,  Part  IV., 
vol.  i.  652. 

2  See  above,  p.  162. 

8  Samuel  Adams,  Nov.  21,  1770,  acknowledges  the  receipt  from  a  committee  in 
Charleston,  S.C.,  of  letters  "for  the  Sons  of  Liberty  in  Boston,  Connecticut,  and 
New  Hampshire,"  which  he  forwarded  "as  soon  as  possible  to  such  gentlemen  in 
the  respective  places  worthy  so  excellent  a  character,"  which  indicates  that  he  did 
not  know  of  any  committees  to  send  them  to. 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND   PARTY  ORGANIZATION.       265 

He  had  a  paternal  desire  to  do  for  them,  joined  to  a  repug- 
nance to  recognizing  a  polity  which  fostered  the  capacity  to 
do  for  themselves.  If  he  did  not  originate,  he  certainly  did 
not  hesitate  to  send  out  the  worst  Royal  Instruction  that 
was  issued  in  the  king's  name. 

A  great  controversy  was  going  on  in  Massachusetts,  grow- 
ing out  of  the  refusal  of  Governor  Hutchinson  to  accept  a  com- 
pensation for  his  service  from  the  legislature,  and  his  accept- 
ing it  from  the  imperial  treasury,  when  Lord  Hillsborough 
directed  that  the  salaries  of  the  judges  and  the  subordinate 
officers  of  the  courts  should  be  provided  for  in  a  similar 
way;  and  all  doubts  were  removed  as  to  the  position  of 
Lord  Dartmouth,  by  his  advising  (August,  1772)  the  local 
officials  that  the  king  had  the  right  to  make  such  provision 
for  the  salaries  of  these  officials.  "  The  judges  and  sub- 
alterns," Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  now  said  in  the  press,  "have 
got  salaries  from  Great  Britain.  Is  it  possible  the  last 
movement  should  not  move  us  and  drive  us,  not  to  despera- 
tion, but  to  our  duty  ?  The  blind  may  see,  the  callous  must 
feel,  the  spirited  will  act." 1  The  towns,  in  line  upon  line, 
were  urged  to  express  their  sentiments  on  this  new  violation 
of  old  customs  in  instructions  to  their  representatives.  "  Let 
us,"  an  appeal  runs,  "  now  unite  like  one  band  of  brothers 
in  the  noblest  cause,  look  to  Heaven  for  assistance,  and 
He  who  made  us  free  will  crown  our  labors  with  suc- 


cess. 


"2 


Samuel  Adams  selected  this  instruction  as  the  occasion  for 
rousing  the  patriots,  for  healing  divisions,  and  for  organiza- 
tion, by  forming  committees  of  correspondence,  saying: 
"  This  country  must  shake  off  its  intolerable  burdens  at  all 
events :  every  day  strengthens  our  oppressors,  and  weakens 
us.  If  each  town  would  declare  its  sense  of  these  matters, 
I  am  persuaded  our  enemies  would  not  have  it  in  their  power 

1  In  Boston  Gazette,  Sept.  28, 1772.     "  The  last  vessels  from  England  tell  us  that 
the  Judges,"  &c. 

2  An  American  in  "Boston  Gazette,"  Nov.  2,  1772. 


266  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

to  divide  us.  .  .  .  I  wish  we  could  rouse  the  continent."1  Such 
appeals,  however,  failed  to  renew  the  agitation.  Town 
meetings  were  called  in  Boston  to  consider  public  affairs, 
but  they  were  neither  so  large  nor  so  enthusiastic  as  the 
meetings  of  previous  years.  Nor  were  the  patriots  agreed  as 
to  what  the  next  step  ought  to  be.  This  apathy  and  dis- 
union in  the  town  was  typical  of  the  political  situation  in 
the  colonies.  A  town  meeting  was  called  in  Faneuil  Hall, 
to  consider  the  question  of  the  salaries  of  the  judges.  It 
is  not  necessary  here  to  give  the  voluminous  details  of  the 
discussions  and  proceedings.  On  the  second  day  of  Novem- 
ber, 1772,  it  reassembled  by  adjournment  in  Faneuil  Hall. 
On  that  day  the  "  Boston  Gazette,"  with  its  seven  columns 
of  politics,  was  in  the  glory  of  a  free  press,  kindling  a 
flame  for  a  just  cause  ;  yet  the  meeting  was  not  large.  It 
was,  however,  respectable  in  number  and  in  character,  and 
continued  through  the  day.  In  the  afternoon,  Samuel 
Adams  moved  "  that  a  committee  of  correspondence  be 
appointed,  to  consist  of  twenty-one  persons,  to  state  the 
rights  of  the  colonies,  and  of  this  province  in  particular,  as 
men,  as  Christians,  and  as  subjects ;  to  communicate  and 
publish  the  same  to  the  several  towns  in  this  province  and  to 
the  world,  as  the  sense  of  this  town,  with  the  infringements 
and  violations  thereof  that  have  been,  or  from  time  to  time 
may  be,  made;  also  requesting  of  each  town  a  free  com- 
munication of  their  sentiments  on  this  subject."  Though 
this  motion  was  opposed  by  some  of  the  patriots,  including 
three  of  the  representatives  to  the  General  Court,  on  the 
ground  that  its  failure  might  hurt  the  cause,  yet  it  was 
adopted.  This  inaugurated  the  system  of  local  committees 
of  correspondence.  They  multiplied  and  widened  under 
successive  impulses,  until  they  constituted  the  accredited 
organs  of  the  party  that  founded  the  Republic  of  the  United 
States.  "  They  may  be  called,"  a  contemporary  wrote.,3 

l  Letter  to  Elbridge  Gerry,  Oct.  27  and  29,  1772.    Life  of  Geny,  i.  12. 
a  Francis  Dana  to  Elbridge  Gerry,  February,  1780. 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND  PARTY  ORGANIZATION.       267 

"  the  corner-stone  of  our  revolution,  or  new  empire. "  Hence 
the  action  of  Boston  proved  the  beginning  of  the  first 
national  party  of  the  country.1 

The  committee  was  composed  of  citizens  who  had  ren- 
dered service  to  the  cause,  and  who  coveted  no  other  reward 
than  to  see  their  work  prosper.2  A  few  were  of  so  much 
prominence  as  to  entitle  them  to  the  position  of  leaders. 
Thomas  Young,  a  physician,  was  zealous,  wrote  with 
force,  spoke  bold  words  in  the  public  meeting ;  but  was  so 
much  of  an  extremist  as  to  be  a  type  of  the  Jacobins  of 
that  day,  and  subsequently,  when  living  in  Philadelphia, 
proved  a  rash  counsellor.  William  Molineaux  was  foremost 
in  popular  outbreaks  and  patriotic  processions  ;  a  firm,  relia- 
ble, efficient  politician.  Benjamin  Church,  a  physician,  had 
respectable  talents,  but  was  of  uncertain  politics,  and  prob- 
ably thus  early  was  unfaithful  to  the  cause.  James  Otis 
could  still  stir  the  public  mind  by  his  voice  and  pen ;  but  at 
times  his  noble  intellect  was  shattered,  and  his  day  for  sub- 
stantial service  had  passed.  The  records  of  the  committee 
present  Joseph  Warren  and  Samuel  Adams  as  the  most 
relied  on  for  maturing  measures.  Warren,  now  about 
thirty-three,  had,  for  eight  years,  served  the  cause  with 
great  zeal  and  faithfulness.  His  standing  among  the  Whigs 
is  indicated  by  his  selection  as  the  orator  on  the  celebration 
of  the  massacre  in  March,  and  the  prominent  part  he  bore 
in  the  local  action  of  previous  years.  He  grasped,  as  by 
intuition,  fundamental  ideas,  and  commended  them  with 
marked  ability  in  the  press  and  public  meeting.  He  had 
genius,  courage,  and  rare  social  gifts.  His  generous  nature, 
unselfish  service,  genuine  patriotism,  and  large  love  for  his 
fellow-men,  endowed  him  with  the  magic  spell  of  influence 

1  Life  and  Times  of  Warren,  190.     See  above,  p.  165. 

2  The  Committee  were :  James  Otis,  Samuel  Adams,  Joseph  Warren,  Benjamin 
Church,  William  Dennie,  William  Greenleaf,  Joseph  Greenleaf,  Thomas  Young, 
William  Powell,  Nathaniel  Appleton,  Oliver  Wendell,  John  Sweetser,  Josiah  Quincy, 
John  Bradford,  Richard  Boynton,  William  Mackay,  Nathaniel  Barber,  Caleb  Davis, 
Alexander  Hill,  William  Molineaux,  Robert  Pierpont. 


268  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

and  the  power  there  ever  is  in  a  noble  character.  He  valued 
the  American  cause  above  his  life,  and  was  ready  to  peril 
his  all  in  its  behalf.  He  was  the  bosom  friend  of  Samuel 
Adams.  They  thought  alike  on  the  political  issues,  worked 
in  harmony  in  the  spirit  of  self-sacrifice,  and  in  friendship 
and  patriotism  were  not  unlike  Hampden  and  Pym.  After 
Warren  fell  at  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  no  one  rose  to  fill 
the  place  he  occupied  in  the  affection  of  Samuel  Adams.1 

The  committee,  at  their  first  meeting,  took  an  oath  not  to 
divulge  their  proceedings.  They  chose  James  Otis  chairman  ; 
and  for  secretary,  William  Cooper,  the  town  clerk,  eminent 
for  his  public  and  private  virtues  and  long  service.  They 
were  soon  ready  to  present,  in  a  town  meeting  (November 
20)  called  by  the  selectmen,  an  elaborate  Report  on  the 
matters  submitted  to  them.  It  consisted,  first,  of  a  state- 
ment of  the  rights  of  the  colonists,  prepared  by  Adams; 
second,  of  an  enumeration  of  the  violations  of  rights,  drawn 
up  by  Warren ;  third,  of  a  brief  letter  of  correspondence 
with  the  other  towns,  written  by  Church. 

The  first  part  treats  of  "  rights  as  men,  as  Christians,  and 
as  subjects."  It  specifies  the  right  of  man  to  life,  liberty, 
and  property  ;  to  choose  his  country ;  to  worship  God  accord- 
ing to  the  dictates  of  his  conscience  ;  to  be  taxed  only  by 
his  representatives;  to  have  justice  administered  under 
standing  laws  and  by  judges,  independent,  as  far  as  possible, 
of  prince  or  people ;  to  enjoy  freedom  as  the  gift  of  God 
Almighty.  It  also  sets  forth  the  rights  of  subjects  born  in 
the  realm  of  England.  It  announces  the  equality  of  all  men 
before  the  law,  and  it  develops  at  length  the  idea  that  con- 
sent is  the  just  basis  of  law. 

The  second  part  enumerates  the  violations  of  these  rights 
by  Royal  Instructions  and  acts  of  parliament,  under  ten 
heads.  Among  the  specifications  are  the  assumption  of  the 

l  Wells' s  Life  of  Adams,  iii.  122.  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  dated  July  4,  1775f 
names,  of  the  killed  in  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  "Dr.  Warren,  who  seems  to  have 
been  immensely  valued  at  the  North." 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS   AND  PARTY  ORGANIZATION.        269 

right  to  tax  the  colonies  without  the  consent  of  the  people, 
and  'to  legislate  for  them  in  all  cases  whatever ;  the  inva- 
sion of  trial  by  jury,  by  establishing  courts  of  admiralty  ; 
and  acts  prohibiting  the  manufacture  of  certain  articles. 
These  violations  are  presented  with  the '  remark  that  they 
could  not  fail  "  to  attract  the  attention  of  all  who  consider 
themselves  interested  in  the  happiness  and  freedom  of  man- 
kind in  general,  and  of  this  continent  and  province  in 
particular." 

The  third  part  —  a  brief  letter  addressed  to  the  towns  — 
commends  the  matters  presented  in  the  Report  as  of  such 
great  and  lasting  moment  as  to  involve  the  fate  of  all  their 
posterity,  and  solicits  a  free  communication  of  sentiment 
from  each  town.  It  closes  with  the  suggestion  that,  if  the 
towns  concurred  in  the  opinion  that  the  rights  of  the  colonists 
and  the  measures  pointed  out  as  subverting  them  were  prop- 
erly stated,  it  would  be  doubtless  thought  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance that  all  should  stand  as  one  man  to  recover  and 
support  them. 

This  Report,  after  long  deliberation,  was  adopted.  Six 
hundred  copies  were  ordered  to  be  printed  in  a  pamphlet, 
and  a  copy  was  directed  to  be  sent  to  every  town  in  the 
province.  A  copy  was  also  sent  to  prominent  Whigs  in 
other  colonies. 

This  paper  was  the  most  radical  exposition  of  rights  and 
grievances  —  the  most  systematic  presentation  of  the  Amer- 
ican cause  —  that  had  been  adopted  by  a  public  meeting. 
It  covered  well-nigh  the  whole  ground  of  natural  and  con- 
stitutional rights.  It  gave  to  principles,  which  had  been 
held  as  abstractions,  a  practical  significance.  It  considered 
the  relations  of  man  not  only  as  a  citizen,  but  as  a  Christian, 
and  claimed  for  him  that  equality  which  is  the  cardinal 
principle  of  Christianity.  It  claimed  for  him,  under  law, 
the  position  to  which  he  is  entitled, — the  right  to  make  the 
laws  under  which  he  lives,  to  select  his  field  of  labor  and 
enjoy  its  fruits,  and  thus  claimed  fair  play  for  the  industrial 


270  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

energy  which  has  contributed  so  much  to  the  growth  and 
glory  of  the  country.  Its  bold  theory,  incisive  criticism, 
and  solid  reasoning  were  admirably  calculated  to  strengthen 
and  direct  public  opinion.1 

The  committee,  as  they  sent  out  this  Report,  were  not  dis- 
heartened by  the  doubts  of  the  Whigs  nor  the  jeers  of  the 
Tories,  by  the  spectacle  presented  in  the  colonies  of  ill- 
nature  and  disunion  in  some  quarters,  nor  by  the  general 
apathy  on  the  question  with  the  mother-country.  The  great 
popular  leader  at  their  council  board  in  Faneuil  Hall, 
Samuel  Adams,  held  the  faith  that  the  cause  would  make 
friends,  and  rise ;  and  he  infused  his  spirit  into  those  near 
him.  His  steps  can  be  traced  day  by  day.  A  warm  patriot 
in  Plymouth,  James  Warren,  on  getting  the  Report,  wrote  to 
Adams:  "  I  shall  not  fail  to  exert  myself  to  have  as  many 
towns  as  possible  meet,  but  fear  the  bigger  part  of  them  will 
not.  They  are  dead ;  and  the  dead  can't  be  raised  without  a 
miracle." 2  Adams  was  prompt  to  reply:  "  I  am  very  sorry 
to  find  any  thing  in  your  letter  that  discovers  the  least 
approach  towards  despair.  Nil  desperandum.  That  is  a 
motto  for  you  and  for  me.  All  are  not  dead ;  and  where 
there  is  a  spark  of  patriotic  fire,  we  will  rekindle  it."  3  To 
another  he  wrote :  "  If  our  enemies  should  see  the  flame 
bursting  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  and  distant  from 
each  other,  it  might  discourage  their  attempts  to  damp  and 

1  Sparks  (Works  of  Franklin,  iv.  381)  remarks  that  the  Report  was  drawn  up 
with  as  much  ability  as  freedom.     Hutchinson  (History  of  Massachusetts,  iii.  368) 
says  that  the  whole  frame  of  it  was  calculated  to  strike  the  colonists  with  a  sense  of 
their  just  claim  to  independence,  and  to  stimulate  them  to  assert  it.     The  Proceed- 
ings were  printed  at  Boston  in  a  pamphlet  of  forty-three  pages,  by  Edes  &  Gill  in 
Queen  Street,  and  P.  &  J.  Fleet  in  Cornhill,  and  was  copied  into  the  "Pennsylvania 
Journal."     It  was  reprinted  in  London,  with  a  Preface  by  Franklin,  which  may  be 
found  in  the  fourth  volume  of  his  Works,  edited  by  Sparks,  p.  381.     This  Preface  is 
in  the  "  Massachusetts  Gazette,"  May  6,  1773.    Franklin  commended  the  Report  as 
"not  the  production  of  a  private  writer,  but  the  unanimous  act  of  a  large  American 
city,"  and  remarked:  "  This  nation,  and  the  other  nations  of  Europe,  may  thereby 
learn,  with  more  certainty,  the  grounds  of  a  dissension  that  possibly  may,  sooner  01 
later,  have  consequences  interesting  to  them  all." 

2  James  Warren  to  Samuel  Adams,  Dec.  8,  1772. 

8  Samuel  Adams  to  James  Warren,  December,  1772. 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND  PARTY  ORGANIZATION.   271 

quench  it." l  The  originators  of  this  measure  did  not,  as  is 
the  modern  practice,  attend  the  meetings  in  the  country  and 
speak  in  favor  of  the  Report.  It  was  its  own  orator.  The 
patriots  of  Plymouth  were  the  earliest  to  follow  Boston  in 
choosing  a  committee  of  correspondence.  In  a  few  weeks 
the  committees  so  multiplied,  and  the  expression  of  senti- 
ment was  so  inspiring,  as  to  exceed  the  expectation  of  the 
friends  of  the  measure.  The  Boston  committee  began  to 
print  in  the  newspapers  the  letters  and  proceedings  elicited 
by  the  Boston  Report,  which,  being  often  elaborate,  proved 
too  strong  a  draft  on  the  space  at  the  command  of  the  con- 
ductors. When  eighty  replies  had  been  received  from  the 
towns,  it  was  said  that  to  print  the  proceedings  of  all 
towns  would  be  impossible,  and  to  make  selections  would 
shew  partiality,  and  hence  their  publication  was  mostly 
suspended.  A  card,  as  by  authority,  appeared  in  the  news- 
papers, in  which  it  was  proposed  to  print  the  whole  in  a 
volume ;  and  each  town,  however  small,  was  urged  to  trans- 
mit its  sentiments,  in  order  that  its  name  might  be  in- 
scribed in  the  catalogue  of  fame,  and  handed  down  to  future 


A  few  sentences  from  these  patriotic  responses  will  shew 
the  spirit  of  the  whole.  One  says :  "  May  every  town  in  this 
province  and  every  colony  on  the  continent  be  awakened  to 
a  sense  of  danger,  and  unite  in  the  glorious  cause  of  liberty." 
Another  urges  that  all  "should  stand  firm  as  one  man 
to  support  and  maintain  their  just  rights  and  liberties." 
Another  prophesied  that,  "  if  arbitrary  measures  were  to  be 
enforced  by  fleets  and  armies,  there  would  be  a  dissolution 


1  Samuel  Adams  to  Elbridge  Geny,  Nov.  14,  1772. 

2  "To  the  Public.    It  is  proposed  that  all  the  proceedings  of  the  towns  in  the 
Massachusetts  Province,  for  the  preservation  of  the  rights  of  America,  be  collected 
and  published  in  a  volume,  that  posterity  may  know  what  their  ancestors  may  have 
done  in  the  cause  of  freedom.    It  is  expected  that  the  inhabitants  of  every  town, 
however  small,  will  at  this  time  publish  their  sentiments  to  the  world,  that  their 
names,  with  those  who  have  already  published,  may  be  recorded  in  this  catalogue 
of  fame,  and  handed  down  to  future  ages." — Boston  Gazette,  Jan.  18,  1773. 


272  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

of  the  union  between  the  mother-country  and  the  colonies, 
to  the  infinite  loss  of  the  former  and  the  regret  of  the  lat- 
ter;"  and  another  responds :  "  It  becomes  us  to  rely  no  longer 
on  an  arm  of  flesh,  but  on  the  arm  of  that  all-powerful  God 
who  is  able  to  unite  the  numerous  inhabitants  of  this  exten- 
sive country  as  a  band  of  brothers  in  one  common  cause." 
Another  counselled  the  formation  of  an  American  union. 
One  meeting  after  another  echoed  the  advice  for  a  congress.1 
One  answer  runs  :  "  We  cannot  be  supposed  to  be  acquainted 
with  the  mystery  of  court  policy,  but  we  look  upon  our- 
selves able  to  judge  so  far  concerning  our  rights  as  men,  as 
Christians,  and  as  subjects  of  British  government,  as  to 
declare  that  we  apprehend  those  rights,  as  settled  by  the 
good  people  of  Boston,  do  belong  to  us,  and  that  we  look 
with  horror  and  indignation  on  the  violation  of  them  ;  "  and 
it  expressed  a  readiness  to  defend  them,  if  need  be,  with  the 
sword.  The  people  of  Boston  were  warmly  and  gratefully 
thanked  for  their  efforts.  One  town  says :  "It  is  our 
earnest  prayer  to  Almighty  God  that  they  may  be  animated 
still  to  proceed,  and  that  they  may  prosper  according  to  the 
desire  of  their  hearts,  and  receive  the  most  ample  and 
durable  rewards."  The  record  of  this  communing  of  the 
towns,  consisting  of  addresses,  letters,  and  resolutions,  con- 
tains the  names  of  the  prominent  citizens  of  localities  chosen 
on  the  committees,  an  approval  of  the  Report,  and  solemn 
pledges  to  support  the  cause  it  set  forth.  Thus  the  patriots 
of  this  province  very  generally  attained  an  efficient  organ- 
ization. 

This  movement  was  commended  in  the  press  as  the  most 
likely  of  any  plan  ever  devised  to  establish  the  rights  of  all 
the  colonies,  and  thus  secure  peace  and  harmony ;  for  it  was 
reasoned,  if  the  ministers  see  America  united  and  deter- 
mined, they  will  give  up  their  vain  pretensions.  Hence 
union  was  enjoined  in  passionate  terms.  It  was  repre* 

1  Bancroft,  vi.  456. 


BOYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND   PARTY  ORGANIZATION. 

sented  to  be  the  voice  of  Freedom ; l  that  she  was  saying  to 
Americans :  — 

"  If  you're  united  in  one  faithful  band, 
Like  everlasting  mountains  you  shall  stand, 
Whose  bases  rest  on  God's  almighty  hand." 

The  result  of  the  movement,  so  far  as  relates  to  Massachu- 
setts, was  all  that  could  have  been  expected,  and  nearly  all 
that  could  have  been  desired.  The  Boston  committee,  cheered 
by- the  uprising  from  the  pines  of  Maine  and  the  sands  of  Ply- 
mouth to  the  hills  of  Berkshire,  directed  the  expression  of  faith 
to  be  entered  on  their  records, "  that  Providence  would  crown 
the  efforts  of  the  colonies  with  success,  and  thus  their  gen- 
eration would  furnish  an  example  of  public  virtue  worthy 
of  the  imitation  of  posterity."  This  faith,  however,  was 
not  based  on  what  might  be  attempted  or  might  be  done  on 
the  few  thousand  square  miles  of  territory  that  was  known 
as  Massachusetts,  but  on  the  hope  that  the  patriots  of  the 
other  colonies  would  adopt  the  organization,  and  "  that  it 

l  The  following  lines  appeared  hi  the  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  Jan.  18,  1773: — 
THE  VOICE  OF  FREEDOM. 

By  uniting  we  stand,  by  dividing  we  fall. 

The  Immortal.  Farmer. 

Americans,  attend  to  Freedom's  cry  I 
Who  scorns  her  voice  deserves  In  chains  to  die. 
The  sordid  imps  of  tyranny,  conspire 
To  set  America's  fair  realms  on  fire, 
That  I  in  flames  of  discord  may  expire. 
But,  O  my  sons !  should  Hell  itself  combine 
With  plundering  villains  in  their  fell  design, 
If  you're  united  in  one  faithful  band, 
Like  everlasting  mountains  you  shall  stand, 
Whose  bases  rest  on  God's  almighty  hand! 
Strong  union's  blow  shall  drive  them  down  to  the  deep, 
As  from  the  wall  your  broom  the  cobwebs  sweep. 
But,  disunited,  you  will  shortly  mourn 
Fair  Liberty  from  your  embraces  torn; 
And  curse  the  fatal  day  that  you  were  born. 
In  galling  chains  for  scoundrels  you  must  toil: 
For  all  your  pain  no  approbating  smile! 
In  vain  you'll  then  to  Heaven  for  succor  cry : 
When  Freedom's  day  of  grace  is  once  past  by, 
Vile  slaves  you'll  live ;  like  malefactors  die. 
18 


274  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

would  extend  to  every  town  of  any  consequence  throughout 
America ; "  in  the  language  of  the  time,  that  a  continent 
would  adopt  the  organization. 

The  spread  of  the  movement,  the  expression  of  public 
sentiment,  and  the  indications  of  a  renewal  of  union,  were 
observed  with  deep  interest  by  Governor  Hutchinson  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, who  was  the  strongest  man  on  the  Tory  side 
here ;  indeed  so  varied  were  his  talents,  and  so  high  was  his 
personal  character,  that  he  was  ranked  among  the  greatest 
and  best  men  in  America.  The  movement  seemed  to  him 
of  so  formidable  a  character,  that,  unless  it  were  checked,  it 
must  work  a  total  separation  of  the  colonies  from  Great 
Britain ;  and  were  he  to  sit  still  in  the  place  of  its  origin, 
and  do  nothing,  he  might  become  liable  to  the  charge  of  con- 
niving at  a  procedure  which  he  ought  to  have  opposed  with 
all  the  means  at  his  command,  and  especially  as  he  had 
authentic  information  that  its  projectors  determined  to 
recommend  it  to  the  other  colonies.  On  these  grounds  he 
treated  public  affairs  elaborately  in  speeches  to  the  General 
Court.  He  condemned  the  committees  of  correspondence 
as  not  warranted  by  the  Constitution ;  declared  the  doctrines 
set  forth  by  the  towns  dangerous ;  and  presented  the  whole 
question  between  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies  in  a  manner 
uncommonly  satisfactory  to  his  political  friends.  These 
speeches  drew  from  the  popular  leaders  of  both  branches  of 
the  legislature  searching  and  triumphant  answers,  which 
were  prepared  mainly  by  James  Bowdoin,  of  the  council, 
and  Samuel  Adams,  of  the  House.  The  momentous  issue, 
close  at  hand,  was  foreshadowed  in  this  keen  encounter.  The 
governor  remarked  that  he  knew  of  no  line  that  could  be 
drawn  between  the  supreme  authority  of  parliament  and  the 
total  independence  of  the  colonies,  and  asked  whether  there 
was  any  tiling  they  had  to  dread  more  than  independence. 
The  popular  leaders  made  the  grand  answer  that,  if  supreme 
authority  meant  unlimited  authority,  the  subjects  of  it  were 
emphatically  slaves,  whether  residing  in  the  colonies  or 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND  PARTY  ORGANIZATION.        275 

Great  Britain ;  that  the  powers  of  the  local  legislatures  and 
of  parliament  were  so  far  limited  that  they  could  not  make 
orders  and  laws  violative  of  such  fundamentals  as  Magna 
Charta  and  the  Bill  of  Rights ;  that  drawing  the  line  between 
the  supreme  authority  of  parliament  and  total  independence 
was  a  profound  question,  of  very  great  consequence  to  the 
other  colonies,  and  not  to  be  proposed  without  their  consent 
in  a  general  Congress  ;  and  that  there  was  more  reason  to 
dread  the  consequence  of  absolute  power,  whether  exercised 
by  a  nation  or  by  a  monarch,  than  total  independence.  This 
uncommonly  able  presentation  of  both  sides  of  the  question 
between  England  and  the  colonies  was  circulated  in  the 
newspapers  and  in  pamphlets,1  and  gave  additional  signifi- 
cance to  the  organization  of  committees  of  correspondence. 
The  course  of  Hutchinson  was  not  approved  by  the  minis- 
ters ;  while  the  dignity  and  collusiveness  of  the  answers  of 
the  legislature  were  warmly  commended  by  the  patriots 
throughout  the  colonies,  and  are  enduring  monuments  of 
American  statesmanship. 

Meantime  the  movement  of  the  towns  in  Massachusetts 
attracted  more  and  more  attention  in  the  other  colonies.2   The 


1  Hutchinson's  first  speech  bears  date  Jan.  6,  1773,  — the  first  day  of  the  session. 
He  thus  (Letter,  March  10,  1773)  describes  the  situation  at  that  time:  "The  con- 
tagion that  had  begun  in  Boston  had  spread  through  one-third  of  the  towns  in  the 
province;"  and  in  a  letter,  June  14,  1773,  he  says:  "I  had  the  fullest  evidence  of 
a  plan  to  engage  the  colonies  in  a  confederacy  against  the  authority  of  parliament. 
The  towns  of  this  province  were  to  begin ;  the  assembly  to  confirm  their  doings  and 
to  invite  ths  other  colonies  to  join."     His  speech  appeared  in  the  "Massachusetts 
Gazette  "  of  January  7.    The  reply  of  the  House  to  this  speech  is  dated  January  27, 
and  is  in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette  "  of  February  4.     The  second  speech  of  the 
Governor  is  dated  February  16,  and  is  in  the  "  Massachusetts  Gazette  "  of  February 
22.    The  reply  of  the  House  is  dated  March  2,  and  is  in  the  journals  of  the  4th.    The 
papers  were  very  able.     On  the  authorship  of  them,  see  the  elaborate  note  in  Wells's 
"  Life  of  Adams,"  ii.  31. 

2  A  letter  in  the  "Boston  Gazette,"  Jan.  25,  1773.  from  Philadelphia,  says: 
"Your  town  meeting's  resolves  begin  to  excite  the  attention  of  the  people  of  these 
parts."     The  issue  of  March  18  says  that  the  "Pennsylvania  Journal"  contained 
"  the  votes  and  proceedings  of  the  town,  with  marginal  notes  supposed  to  be  the 
Farmer."     The  "News  Letter"  (Tory)  of  April  1  says:  " These  votes  were  never 
published  in  any  paper  of  this  town,  nor  the  names  of  the  committee  of  corres- 
pondence." 


276  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

Boston  Report  was  printed  in  full  in  Southern  newspapers. 
"  It  breathes  the  true  spirit  of  liberty,"  wrote  Richard  Henry 
Lee  ; 1  and  it  was  said,  "  When  a  general  state  of  quiescence 
seemed  to  prevail  over  the  whole  empire,  when  patriotism 
seemed  expiring,  the  noble  efforts  of  the  towns,  and  the  per- 
severance with  which  they  pursued  the  object  of  having 
their  violated  rights  redressed,  gave  sensible  pleasure  to  the 
friends  of  freedom."2  But  the  patriots  did  not  choose  com- 
mittees of  correspondence.  It  was  said  in  Boston,  "  They 
are  still  and  quiet  at  the  South,  and  at  New  York  they  laugh 
at  us."  3  The  Governor  thought  that  his  condemnation  of 
the  committees  had  checked  their  progress  in  the  province, 
and  hoped  it  would  prevent  the  spread  of  the  organization 
to  the  other  colonies.4  In  fact  the  issue  on  Royal  Instruc- 
tions, as  applied  to  the  salaries  of  officials  in  Massachusetts, 
was  too  near  an  abstraction  to  stir  elsewhere  the  popular 
feeling.  Passionate  words  were  not  enough.  The  general 
apathy  continued.  A  case  of  violated  right  bearing  on  the 
people  of  all  the  colonies  was  needed. 

Lord  Dartmouth  supplied  the  want  in  a  fresh  Royal  In- 
struction, dated  the  4th  of  September,  1772,  but  not  made 
public  until  four  months  later.  It  was  directed  to  the 
Governor  of  Rhode  Island.  It  created,  under  the  sign 
manual  of  the  king,  a  commission  to  hold  its  sessions  in  that 
colony,  and  to  inquire  into  the  circumstances  of  the  burning 
of  His  Majesty's  schooner  "  Gaspee."  This  commission  was 

1  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Feb.  13,  1773,  in  a  letter  to  Thomas  Gushing,  says  that 
he  had  received  the  pamphlet,  and  that  he  should  have  it  printed  in  the  "Virginia 
Gazette." 

2  Letter  of  S.  H.  Parsons,  of  Rhode  Island,  March  3,  1773.    He  dwelt  on  the 
New-England  confederacy  of  1643,  and  suggested  an  annual  meeting  of  commis- 
sioners of  the  colonies.    Arthur  Lee,  Letter  to  Joseph  Reed,  Feb.  18,  1773  (Life  of 
Reed,  vol.  i.  47). 

8  John  Adams's  Works,  ii.  305. 

4  Hutchinson,  Feb.  23,  1773,  wrote:  "I  have  stopped  the  progress  of  the  towns 
for  the  present ;  and  I  think  I  have  stopped  the  prosecution  of  another  part  of  the 
scheme,  which  was  for  the  assembly  to  invite  every  other  assembly  upon  the  continent 
to  assent  to  the  same  principles.  This  part  has  been  acknowledged  to  me  by  the 
Speaker  (Thomas  Cushing),  who  is  in  all  these  measures."  — Letter  Books. 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND  PARTY  ORGANIZATION.        277 

composed  of  the  chief  justices  of  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
and  Massachusetts,  the  judge  of  admiralty  of  Massachusetts, 
and  the  Governor  of  Rhode  Island.  It  was  instructed  that 
the  offence  was  high  treason,  or  levying  war  against  the 
king ;  and  was  directed  to  order  the  arrest  of  the  parties 
charged  with  this  crime,  together  with  the  witnesses ;  and 
to  call  upon  Lieutenant-General  Gage,  the  commander  of 
the  British  army  in  America,  for  assistance,  if  needed,  who 
was  instructed  to  despatch  a  military  force  into  this  colony 
whenever  the  commission  should  apply  for  it,  in  order  to 
carry  out  the  object  of  their  appointment.  The  commis- 
sion was  also  instructed  to  deliver  the  parties  thus  arrested 
to  Admiral  Montagu,  commander  of  the  naval  force,  who 
was  ordered  to  send  them  to  England. 

This  was  a  bold  Royal  Instruction.  It  violated  the  funda- 
mental of  trial  by  jury,  which,  it  was  now  said  in  the  press, 
distinguished  the  English  from  all  the  nations  of  the  earth.1 
It  affected  the  personal  liberty  of  the  individual,  and  bore 
alike  on  all  the  colonies.  The  army  and  the  navy  were 
placed  at  the  disposition  of  an  imposing  tribunal,  to  insure 
its  execution.  The  contemplated  action  lacked  no  element 
of  completeness  to  render  it  a  general  issue.  It  was  the 
culmination  of  this  grievance  of  Royal  Instructions.  It 
stands  out  among  the  events  of  the  time  in  the  importance 
of  a  proximate  cause. 

Several  patriots  of  Rhode  Island  sent  extracts  from  this 
instruction  to  Samuel  Adams,  and  asked  his  advice ;  who, 
after  consultation  with  a  few  friends,  sent  a  reply  recom- 
mending the  Rhode-Island  patriots  to  send  a  circular  to  the 
other  colonies  calling  for  assistance  ;  remarking  that  the  en- 
forcement by  British  troops  of  this  enormous  claim  of  power 
might  cause  a  most  violent  political  earthquake,  and  that  the 
commission  ought  to  awaken  the  colonies  which  had  been 
too  long  dozing  on  the  brink  of  ruin.  He  repeated  himself 
as  he  wrote :  "It  should  again  unite  them  in  one  bond. 

1  This  was  said  of  the  trial  by  jury  in  the  "Boston  Gazette." 


278  THE   RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

Had  that  union  which  once  happily  subsisted  been  pre- 
served, the  conspirators  against  our  common  rights  would 
never  have  ventured  upon  such  bold  attempts.  It  has  ever 
been  my  opinion  that  an  attack  upon  the  liberties  of  one 
colony  is  an  attack  on  the  liberties  of  all;  and  therefore, 
in  this  instance,  all  should  be  ready  to  yield  assistance  to 
Rhode  Island."  He  communicated  the  Instruction  to  the 
"  Boston  Gazette,"  l  when  the  patriots  in  different  quarters 
denounced  the  commission,  compared  it  to  the  star-chamber 
courts  of  the  old  country,  and  pronounced  the  trial  by  jury 
the  great  barrier  of  their  lives  and  liberties.  They  averred 
that  trial  by  one's  peers  was  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution ; 
and  that  whoever  attempted  to  alter  or  invade  this  funda- 
mental principle,  by  which  the  liberties  of  the  people  have 
been  secured  from  time  immemorial,  is  a  declared  enemy  to 
the  welfare  and  happiness  of  the  king  and  the  state.  Arthur 
Lee,  then  in  London,  who  could  not  have  seen  this  blaze  of 
the  American  press,  pronounced  the  commission  "  the  most 
dreadful  violation  of  their  liberties  that  could  be  offered; 
big  with  every  evil  that  could  be  dreaded."  This  spontane- 
ous burst  of  indignation  by  a  free  people  was  the  effect  "  of 
a  sight  of  chains,  and  rattling  them  before  putting  them  on." 
The  commission 2  held  its  first  session  in  Newport,  in 

1  Boston  Gazette  of  Jan.  4, 1773.    Lord  Dartmouth  says  that  the  destruction  of  the 
"  Gaspee  "  is  "  considered  in  no  other  light  than  as  an  act  of  high  treason,  or  levying 
war  against  the  king.     And  in  order  that  you  may  have  all  proper  advice  and 
assistance  in  a  matter  of  so  great  importance,  His  Majesty  has  thought  fit,  with  the 
advice  of  his  privy  council,  to  issue  his  royal  commission,  under  the  great  seal  of 
Great  Britain,  nominating  yourself,   and  the  chief  justices  of  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  and  Massachusetts  Bay,  together  with  the  judge  of  the  Vice  Admiralty 
Court  established  at  Boston,  to  be  His  Majesty's  commissioners  for  inquiry  into  and 
making  report  to  His  Majesty  of  all  the  circumstances  relating  to  the  attacking, 
plundering,  and  burning  the  "  Gaspee  "  schooner.     The  king  trusts  that  all  persons 
in  the  colony  will  pay  a  due  respect  to  the  royal  commission." 

2  The  commission  was  composed  of  Joseph  Wanton,  the  Governor  of  Rhode 
Island;  Chief  Justices  Daniel  Horsemanden  of  New  York,  Frederick  Smythe  of  New 
Jersey,  Peter  Oliver  of  Massachusetts;  and  Robert  Auchmuty,  judge  of  the  Vice- 
Admiralty  Court  at  Boston.     They  met  at  the  State  House  in  Newport,  Jan.  5, 1773. 
The  commission  requested  the  presence  of  Admiral  Montagu,  who,  on  the  14th  of 
January,  advised  the  commission  that  he  was  at  Newport,  and  had  hoisted  his  flag 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS   AND   PARTY   ORGANIZATION.        279 

January,  1773,  and  drew  all  eyes  on  Rhode  Island,  which, 
for  a  time,  seemed  destined  to  be  the  theatre  of  great  events. 
The  Royal  Instructions  were  laid  before  its  assembly  by 
Governor  Wanton,  but  that  body  did  not  issue  a  circular 
calling  for  aid ;  and  when  the  chief  justice  of  the  court, 
Stephen  Hopkins,  a  member  also  of  the  assembly,  rose  in  his 
place  and  asked  for  directions  how  to  act,  this  body  advised 
him,  when  a  case  arose,  to  use  his  discretion.  He  declared 
that  he  would  not  give  an  order  to  apprehend  any  person 
to  be  transported  for  trial.  This  tameness  provoked  Na- 
thaniel Greene,  the  future  general,  to  say  that  the  assembly 
appeared  to  have  lost  its  ancient  public  virtue,  and  to  have 
sunk  into  an  acquiescence  in  ministerial  mandates.1 

The  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses  now  (March  4,  1773) 
convened.  As  nothing  particularly  exciting  had  occurred 
in  that  colony  for  a  considerable  time,  the  people  seemed 
to  fall  into  a  state  of  insensibility  to  their  political  situa- 
tion; but  the  Rhode-Island  court  of  inquiry  demanded 
attention.  A  few  of  the  younger  members,  Patrick  Henry, 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Francis  L.  Lee, 
Dabney  Carr,  and  others,  met  at  the  Raleigh  Tavern  to  con- 
sult on  the  state  of  things.  "All,"  Jefferson  says,  "were 
sensible  that  the  most  urgent  of  all  measures  was  that  of 
coming  to  an  understanding  with  all  the  other  colonies  to 
consider  the  British  claims  as  a  common  cause  to  all,  and  to 
produce  a  unity  of  action ;  and  for  this  purpose  that  a  com- 
mittee of  correspondence  in  each  colony  would  be  the  best 
instrument  for  intercommunication."  2  This  is  exact.  The 
method  is  named  as  though  it  were  an  old  idea.  One  of  this 
band  had  urged  such  a  plan,  and  they  had  before  them  the  fa- 
mous Boston  Report.  They  agreed  upon  a  set  of  resolves, 
and  Jefferson  was  requested  to  present  them  to  the  assembly. 

on  board  the  "Lizzard."  The  movements  of  the  commissioners  were  related  in  the 
newspapers.  The  documents  were  faithfully  gathered  by  Hon.  William  R.  Staples, 
in  the  "  History  of  the  Destruction  of  the  'Gaspee,'  "  printed  in  1845. 

1  Greene's  Life  of  Nathaniel  Greene,  i.  43. 

a  Jefferson's  Memoir,  p.  4,  Ed.  of  1830. 


280  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

But  he  desired  that  Dabney  Carr,  a  new  member,  should  do 
this,  in  order  that  his  great  worth  and  talents  might  be 
made  known  to  the  House.  Accordingly  Carr,  a  brilliant 
young  lawyer,  on  the  12th  of  March  moved  the  resolves,  in 
a  speech  imbued  with  feeling,  imagination,  and  patriotism, 
which  was  listened  to  with  delight.  He  was  followed  by  Rich- 
ard Henry  Lee  and  Patrick  Henry,  in  impressive  speeches. 
The  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted.  Eleven  mem- 
bers were  designated  a  committee  of  correspondence  to  com- 
municate with  the  other  colonies,  to  obtain  authentic  infor- 
mation of  the  doings  of  the  administration,  and  especially 
respecting  the  Rhode-Island  court  of  inquiry,  and  to  report 
the  result  to  the  Burgesses.1  The  genial  Botetourt  was  dead. 

1  An  account  of  the  action  of  Virginia  was  sent  by  Benjamin  Harrison  of  that 
colony  to  William  Palfrey  of  Boston  (Life,  p.  378),  with  a  letter  dated  March  14. 
An  extract  from  this  letter  and  the  resolves  were  printed  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette  " 
of  April  12,  under  the  heading  of  "Boston,  April  8,"  probably  the  day  they  were 
received.  The  editor  says  the  papers  alluded  to  in  the  letter  were  the  votes  and 
proceedings  of  Boston,  and  newspapers  containing  the  Governor's  speeches  and  the 
answers  of  the  two  Houses.  The  following  was  the  whole  communication :  — 

I  received  the  papers  you  sent  me,  and  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  them.  Our 
assembly  sitting  a  few  days  after,  they  were  of  use  to  us.  You  will  see  by  the  enclosed 
resolutions  the  true  sentiments  of  this  colony,  and  that  we  are  endeavoring  to  bring 
our  sister  colonies  into  the  strictest  union  with  us,  that  we  may  resent  in  one  body  any 
steps  that  may  be  taken  by  the  administration  to  deprive  any  one  of  us  of  the  least 
particle  of  our  rights  and  liberties.  We  should  have  done  more,  but  we  could  procure 
nothing  but  newspaper  accounts  of  the  proceedings  in  Rhode  Island.  I  hope  we  shall 
not  be  kept  thus  in  the  dark  for  the  future,  and  that  we  shall  have  from  the  different 
committees  the  earliest  intelligence  of  any  motion  that  may  be  made  by  the  tyrants  in 
England  to  carry  their  infernal  purpose  of  enslaving  us  into  execution.  I  dare  venture 
to  assure  you  the  strictest  attention  will  be  given  on  our  part  to  these  grand  points. 

In  the  House  of  Burgesses  in  Virginia,  March,  1773. 

"Whereas  the  minds  of  His  Majesty's  faithful  subjects  in  this  colony  have  been  much 
disturbed  by  various  rumors  and  reports  of  proceedings  tending  to  deprive  them  of 
their  ancient  legal  and  constitutional  rights; 

And  whereas  the  affairs  of  the  colony  are  frequently  connected  with  those  of  Great 
Britain,  as  well  as  of  the  neighboring  colonies,  which  renders  a  communication  of  senti- 
ments necessary :  in  order  therefore  to  remove  the  uneasiness  and  to  quiet  the  minds  of 
the  people,  as  well  as  for  the  other  good  purposes  above  mentioned, — 

Be  it  Resolved,  That  a  standing  committee  of  correspondence  and  inquiry  be  ap- 
pointed, to  consist  of  eleven  persons,  —viz.,  the  Honorable  Peyton  Randolph,  Esquire, 
Robert  Carter  Nicholas,  Richard  Bland,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Benjamin  Harrison,  Ed- 
mund Pendleton,  Patrick  Henry,  Dudley  Digges,  Dabney  Carr,  Archibald  Carey,  and 
Thomas  Jefferson,  Esquires,  —  any  six  of  whom  to  be  a  committee,  whose  business  it 
shall  be  to  obtain  the  most  early  and  authentic  intelligence  of  all  such  acts  and  reso- 
lutions of  the  British  parliament,  or  proceedings  of  administration,  as  may  relate  to  or 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND  PARTY  ORGANIZATION.       281 

His  successor,  Earl  Dunmore,  was  a  ready  instrument  of 
arbitrary  power.  On  hearing  of  these  resolves,  he  dissolved 
the  House.  The  members  repaired  to  the  Apollo,  and  agreed 
upon  a  circular  letter  which  the  speaker,  Peyton  Randolph, 
was  directed  to  send  to  the  colonies.  The  foremost  in  striking 
this  key-note  of  union  were  Jefferson,  who  probably  penned 
the  resolves,  and  Carr,  who  moved  them  in  the  House. 
They  were  scholars,  brothers-in-law,  and  bosom  friends; 
and  were  accustomed  to  pursue  their  studies  under  the 
shade  of  a  favorite  oak  at  Monticello,  the  beautiful  residence 
of  Jefferson.  Dabney  Carr,  a  few  weeks  after  he  rendered 
this  noble  service,  was  called  to  his  rest.  His  friend  did 
not  follow  until  after  the  fulness  of  honors  and  of  years. 
The  mortal  remains  of  both  lie  side  by  side  under  the 
branches  where  they  had  pored  over  Bacon  and  Coke,  and 
indulged  in  visions  of  the  future  glory  of  their  country.1 

The  action  of  Virginia  was  an  inspiration  to  the  cause, 
and  especially  to  the  Massachusetts  patriots.  Their  appeal 
for  organization  had  been  doing  its  work  four  months  ;  and, 
however  gratifying  the  results  might  have  been  within  the 
province,  their  plan  had  not  been  adopted  in  any  other, — not 
one  town  outside  of  Massachusetts,  I  think,  choosing  a 
committee  of  correspondence.2  The  Boston  committee,  on 
receiving  the  Virginia  resolves,  had  them  printed  on  a 

affect  the  British  colonies  in  America,  and  to  keep  up  and  maintain  a  correspondence 
and  communication  with  her  sister  colonies  respecting  these  important  considerations, 
and  the  result  of  their  proceedings  from  time  to  time  to  lay  before  this  House. 

Resolved,  That  it  be  an  instruction  to  the  said  committee  that  they  do  without  delay 
Inform  themselves  particularly  of  the  principles  and  authority  on  which  was  consti- 
tuted a  court  of  inquiry,  said  to  have  been  lately  held  in  Rhode  Island,  with  powers  to 
transport  persons  accused  of  offences  committed  in  America  to  places  beyond  the  seas 
to  be  tried. 

Resolved,  That  the  speaker  of  this  House  do  transmit  to  the  speakers  of  the  dif- 
ferent assemblies  of  the  British  colonies  on  this  continent  copies  of  the  said  resolutions, 
and  desire  that  they  will  lay  them  before  their  respective  assemblies,  and  request  them 
to  appoint  some  person  or  persons  of  their  respective  bodies  to  communicate  from  time 
to  time  with  the  said  committee. 

1  Randall's  Life  of  Jefferson,  i.  83. 

2  Hutchinson's  "History  of  Massachusetts,"  vol.  iii.  p.  392,  says  that  the  first 
notice  which  appears  of  the  Boston  resolves  was  by  the  assembly  of  Virginia. 


282  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

broadside,  and  sent  (April  8)  to  all  the  towns,  "  to  gladden 
the  hearts  of  all  who  are  friends  of  liberty."  The  towns, 
in  their  enthusiasm,  were  prompt  to  pronounce  the  resolves 
"  worthy  the  imitation  of  every  house  of  general  assembly 
on  the  continent."  1  The  Boston  committee,  by  the  hands 
of  Samuel  Adams,  in  a  letter  to  the  Virginia  committee, 
expressed  their  gratitude  for  this  action,  their  veneration  for 
that  most  ancient  colony,  and  their  unfeigned  esteem  for  its 
committee.  "  This,"  Adams  said,  "  is  indeed  a  poor  return. 
1  hope  you  will  have  the  hearty  concurrence  of  every  assem- 
bly on  the  continent.  It  is  a  measure  which  will  be  attended 
with  great  and  good  consequences  ;  "  and  he  asked  the 
significant  question,  "  Whether  the  establishment  of  com- 
mittees among  the  several  towns  of  every  colony  would  tend 
to  promote  that  general  union  upon  which  the  security  of  the 
whole  depended  ?  "  2  or  whether  the  plan  inaugurated  by  the 
towns  of  Massachusetts  might  not  be  more  effectual  ?  Both 
plans  were  designed  to  be  carried  out  through  legal  channels, 
and  both  were  designed  to  be  inter-colonial  in  their  range. 
They  differed  widely  in  their  practical  working.  In  the  Vir- 
ginia plan,  the  immediate  constituents  of  the  committee  were 
the  assembly  ;  in  the  Massachusetts  plan,  they  were  the  legal 
voters :  in  one  plan  the  unit  was  the  colony  ;  in  the  other 
the  unit  was  the  individual. 

The  circular  of  Peyton  Randolph  was  brief,  expressing 
the  hope  that  the  measure  of  corresponding  committees 
would  prove  of  general  utility  if  the  other  colonies  should 
see  fit  to  adopt  it.  Benjamin  Harrison  wrote  that  the 
object  to  bring  the  colonies  into  the  strictest  union  was, 
that  they  might  resent  an  infringement  on  their  rights  in 
one  body.  Richard  Henry  Lee  wrote  :  "  Full  scope  is  given 
to  a  large  and  thorough  union  of  the  colonies,  though  our 
language  is  so  contrived  as  to  prevent  the  enemies  of 

l  Resolves  of  the  town  of  Woburn,  April  24,  1773. 

a  Samuel  Adams  to  R.  H.  Lee.  —Life  of  R.  H.  Lee,  i.  87. 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS   AND   PARTY   ORGANIZATION.        283 

America  from  hurrying  this  transaction  into  a  vortex  of 
treason." 

The  journals  soon  announced  the  assemblies,  which 
adopted  the  "  plan  of  union  proposed  by  the  patriotic  House 
of  Burgesses,"  by  choosing  committees.  The  Ehode-Island 
assembly  assured  the  Burgesses  they  were  convinced  that  a 
firm  union  of  the  colonies  was  absolutely  necessary  for  the 
preservation  of  their  ancient  constitutional  rights.  The 
Connecticut  assembly  were  of  opinion  that  the  reasons  given 
by  the  Burgesses  were  weighty  and  important  in  matter  and 
design,  and  calculated  to  produce  the  happy  effect  of  securing 
their  ancient  legal  and  constitutional  rights ;  and  a  select  com- 
mittee (Aug.  10,  1773)  hoped  "  to  cultivate  and  strengthen 
that  harmony  and  union  among  all  the  English  colonies  on 
the  continent  of  America,  which  daily  appeared  to  them 
more  and  more  necessary  to  preserve  and  secure  the  safety, 
peace,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  the  whole."  The  New- 
Hampshire  assembly  pledged  that  colony  to  "  co-operate 
with  her  sister  colonies  to  recover  and  perpetuate  the  liber- 
ties of  America,"  and  gratefully  acknowledged  the  prudence 
and  vigilance  of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia,  in  so  early 
taking  and  sounding  the  American  alarm.  <  The  Massachu- 
setts assembly  poured  forth  gratitude  to  the  Burgesses  for 
vigilance,  wisdom,  and  firmness  in  support  of  American 
rights  and  liberties.  The  South-Carolina  assembly  thanked 
the  Burgesses  for  their  steady  attention  to  American  inter- 
ests, and  expressed  a  readiness  to  co-operate  in  a  measure 
dictated  by  such  wise  counsels,  and  directed  to  such  laudable 
ends.  In  this  spirit  five  assemblies  promptly  responded  to 
the  action  of  Virginia.  Their  resolutions,  in  stating  the 
object  of  the  committees,  were  generally  a  transcript  of 
those  of  Virginia ;  and  were  sent  to  the  assemblies  in 
circular  letters,  usually  signed  by  the  speakers.  Thus  six 
colonies,  under  the  general  issue  created  by  the  last  Royal 
Instruction,  exchanged  assurances  of  co-operation,  and,  as 


284  THE  EISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

Jefferson  characterizes  their  action,  appointed  u  committees 
of  national  correspondence."  l 

The  hearty  welcome  of  this  action,  and  the  earnest  lan- 
guage of  the  popular  leaders,  shew  how  much  it  was  desired 
that  the  remaining  seven  colonies  should  join  in  the  plan  of 
deliverance,  which,  it  was  said,  "  Heaven  itself  seemed  to 
have  dictated  to  the  noble  Virginians."  2  No  recommenda- 

1  The  dates  of  the  action  of  the  assemblies  named  in  the  text  are  as  follows :  — 
Rhode  Island,  May  7,  1773.     The  resolves  are  in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette" 

of  May  20.  The  committee  were  Stephen  Hopkins,  Moses  Brown,  John  Cole, 
William  Bradford,  Henry  Marchant,  and  Henry  Ward.  The  speaker,  Metcalf 
Bowler,  transmitted,  May  15,  the  resolves  to  the  assemblies.  His  letter  is  in  the 
"Massachusetts  Letter  Book."  He  read  to  the  assembly  in  August  letters  from  the 
speakers  of  the  assemblies  of  the  other  colonies,  in  reply,  "concurring  with  the 
resolves  lately  entered  into  by  the  glorious  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia."  — 
Massachusetts  Gazette,  Aug.  30,  1773. 

Connecticut,  May  21.  The  committee  were  Ebenezer  Silliman,  William  Wil- 
liams, Benjamin  Payne,  Samuel  Holden  Parsons,  Nathaniel  Wales,  Silas  Deane, 
Samuel  Bishop  Joseph  Trumbull,  Erastus  Woolcott.  The  resolves  are  in  the 
"Massachusetts  Gazette,"  June  17.  Ebenezer  Silliman,  May  29,  transmitted  the 
resolves  to  the  other  colonies.  — Massachusetts  Letter  Book.  A  select  committee  to 
correspond  were  William  Williams,  Silas  Deane,  Benjamin  Payne,  and  Joseph 
Trumbull,  who  signed  the  letter  of  August  10,  1773,  cited  in  the  text. 

New  Hampshire  chose  May  27.  Its  committee  were  John  Wentworth,  John 
Sherburne,  William  Parker,  John  Giddinge,  Jacob  Sheafe,  Christopher  Tappan,  and 
John  Pickering.  The  notice  of  the  action  is  in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette," 
May  31. 

Massachusetts,  May  28.  The  committee  were  Thomas  Gushing,  Samuel  Adams, 
John  Hancock,  William  Phillips,  William  Heath,  Joseph  Hawley,  James  Warren, 
Richard  Derby,  Jr.,  Elbridge  Gerry,  Jerathmeil  Bowers,  Jedediah  Foster,  Daniel 
Leonard,  Thomas  Gardner,  Jonathan  Greenleaf,  and  James  Prescott.  The  resolves 
are  in  the  Boston  journals  of  May  31. 

South  Carolina,  July  8.  The  resolve  reads  "that  Mr.  Speaker  and  any  eight  of 
the  other  members  of  the  standing  committee  of  correspondence  be  a  committee 
...  to  correspond"  with  the  committees  appointed  by  the  House  of  Burgesses  or 
to  be  appointed  by  other  "  sister  colonies."  The  reply  to  the  Burgesses  is  signed  by 
Raw.  Lowndes,  Speaker.  The  resolves  are  in  the  "Boston  Gazette,"  Aug.  9, 
1773. 

2  Solon,  in  "New  Hampshire  Gazette,"  June  18,  1773.     He  adds:  "0  Ameri- 
cans !  embrace  this  plan  of  union  as  your  life.     It  will  work  out  your  political  salva- 
tion."    The  same  paper,  July  2,  has  the  following,  "inserted  by  desire,"  from  the 
"Providence  Gazette: "  — 

TO   THE   AMERICANS. 

The  Union  of  the  Colonies,  which  is  now  taking  Place,  is  big  with  the  most  impor- 
tant Advantages  to  this  Continent.  From  this  Union  will  result  our  Security  from  all 
foreign  enemies;  for  none  will  dare  to  invade  us  against  the  combined  Force  of  these 


BOYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND  PARTY  ORGANIZATION.        285 

lion  of  it  was  more  generous  than  that  of  the  patriots  of 
Massachusetts ;  nor  was  any  action  more  prompt  and  efficient 
in  following  this  lead  than  that  of  the  Boston  committee. 
They  sent,  in  June,  another  circular  to  the  towns,  in  which 
they  urged  that  by  unity  they  would  be  able  to  defeat  the 
violators  of  their  rights,  that  all  private  views  ought  to 
be  renounced,  and  the  good  of  the  whole  become  the  single 
object  of  pursuit ;  for  the  period  called  for  the.  strictest  con- 
currence of  sentiment  and  action  by  every  individual  of  the 
province  and  continent.1  The  call  fbr  a  congress  came  up 
from  several  quarters.  It  was  said  in  the  Fifth  of  March 
oration,  in  Boston,  that  a  future  congress  would  be  the 
future  salvation  of  America.2  A  Philadelphian  proposed 
that  annually,  or  as  often  as  occasion  might  require,  the 
colonies  should  send  deputies  to  form  a  court  like  that  of 
the  Amphictyons,  which  managed  the  general  affairs  of  the 
Athenians.3  Samuel  Adams  thought  that  a  congress,  and 
then  an  assembly  of  the  States,  was  no  longer  a  mere  fiction 
in  the  minds  of  a  political  enthusiast.4  Ezra  Stiles  judged 
that  the  extensive  alarm  which  the  Royal  Instruction  creat- 
ing the  commission  gave  the  colonies  on  the  continent 
occasioned  the  Virginia  resolutions,  and  predicted  that  the 
committees  chosen  by  the  assemblies  would  terminate  in  a 

Colonies,  nor  will  a  British  Parliament  dare  to  attack  our  Liberties,  when  we  are 
united  to  defend  them.  The  United  Americans  may  bid  Defiance  to  all  their  open  as 
well  as  secret  foes  ;  therefore  let  it  be  the  Study  of  all  to  make  the  Union  of  the 
Colonies  firm  and  perpetual,  as  it  will  be  the  great  Basis  for  Liberty  and  every  public 
Blessing  in  America.  In  this  Union  every  Colony  will  feel  the  Strength  of  the  Whole ; 
for  if  one  is  invaded,  All  will  unite  their  Wisdom  and  Power  in  her  Defence.  In  this 
Way  the  weakest  will  become  strong,  and  America  will  soon  be  the  Glory  of  the  World, 
and  the  Terror  of  the  wicked  Oppressors  among  the  Nations.  We  cannot  forbear 
triumphing  in  the  idea  of  the  great  Things  that  will  soon  be  accomplished  in  this 
Country,  and  the  rapid  spread  of  American  Glory.  But  it  is  highly  probable  that  our 
most  exalted  ideas  fall  far  short  of  what  will  one  day  be  seen  in  America. 

SIDNEY. 

1  Journals  of  the  Boston  Committee,  June  23,  1773. 

2  Oration  of  Benjamin  Church,  March  5, 1773. 

8  This,  perhaps  the  most  definite  of  the  propositions,  is  found  in  the  "  Boston 
Gazette  "  of  March  15,  1773,  in  a  piece  of  about  five  columns,  entitled  "Proposals 
for  the  Good  of  the  Colonies,  by  a  Philadelphian." 

4  Letter  to  Arthur  Lee,  April  9,  1773. 


286  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

general  congress.1  The  enthusiasm  of  the  hour  may  be  said 
to  have  culminated  in  the  thought  that,  by  union,  America 
would  soon  be  the  glory  of  the  world,  and  the  terror  of 
wicked  oppressors  among  the  nations. 

The  "  new  union  "  and  its  embodiment  in  corresponding 
committees  was  closely  watched  by  royal  officers,  and  largely 
dwelt  upon  in  their  letters.  It  was  plain  that  the  strict 
execution  of  the  instruction  creating  the  court  of  inquiry 
would  bring  on  a  crisis.  There  was  the  vacillation  of  doubt 
among  them  rather  than  the  decision  and  energy  of  con- 
fidence. The  Governor,  though  of  proclivities  that  carried 
him  ultimately  to  the  side  of  government,  hesitated  in 
executing  the  Royal  Instruction  ;  the  chief  justice  declined 
to  order  arrests  on  the  presentations  made  to  him ;  the 
commission  did  not  call  for  a  military  force.  The  Vir- 
ginia resolves  "  struck  a  greater  panic  into  the  minis- 
ters "  than  any  thing  that  had  occurred  since  the  Stamp 
Act.2  It  is  enough  here  to  state  results.  The  commission 
held  a  final  session  in  June,  when  they  agreed  upon  an 
elaborate  report,  in  which  they  conceded  that  the  com- 
mander of  the  "  Gaspee,"  in  detaining  vessels  indiscrimi- 
nately, exceeded  the  bounds  of  his  duty,  and  did  this  out  of 
a  reprehensible  zeal.  The  commission  then  adjourned.3 
The  design  of  transporting  Americans  to  England  was 
given  up.  This  was  the  close  of  the  issue  of  Royal  Instruc- 
tions. It  was  their  mission  to  rouse  a  spirit  which  inaugu- 
rated the  organization  of  the  popular  party. 

The  patriots  had  cast  the  aegis  of  their  inchoate  union 
over  the  personal  liberty  of  Americans,  by  securing  trial 
by  jury.  They  triumphed  when  less  than  half  the  assem- 
blies had  chosen  committees  of  correspondence.  The 

1  Letter  (1773)  in  Life  of  Stiles,  p.  108. 

2  Letter  of  William  Lee,  of  London,  in  Campbell's  "History  of  Virginia,"  570. 
8  The  commission  adjourned  June  2-3.     The  Report  is  dated  the  22d.     A  letter 

dated  Oct.  8,  1773,  in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Oct.  28,  says:  "The  Rhode- 
Island  commission  was  a  measure  resolved  on  before  Lord  Dartmouth  was  in  office; 
and,  I  am  well  informed,  the  issue  of  it  has  been  very  acceptable  to  him." 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND  PARTY  ORGANIZATION.        287 

other  assemblies — some  because  they  did  not  happen  to 
meet  —  did  not  choose  until  another  issue  arose.  In  fact 
political  agitation  subsided,  in  the  spring,  when  it  was 
seen  that  the  arbitrary  commission  did  not  act;  and  the 
public  mind  became  calm  when  it  was  abandoned.  The 
publication  of  a  collection  of  letters,  sent  by  American 
loyalists  to  their  friends  in  England,  revealing  their  agency 
in  promoting  an  obnoxious  policy,  and  returned  by  Franklin, 
produced  a  spasm  of  indignation  ;  but  this  soon  passed  off. 
The  tax  on  tea  was  a  dead  letter.  Ordinary  Royal  Instruc- 
tions proved  an  insufficient  basis  upon  which  to  carry  on  agita- 
tion. The  more  ardent  among  the  popular  leaders,  who  felt 
that  acquiescence  in  these  instructions  as  law  was  criminal, 
commented  severely,  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1773,  on 
the  silence  observed  in  some  quarters,  and  the  timidity  in 
others.1  The  Tories  exulted  in  the  general  apathy.  They 
saw  in  the  non-action  a  natural  relapse,  and  rejoiced  that 
things  were  returning  to  their  old  channel.2 

As  Samuel  Adams  reviewed  the  events  of  this  period 
about  three  years  later,  he  remarked  that,  notwithstanding 
all  that  had  been  said  and  done,  real  union  had  not  been 
reached.  It  is  easy  now  to  see  that  this  was  the  fact.  The 
cause  needed  an  impulse  other  than  form  or  personal  leader- 
ship could  give.  It  needed  another  aggression,  something 
startling,  that  should  stir  feeling,  quicken  the  public  pulse, 
and  create  a  popular  tide,  which  in  the  nature  of  a  providen- 
tial current  should  bear  the  popular  party  onward  beyond 
the  possibility  of  a  reaction.  It  was  soon  supplied  by 
George  III.  in  the  Tea  Act.  It  was  the  case  over  again  of 
Joseph  and  his  brethren :  their  design  was  evil,  but  it  was 
overruled  for  good. 

1  Samuel  Adams,  April  9,  1773,  wrote  to  R.  H.  Lee  that  the  timidity  of  some 
colonies  and  the  silence  of  others  were  discouraging. 

2  Massachusetts  Gazette  (Tory),  April  16,  1773.    The  writer  says:  "  It  is  curious 
to  recollect  how  we  met  together  in  various  towns,  how  we  made  speeches,  how  we 
threatened,  how  we  drew  up  resolutions,  how  we  printed  them,  and  wrote  essays  on 
liberty  and  railed  against  impostors,  and  burnt  effigies,  and  drank  toasts.    After  this, 
things  returned  to  the  old  channel,  and  we  heard  no  more  about  Liberty.    Some  sup- 
T)ose  she  died  about  that  time." 


288  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

The  popular  party  were  prepared  to  take  advantage  of 
such  an  impulse.  In  meeting  the  Stamp  Act,  they  evoked 
a  sentiment  of  union  ;  in  meeting  the  Townshend  Acts,  they 
created  and  embodied  an  intelligent  public  opinion ;  and 
Royal  Instructions  had  produced  the  fruit  of  an  organiza- 
tion in  the  committees  of  correspondence,  municipal  and 
legislative,  ready  to  widen  out  to  the  breadth  of  a  common 
union.  In  this  action  Massachusetts  and  Virginia,  like  two 
sagacious  leaders,  went  hand  in  hand.  The  venerated 
characters  whose  names  are  connected  with  this  step  had 
nothing  narrow  or  selfish  in  their  plans  or  objects.  They 
embraced  common  principles.  They  were  impelled  onward 
by  great  ideas.  They  aimed  to  unite  all  of  similar  political 
faith,  wherever  they  were,  in  the  bonds  of  a  common  brother- 
hood. 

So  much  has  been  written  about  these  famous  committees, 
and  especially  on  the  credit  due  to  Massachusetts  and  Vir- 
ginia in  forming  them,  that  nothing  need  be  added.1  The 
narrative  now  brought  down  to  the  month  of  August,  1773, 
shews  the  results  effected  under  the  issue  of  Royal  Instruc- 
tions. 

The  action  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  followed  a  season 
of  mutual  crimination  and  disunion ;  and  the  prompt  accep- 
tance of  its  invitation  by  five  assemblies  was  an  earnest  of 
harmony  and  future  concert.  This,  contrasted  with  the 
recent  division  and  strife,  was  like  the  passage  from  death 
to  life.  Its  salutary  effect  on  the  cause  is  attested  by 
abundant  contemporary  evidence ;  and  it  ever  afterwards 
occupied  a  high  place  in  the  minds  of  the  actors  as  a  spring 

1  The  statements  by  Wirt  (1817)  in  his  "  Life  of  Patrick  Henry,"  as  to  the 
origin  of  committees  of  correspondence,  were  criticised  in  the  "  North-American 
Review"  of  March,  1818;  and  interesting  details  on  the  subject  may  be  found  in 
Tucker's  "Life  of  Jefferson,"  i.  52-55,  printed  in  1837,  in  Kennedy's  "Memoirs  of 
Wirt,"  1849,  and  Randall's  "Life  of  Jefferson,"  1858,  vol.  i.  pp.  78  to  81.  Randall 
remarks:  "  We  will  not  aver  that  all  the  colonies  acted  exactly  alike  in  the  opening 
of  that  [Revolutionary]  struggle.  But  it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  Whigs  in  all  th« 
colonies  felt  substantially  alike."  I  have  endeavored,  in  this  chapter  and  the  next, 
to  relate  how  they  acted  in  the  emergencies  that  arose. 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND  PARTY  ORGANIZATION.        289 

of  events.  Its  opponents  ascribed  to  these  committees  the 
effect  "  in  some  measure  to  defeat  and  counteract  the  power 
reserved  to  the  Governor  of  proroguing  and  dissolving  the 
assemblies," 1  by  acting  in  the  recess.  These  committees, 
however,  did  not  hold  conferences  with  each  other,  or  even 
correspond  with  each  other,  during  the  issue  of  Royal 
Instructions,  with  a  view  to  maturing  a  congress,  or  indeed 
to  any  joint  action.  The  design  of  transporting  Americans 
to  England  for  trial  being  defeated,  there  was  no  emergency 
calling  for  extraordinary  effort.  They  restricted  themselves 
to  a  cordial  interchange  of  circulars  and  copies  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  their  assemblies.  Here  they  stopped.  The 
value  of  the  movement,  up  to  this  time,  was  in  the  moral 
effect  of  the  pledge  of  union. 

The  Boston  committee  held  stated  meetings.  It  kept  up 
a  correspondence  with  the  committees  chosen  by  other 
towns.  It  prepared  and  circulated  political  matter.  It 
matured  political  measures.  It  thus  performed  the  service 
which  is  expected  of  the  committees  representing  modern 
parties,  by  aiming  to  create  and  guide  public  sentiment. 
The  precise  character  of  the  work  of  the  committee  is  seen 
in  its  records,2  which  are  in  fine  preservation.  Much  of  this 
correspondence — which  bears  an  indelible  impress  of  the 
spirit  of  the  time  — has  never  been  printed.  The  organiza- 
tion extended  itself  very  generally  throughout  the  province. 
Thus  the  popular  party  here  were  ready  for  the  varied  work 
required  by  the  progress  of  events,  as  the  Revolution  as  it 

1  Governor  Hutchinson  -wrote  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  July  10,  1773:  "Upon  the 
same  erroneous  principles  the  assemblies  of  Virginia,  of  this  province,  Rhode  Island, 
and  Connecticut,  have  appointed  their  respective  committees  of  correspondence,  who 
act  in  the  recess  of  the  courts ;  and  the  like  committees  are  expected  from  the  other 
assemblies  when  they  shall  be  convened.   This  in  some  measure  defeats  and  counter- 
acts the  powers  reserved  to  the  governors,  in  what  are  called  the  loyal  governments, 
of  proroguing  or  dissolving  the  assembly  at  pleasure." 

2  The  journals  and  papers  of  this  committee,  forming  a  portion  of  the  rich  collec- 
tion of  Samuel  Adams,  are  in  possession  of  Mr.  Bancroft ;  and  I  am  indebted  to  his 
courtesy  for  a  free  examination  of  them.    An  account  of  them  may  be  found  in  the 
preface  to  volume  six  of  his  great  history. 

19 


290  THE  EISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

went  on,  in  the  way  of  all  revolutions,  ordained  its  own 
rules  of  action. 

The  vast  territory  possessed  by  Great  Britain  in  America, 
reaching  from  Canada  to  Florida,  and  the  prosperity  of  its 
people,  continued  to  suggest  animating  speculation.  Dr. 
William  Smith  said  it  was  impossible  for  an  attentive  ob- 
server not  to  behold  an  empire  already  planted,  which,  with 
careful  culture,  promised  to  enlarge  itself  to  vast  dimensions, 
and  to  give  law  as  well  as  happiness  to  every  other  part  of 
America.1  President  Stiles  said  that  it  was  most  firmly 
believed  that  Providence  intended  a  glorious  empire  in 
America,  which,  composed  of  a  people  growing  up  with  a 
fervid  love  of  liberty,  would  become  a  phenomenon  in  the 
political  world  worthy  of  a  very  serious  attention.2  This 
speculation  was  indulged  in  by  Whig  and  by  Tory.  It 
was  sent  out  from  the  halls  of  learning ;  it  was  inscribed  on 
the  page  of  history ;  and  it  was  spread  as  on  the  wings  of  the 
morning  in  the  press.  It  was  the  desire  and  the  hope  that 
this  empire  might  be  one  with  Great  Britain,  in  the  ideal  of 
Americans,  —  on  the  principles  of  universal  liberty,  and  as 
the  protector  of  their  individual  rights  arid  local  self-govern- 
ment. As  they  dwelt  on  the  prospect  of  such  an  empire, 
they  exclaimed :  "  What  human  imagination  can  form  an 
idea  of  the  dominion  and  glory  to  which  our  nation 
might  arrive !  As  the  rising  sun  hides  the  stars,  so  would 
the  British  empire  eclipse  all  other  nations  under  heaven." 
This  sentiment  was  so  common  as  to  elicit  the  remark  that 
love  of  the  mother-country  was  the  reigning  principle  that 
animated  Americans.3 


1  Address  of  "William  Smith,  D.D.,  Provost  of  the  College  and  Academy  of 
Philadelphia,  in  behalf  of  that  Seminary,  in  "Massachusetts  Gazette,"  March  23, 
1772. 

2  President  Stiles  (Life,  163)  to  Mrs.  Macaulay. 

8  Boston  Gazette,  Dec.  23,  1771.  "To  break  off  our  connection  with  the  parent 
country,  before  the  law  of  self-preservation  absolutely  obliges  us,  is  a  thought  we 
never  harbor  in  our  breasts.  The  reigning  principle  which  animates  Americans  w 
love  to  Great  Britain." 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS   AND   PARTY   ORGANIZATION.        291 

But  love  of  liberty  under  law  was  the  reigning  principle. 
The  high-toned  theories  of  government,  the  course  of  the 
ministry,  the  arrogance  of  its  champions,  its  practices  with 
the  assemblies,  its  scorn  of  popular  rights,  its  treatment  of 
petitions,  tended  to  weaken  the  attachment  to  the  mother- 
country.  Salient  aggressions  roused  ardent  natures  to  utter 
thoughts  that  were  the  dawnings  of  a  sentiment  of  nation- 
ality.1 They  nurtured  the  idea  that  devotion  to  the  cause 

1  The  following  citations  will  shew  how  continuously  the  idea  of  an  independent 
nation  was  presented  in  the  newspapers :  — 

Boston  Gazette,  Jan.  6, 1772.  An  American  writes :  "  The  more  eligible  course  for 
the  Americans,  and  that  which  they  will  probably  take,  is  to  form  a  government 
of  their  own,  similar  to  that  of  the  United  Provinces  in  Holland,  and  offer  a  free  trade 
to  all  the  nations  of  Europe.  ...  If  she  (Great  Britain)  still  pursues  false  maxims 
and  arbitrary  measures,  the  Americans  will  soon  dissolve  their  union  with  Great 
Britain.  They  have  all  the  advantages  for  independence,  and  every  temptation  to  im- 
prove them  that  ever  a  people  had." 

A  piece  dated  New  Hampshire,  June,  1772,  says:  "  If  no  regard  is  paid  to  our  united 
complaints,  we  should  be  justified  in  the  sight  of  the  world  if  we  sought  a  remedy 
in  another  way.  I  mean  set  up  a  government  of  our  own,  independent  of  Great 
Britain." 

An  American  in  "Boston  Gazette,"  Nov.  2,  1772,  says:  "The  only  method  that 
promised  any  prospect  of  the  preservation  of  freedom  was  for  the  people  to  unite  in 
remonstrance  to  the  king,  and  to  say  that,  unless  their  liberties  were  restored  whole 
and  entire,  they  would  form  an  independent  commonwealth  after  the  example  of  the 
Dutch  Provinces,  secure  their  ports,  and  offer  a  free  trade  to  all  nations." 

The  town  of  Pembroke  (Dec.  28, 1772)  said:  "  If  the  measures  so  justly  complained 
of  ...  were  persisted  in  and  enforced  by  fleets  and  armies,  they  must  (we  think  of  it 
with  pain),  they  will,  in  a  little  time  issue  in  the  total  dissolution  of  the  union  between 
the  mother-country  and  the  colonies,  to  the  infinite  loss  of  the  former  and  regret  of  the 
latter." 

A  piece  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette,"  Jan.  11, 1773,  says:  "  If  the  Britons  continue  their 
endeavors  much  longer  to  subject  us  to  their  government  and  taxation,  we  shall  be- 
come a  separate  S*  V.e.  .  .  .  This  is  as  certain  as  any  event  that  has  not  already  come 
to  pass.,"' 

A  PM.adelphian,  in  a  paper  copied  into  the  "  Boston  Gazette,  March  15, 1773,  pro- 
posed "that  all  the  colonies  should  unite  in  a  public  manifesto,  signifying  that  the 
crown  and  mother-country  have  broke  their  faith  with  us,  and  therefore  we  shall  break 
off  our  connection  with  them." 

The  Cambridge  Committee  of  Correspondence,  April,  1773,  say:  "We  trust  the  day 
is  not  far  distant  when  our  rights  and  liberties  shall  be  restored  to  us,  or  the  colonies, 
united  as  one  man,  will  make  their  most  solemn  appeal  to  Heaven,  and  drive  tyranny 
from  these  northern  climes."  Cited  in  Bancroft,  v.  466. 

"  In  "  The  American  Alarm,  or  the  Bostonian  Plea,"  a  pamphlet,  May,  1773,  is  the 
following  in  an  address  to  the  king:  "The  union  of  the  towns  in  tlie  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Government  shew  that  they  strongly  declare  their  heart  and  life  en- 
gaged for  their  rights  and  liberties;  that  deputies  and  congresses  of  the  united  prov- 
inces will  soon  follow  unless,  &c.  ...  If  the  parliament  continue  these  destructive 
plans,  .  .  .  the  fatal  period  which  we  all  deprecate  cannot  be  very  far  distant,  when  the 
political  union  between  Great  Britain  and  these  colonies  will  be  dissolved." 


292  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

of  justice  was  a  higher  obligation  than  fidelity  to  the  old 
flag  when  it  was  used  to  cover  despotic  power.  They  re- 
volved the  saying  of  a  great  patriot,  that  freedom  and 
security,  under  Providence,  depended  on  themselves.1  They 
reasoned  that  continued  regard  of  the  just  complaints  of 
the  people  might  have  "  the  valuable  tendency  to  make  the 
next  effort  for  freedom  savor  more  of  that  virtue  and  valor 
for  which  Englishmen  in  former  ages  had  been  justly  re- 
nowned, and  might  turn  the  Great  People  to  call  on  the 
name  of  the  Lord,  and  to  seek  a  redress  of  their  grievances 
with  the  spear  and  lance  at  that  glorious  seat  of  justice 
where  Moses  brought  the  Egyptians  and  Samson  the  Philis- 
tines."2 They  averred  that  if  the  ministry  persisted  in  its 
policy,  the  Americans  would  be  justified  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world  in  forming  an  independent  nation ;  that  it  was  morally 
certain  this  would  eventually  take  place ;  that  the  only 
question  was,  how  long  it  would  be  before  that  event  should 
transpire  :  but  by  all  the  signs  of  the  times  and  appearances 
of  things  it  was  very  near.  "  'Tis  not  probable  that  it  is  at 
the  distance  of  fifteen  years."  3 

The  specific  demand,  however,  was  for  union  and  a  con- 
gress, —  the  specific  object  aimed  at  was  a  redress  of  griev- 
ances; for  the  springs  of  action  were  not  love  for  the 
bloody  work  of  revolution  or  hatred  of  the  mother-country. 
It  was  reasoned :  "  Have  not  the  Americans  as  good  a  right 
to  form  a  union  now  as  they  had  during  the  Stamp  Act, 
and  as  the  New-England  colonies  had  during  the  infancy  of 
the  country  ?  And  is  it  not  a  legal,  peaceable,  and  the  most 
likely  method  of  obtaining  a  full  redress  of  our  grievances  ? " 

1  The  "New-Hampshire  Gazette,"  June  18,  1773,  said:  "  It  is  in  vain  for  us  to 
expect  that  our  liberties  in  America  will  be  supported  by  men  hi  Great  Britain;  and 
it  was  long  since  truly  said  by  a  great  patriot  (Hon.  Mr.  Adams,  representative  of 
Boston)  'that  our  freedom  and  security,   under  Providence,  depended  on  our- 
selves.' " 

2  Boston  Gazette,  Oct.  12,  1772. 
»  Boston  Gazette,  March  2,  1772. 


ROYAL  INSTRUCTIONS  AND  PARTY  ORGANIZATION.        293 

And  it  was  urged  that  such  a  union,  firm  and  perpetual, 
would  be  a  sure  foundation  for  freedom,  and  the  great  basis 
for  every  public  blessing.  All  were  enjoined  "  to  prepare 
to  act  as  joint  members  of  the  grand  American  Common- 
wealth." 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

How  EVENTS  DEVELOPED  THE  AMERICAN  UNION,  AND  How  THK 
DEMAND  FOR  A  GENERAL  CONGRESS  WAS  ACCOMPANIED  BY  PLEDGES 
TO  ABIDE  BY  ITS  DECISIONS. 

AUGUST,  1773,  TO  AUGUST,  1774. 

THE  popular  party  so  effectually  resisted  arbitrary  power  as 
embodied  in  Royal  Instructions,  that  the  ministry  abandoned 
their  design  of  transporting  Americans  to  England  for  trial 
through  the  Rhode-Island  commission,  and  before  half  the 
assemblies  had  chosen  committees  of  correspondence ;  when 
political  agitation  subsided.  It  was  soon  renewed  by  the 
Tea  Act,  and  intensified  by  the  Boston  Port  Act,  when 
there  was  a  general  development  of  union.  This  was  em- 
bodied in  committees  of  correspondence,  a  movement  for 
a  congress,  and  pledges  to  make  its  decisions  a  rule  of 
action. 

The  people  were  generally  prosperous  in  business  affairs, 
and  desired  peace.  A  town  under  the  lead  of  zealous  Whigs 
voted  that  the  union  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain 
was  not  worth  a  rush  ;  occasionally  a  writer  urged  in  an 
essay  in  the  newspapers  that  the  only  way  to  place  American 
liberty  on  a  firm  foundation  was  to  form  an  independent 
nation :  but  these  were  the  views  of  extremists,  and  were 
generally  disavowed.  The  great  body  of  the  Whigs  united 
with  the  Tories  in  prizing  this  union  as  of  incalculable  value. 
They  regarded  themselves  as  fellow-subjects  with  Britons. 
They  looked  on  the  people  of  both  countries  as  being  one  in 
the  essential  elements  of  nationality,  political  ideas,  language, 
and  the  Christian  religion ;  and  one  in  the  love  of  a  noble  lit- 


THE   TEA   ACT  AND   AMERICAN   UNION.  295 

erature  and  precious  historic  memories.  They  kindled  at  the 
sight  of  the  old  flag  and  at  thoughts  of  the  mother-land,  — 

"A  land  of  just  and  old  renown, 
Where  freedom  broadens  slowly  down 
From  precedent  to  precedent;  " 

and  it  was  the  prevailing  sentiment  that  a  recognition  of  co- 
equal rights  would  enable  the  people  of  both  countries  to  live 
long  under  the  same  flag.  The  popular  leaders  averred  that 
they  did  not  deny  the  sovereignty,  but  opposed  the  adminis- 
tration. They  did  not  ascribe  the  obnoxious  measures  to  the 
king  whom  they  revered,  or  to  the  Constitution  which  they 
venerated,  or  to  the  nation  which  they  loved,  but  to  despotic 
ministers  and  corrupt  majorities.  They  had  thwarted  arbi- 
trary power,  whether  attempted  by  the  crown  or  by  the  legis- 
lature, and  this  was  enough ;  and  when  the  people  saw  that 
the  Rhode- Island  commission,  formed  to  deal  with  the 
destroyers  of  the  "  Gaspee,"  did  not  act,  political  agitation 
subsided. 

The  colonists  were  in  the  habit  of  expressing  loyally  to 
George  III.  in  letters  written  in  the  confidence  of  friendship 
as  well  as  in  their  state  papers.  The  king  knew  this ; 1  but 
he  continued  to  deal  with  what  he  termed  "the  internal 
police,  the  trade  and  the  improvement  of  America,"  2  in  the 
spirit  that  dictated  the  Bute  policy.  He  had  been  trained 
up  in  the  idea  that  it  was  his  duty  to  be  every  inch  a  king  in 
his  native  realm,  and  much  more  over  his  dependencies.8 
He  was  the  real  head  of  the  responsible  government,  and  the 
sole  dictator  of  its  policy  ; 4  and  when  measures  which  he  so 
largely  inspired  were  opposed  by  his  American  subjects  as 
unwarranted  by  the  Constitution,  he  became  bitter  in  his 

1  Letter  of  Franklin  to  Samuel  Cooper,  April  27,  1769.    He  says:  "  I  hope  noth- 
ing .  .  .  will  diminish  our  loyalty  to  our  sovereign  or  affection  for  this  nation.    I  can 
scarcely  conceive  a  king  of  better  dispositions,"  &c.     This  letter,  with  others,  was 
intercepted,  and  sent  to  the  king.  —  Sparks' s  Franklin,  vol.  vii.  440. 

2  Donne's  Correspondence  of  George  III.,  i.  p.  107. 
»  Ibid.,  ii.  p.  4. 

4  Massey,  History  of  England,  ii.  178. 


296  THE  RISE  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

feelings  towards  them,  and  was  fixed  in  his  determination  by 
any  means  to  produce  submission.  He  was  unfortunate  in 
having  for  his  chief  adviser  Lord  North,  who  lacked  firmness, 
t  and  hence  consented  to  measures  from  which  his  good  sense 
often  recoiled.  He  was  more  unfortunate  in  Lord  North's 
colleagues,  Lords  Mansfield,  Sandwich,  George  Germain,  in 
his  Attorney-General,  Thurloe,  and  Solicitor-General,  Wed- 
derburne,  —  violent  men  whose  sentence  was  for  war,  or  cor- 
rupt men  who  thought  only  of  what  was  pleasant  to  the 
king  ;  and  he  was  most  unfortunate  of  all  in  reigning  over  a 
people  a  majority  of  whom  shared  fully  his  sentiments. 

When  Lord  Dartmouth  took  charge  of  the  American 
department,  the  king  sent  to  Lord  North  a  sketch  of  such 
alterations  in  the  administration  of  its  affairs l  as  he  thought 
essential  to  give  efficacy  to  the  government.  The  first-fruit 
of  this  advice  was  probably  the  Rhode-Island  commission. 
The  king's  next  measure  related  to  the  duty  on  tea.  This 
was  inoperative.  The  Americans  would  not  buy  teas  shipped 
from  England  :  they  would  not  live  without  tea  ;  and  hence 
illicit  importations  came  in  freely  from  Holland.  The  affairs 
of  the  East-India  Company  were  in  great  confusion,  and  a 
portion  of  its  financial  troubles  was  alleged  to  be  owing  to 
the  loss  of  the  American  trade  in  tea.  The  king  now  sug- 
gested a  plan  to  relieve  the  corporation,  and  at  the  same 
time  try  the  question  with  America. 

Lord  North  in  the  House  of  Commons  proposed  (April  27, 
1773)  "  to  allow  the  company  to  export  such  portion  of  the 
tea  then  in  their  warehouses,  to  British  America,  as  they 
should  think  proper,  duty  free."  He  moved  two  resolutions, 
providing  that  on  all  teas  imported  to  any  British  Plantations 
in  America  after  the  10th  of  May,  1773,  "  a  drawback  be 
allowed  of  all  the  duties  of  customs  paid  ujx>n  the  importation 
of  such  teas,"  which  left  the  company  to  pay  the  three- 
pence tax  on  the  teas  imported  into  America  ;  and  the  reso- 
lutions provided  that  this  importation  should  be  made  under 

1  Donne's  Correspondence  of  George  III.,  i.  p.  107. 


THE  TEA  ACT  AND  AMERICAN  UNION.        297 

licenses  from  the  commissioners  of  the  Treasury.1  The  meas- 
ure roused  no  opposition,  occasioned  little,  if  any,  debate, 
and  was  adopted.  It  was  carried  to  the  House  of  Lords  on 
the  6th  of  May,  adopted  there  also,  and  on  the  10th  received 
the  royal  assent.  The  ministry  thought  it  a  wise  scheme  to 
take  off  so  much  duty  on  tea  as  was  paid  in  England,  as  this 
would  allow  the  company  to  sell  tea  cheaper  in  America  than 
foreigners  could  supply  it ;  and  to  confine  the  duty  here,  to 
keep  up  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  taxation.  "They," 
Franklin  wrote,  "  have  no  idea  that  any  people  can  act  from 
any  other  principle  but  that  of  interest ;  and  they  believe  that 
three  pence  on  a  pound  of  tea,  of  which  one  does  not  perhaps 
drink  ten  pounds  in  a  year,  is  sufficient  to  overcome  all  the 
patriotism  of  an  American."2  In  arranging  the  details 
of  the  execution  of  the  scheme,  difficulties  arose  which 
required  the  directors  to  confer  with  the  ministry.  In  one 
of  the  interviews  Lord  North  remarked  that  "  it  was  to  no 
purpose  making  objections,  for  the  king  would  have  it 
so.  The  king  meant  to  try  the  question  with  Amer- 
ica." 3  Thus  "  taxation, "  Lord  Chatham  said,  "  was 
dressed  in  the  robes  of  an  East-India  director."  Soon 
after,  the  king,  as  an  answer  to  late  petitions  from 
the  colonies,  reaffirmed  the  claim  of  power  of  the  De- 
claratory Act,  and  said  that  he  was  determined  "  to  resist 
with  firmness  every  attempt  to  derogate  from  the  authority 
of  the  supreme  legislature."  A  semi-official  announcement 
appeared  in  the  newspapers  to  the  effect  that  His  Majesty  had 
declared  his  intention  of  supporting  the  supreme  authority  of 
parliament  to  make  laws  binding  on  the  colonies.4  Thus  the 
monarch  reopened  the  war  on  a  fundamental  principle  in  the 
institutions  of  a  free  people. 

The  opposition  to  arbitrary  power  was  never  founded  so 
much  on  knowledge  and  principle,  was  never  so  firm  and 

1  Parliamentary  History,  xvii.  841. 

2  Sparks' s  Works  of  Franklin,  viii.  p.  49. 
«  Almon's  Anecdotes  of  Chatham,  ii.  242. 
*  Boston  Post  Boy,  Nov.  5,  1773. 


298  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

systematic,  as  it  was  at  the  time  of  the  passage  of  this  Act. 
Little  was  said  of  it  for  several  mouths,  for  little  was  known 
of  the  intentions  of  the  company.  Some  of  the  members 
remonstrated  against  accepting  the  boon,  which  they  re- 
garded as  rather  designed  to  establish  a  revenue  law  than 
to  help  them  out  of  their  difficulties.1  The  directors,  how- 
ever, in  August  obtained  licenses  from  the  Lords  of  the  Treas- 
ury, and  soon  despatched  ships  loaded  with  teas  to  the  four 
ports  of  Boston,  Charleston,  New  York,  and  Philadelphia. 
It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  Franklin  does  not  appear  to  have 
mentioned  in  his  letters  the  application  for  licenses  until 
September,2  nor  Arthur  Lee  until  October.3 

Before  these  letters  were  written,  the  Tea  Act  had  begun 
its  mission.  In  August 4  the  report  was  current  in  America 
that  importations  under  it  were  to  be  carried  into  effect. 
The  scheme  was  pronounced  an  attempt  to  establish  the  right 
of  parliament  to  tax  the  colonies  and  to  give  the  East-India 
Company  the  monopoly  of  the  colonial  market.  As  it  bore 
on  all  the  colonies,  it  diverted  attention  from  the  local  issues, 
raised  the  past  three  years  by  Royal  Instructions,  to  the  orig- 
inal, general,  and  profound  question  of  taxation.  This  had 
been  argued  in  the  court  of  public  opinion  :  the  verdict  on  it 
had  been  made  up,  and  judgment  had  been  rendered.  The 

1  "  The  Annual  Register  "  (vol.  xvii.  47, 1774)  says  that  several  of  the  active  mem- 
bers remonstrated  that  the  Act  was  rather  calculated  for  the  establishment  of  the 
revenue  law  in  America  than  as  a  favor  to  the  company. 

2  Franklin,  Sept.  12,  1773,  wrote  to  Thomas  Gushing :  "  A  project  is  executing  to 
gend  it  (tea)  from  hence,  on  account  of  the  East-India  Company,  to  be  sold  in  Amer- 
ica, agreeable  to  a  late  Act."  —  Sparks's  Franklin,  viii.  86. 

8  Arthur  Lee,  Oct.  13,  1773,  wrote  a  letter  to  Samuel  Adams.  In  a  postscript  he 
says:  "  I  had  forgot  to  mention  a  scheme,  which  is  carrying  into  execution,  of  insidi- 
ously obtaining  from  us  the  duty  on  tea."  — Life  of  Arthur  Lee,  i.  236. 

4  The  "New-Hampshire  Gazette,"  Aug.  27,  1773,  has  an  extract  from  a  letter 
from  London,  dated  May  26 :  "I  take  the  first  opportunity  of  acquainting  you  that  the 
East-India  Company  have  obtained  leave,  by  act  of  parliament,  to  export  their  teas 
from  England  duty-free;  and  in  a  short  time,  perhaps  a  month,  a  cargo  will  be  sent 
to  Boston  (subject  to  the  duty  payable  in  America),  to  be  sold  in  that  place  on  their 
account ;  and  they  mean  to  keep  America  so  well  supplied  that  the  trade  to  Holland 
for  that  article  must  be  greatly  affected."  A  London  letter  dated  August  4,  printed  in 
a  Philadelphia  newspaper  of  September  29,  announced  that  the  company  were 
vbout  to  send  teas  to  several  ports. 


THE  TEA  ACT  AND   AMERICAN  UNION.  299 

determination  of  the  Americans  not  to  pay  a  tax  levied  by  a 
body  in  which  they  were  not  represented  was  as  fixed  as  the 
purpose  of  the  king  to  collect  the  duty  on  tea.  A  recent 
British  writer  and  legislator  has  lately  said  that  this  deter- 
mination showed  great  cleverness,  as  the  abstract  proposition 
which  the  patriots  held  was  undeniable,  because  no  nation 
ought  to  be  taxed  against  their  own  consent,  and  "  England 
passed  through  many  a  civil  war  in  defence  of  the  proposi- 
tion." l  The  Americans  of  to-day  will  say  that  their  ances- 
tors showed  great  intelligence  in  being  alive  to  these  weighty 
considerations  founded  on  right  and  justice,  when  the  domi- 
nant party  in  England  was  dead  to  them,  and  a  heroic  spirit  in 
acting  up  to  their  convictions.  The  scheme  suddenly  roused 
more  indignation  than  had  been  created  by  the  Stamp  Act. 
"  All  America  was  in  a  flame."  The  mighty  surge  of 
passion  plainly  meant  resistance.2 

The  resistance  contemplated  was  in  general  such  action  as 
might  be  necessary  to  thwart  by  lawful  methods  Uiis  minis- 
terial measure.  The  idea  had  been  grasped  in  Ameiica  that 
there  was  a  Constitution  which  limited  the  power  of  kings, 
lords,  and  commons.  James  Otis  had  urged  that,  "  if  the 
reasons  that  could  be  given  against  an  Act  are  such  as  plainly 
demonstrated  that  it  is  against  natural  equity,  the  executive 
courts  would  adjudge  such  Acts  void."  3  The  conviction  was 
deep  and  general  that  the  claim  of  parliament  to  tax  was 
against  natural  equity  and  against  the  Constitution.  But 
political  science  had  not  devised  the  peaceable  mode  of 
obtaining  redress  in  such  cases  in  the  manner  suggested  by 

1  Viscount  Bury,  M.P ,  "  Exodus  of  the  Western  Nations,"  1865  (vol.  i.  368),  says: 
"  The  choice  of  a  pretext  (for  their  resistance)  showed  great  cleverness  on  the  part  of 
the  American  patriots.    It  put  them  in  the  right.     The  abstract  proposition  for 
which  they  fought  was  undeniable.    No  nation  ought  to  be  taxed  against  its  own 
consent.    England  has  passed  through  many  a  year  of  civil  war  in  defence  of  the 
proposition." 

2  The  transition  from  apathy  to  agitation  was  sudden.    A  Philadelphia  letter, 
dated  October  25,  says:  "Our  people  are  alarmed  at  the  scheme  of  shipping  teas. 
...  I  have  not  known  so  sudden  and  so  universal  an  appearance  of  discontent."  — 
Edinburgh  Advertiser,  Jan.  4,  1774. 

»  Otis' s  Rights  of  the  Colonies,  1764. 


300  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

Otis, —  an  idea  embodied  subsequently  in  the  powers  vested 
in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  and  familiar  to 
the  American  mind.  This  tribunal  declares  such  legislation 
void.  The  only  way  then  to  defeat  an  odious  scheme  to  collect 
an  illegal  tax  was  to  follow  the  methods,  as  circumstances 
might  dictate,  of  popular  demonstration,  which  had  long 
been  customary  in  England,  and  thus  render  the  law  inap- 
plicable. 

At  that  time  the  six  legislative  committees  chosen 
under  the  impulse  created  by  arbitrary  royal  instructions 
had  not  exchanged  views,  much  less  held  a  conference, 
in  relation  to  a  general  plan  for  a  redress  of  grievances  :  the 
committees  chosen  by  towns  or  public  bodies  outside  of 
Massachusetts  were  inactive ;  and  hence  the  organization  of 
the  popular  party  was  too  incomplete  to  arrive,  through  this 
channel,  at  the  concert  of  action  which  the  crisis  required. 
There  could  only  have  been  such  understanding  as  might 
have  been  reached  through  limited  personal  intercourse,  pri- 
vate letters,  and  the  expression  of  sentiment  through  the 
press,  which  was  valuable  as  far  as  it  went ; l  and  it  was  to 
the  effect  that  nothing  important  be  transacted  without  con- 
sulting the  whole.  The  efficiency  that  could  not  come  from 
general  organization  was  supplied  by  the  ripeness  and  fixed- 
ness of  public  opinion  on  the  assumption  involved  in  the 
claim  of  taxation  and  the  Declaratory  Act,  and  the  stern 
determination  of  the  people  not  to  submit  to  it.  They  did 
not  rise  up  against  the  paltry  duty  because  they  were  poor 
and  could  not  pay,  but  because  they  were  free  and  would  not 
submit  to  wrong. 

Still  there  was  the  efficiency  of  organic  life  in  Massachu- 
setts, where  it  was  needed  the  most,  where  the  brunt  of 
the  attack  happened  to  fall,  and  where  failure  or  even  falter- 
ing would  have  been  disaster.  The  record  of  its  committees 
of  correspondence  shows  them  continually  at  work,  and  that 

1  Boston  Gazette,  Sept.  27,  1773.  t;  We  have  now  reduced  American  policy  to  a 
system." 


THE  TEA  AOT  AND  AMERICAN  UNION.  301 

through  them  the  communion  of  the  popular  party  had  become 
intimate.  They  urgently  desired  the  patriots  of  the  other 
colonies  to  adopt  their  plan.  The  Boston  committee  directed 
(Sept.  21,  1773)  a  spirited  Circular,  drawn  up  by  Joseph 
Warren,  to  be  sent  out  to  all  the  towns  of  the  province ;  but 
each  member  was  charged  with  the  duty  of  sending  a  copy 
"  to  his  friends  in  the  other  governments."  In  this  they 
said  that  their  enemies  were  alarmed  at  the  union  already 
established  in  Massachusetts,  and  at  the  prospect  of  the  con- 
federacy into  which  the  whole  continent  would  soon  be 
drawn  for  the  recovery  of  violated  rights :  they  urged  that 
watchfulness,  unity,  and  harmony  were  necessary  for  the 
salvation  of  themselves  and  their  posterity  from  bondage ; 
and  they  concluded  with  the  remark  :  "  We  have  an 
animating  confidence  in  the  supreme  Disposer  of  events, 
that  he  never  will  suffer  a  brave  and  virtuous  people  to  be 
enslaved."1 

Though  the  six  legislative  committees  were  inactive,  yet 
the  opposition  to  the  scheme  to  import  teas  was  pronounced 
more  general  —  it  could  not  have  been  more  determined  — 
than  it  was  to  the  Stamp  Act.2  The  popular  movement  since 
that  time  had  been  more  regular  and  progressive.  There 
was  now  the  power  of  an  intelligent  public  opinion  behind 
the  determination  to  baffle  the  attempt  to  establish  the  tea 
duty.  The  manifestations  in  each  of  the  four  ports  to  which 
the  teas  were  consigned,  printed  in  the  newspapers,  consti- 
tuted strong  assurances  that  the  patriots  in  each  felt,  talked, 
and  acted  in  a  similar  spirit,  and  that  the  teas  would  not  be 
allowed  to  be  sold,  even  if  they  were  permitted  to  be  landed. 
The  decisive  tone  in  each  warrants  the  remark  that  the 
question  as  to  which  should  be  the  first  to  thwart  the  minis- 

1  A  copy  of  the  Broadside  containing  this  letter  is  in  the  archives  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society. 

2  Joseph  Reed  (Life,  i.  52)  informed  Lord  Dartmouth  that  the  opposition  to  the 
Stamp  Act  was  not  so  general.    It  was  more  regular.    George  Chalmers  remarks  in 
his  letter  to  Lord  Mansfield  that,  "  though  the  opposition  to  the  Stamp  Act  was  out- 
rageous, it  contained  more  bluster  than  spirit."  —Sparks' s  MSS.  in  Harvard  College 
Library. 


302  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

terial  scheme  depended  on  the  port  selected  for  the  earliest 
consignment.  Before  this  was  certainly  known,  there  were 
great  popular  demonstrations. 

The  patriots  of  Philadelphia,  early  in  October,  circulated 
an  "  Address  to  the  Tea  Commissioners,"  in  which  it  was  said 
that  the  eyes  of  all  were  fixed  on  them  as  on  men  who  had  it 
in  their  power  to  ward  off  the  most  dangerous  stroke  that  had 
ever  been  meditated  against  the  liberties  of  America,  and  it 
appealed  to  them  in  passionate  terms  to  decline  to  act.  It 
pointed  to  the  unhappy  stamp-masters  as  examples  of  the 
danger  of  forcing  "  the  loathsome  pills  of  slavery  down  the 
throats  of  a  free,  independent,  and  determined  people." l 
Soon  after  (October  18)  a  great  public  meeting  at  the  State 
House  resolved  that  the  duty  on  tea  was  a  tax  imposed  on  the 
colonists  without  their  consent,  and  tended  to  render  assem- 
blies useless ;  that  the  importation  of  the  East-India  Company 
was  an  attempt  to  enforce  this  tax  ;  and  that  whoever  coun- 
tenanced the  unloading,  vending,  or  receiving  the  tea,  was  an 
enemy  to  his  country.  The  consignees,  on  being  requested, 
resigned  their  commissions.  These  proceedings  of  the 
patriots,  full  of  spirit,  dignity,  and  patriotism,  were  circu- 
lated through  the  colonies. 

Similar  resolution  was  manifested  in  each  of  the  four  ports. 
The  Boston  patriots  held  great  and  exciting  public  meetings 
in  Faneuil  Hall,  adopted  the  Philadelphia  resolves,  and 
requested  the  consignees  to  resign ;  but  met  with  a  peremp- 
tory refusal.  The  New- York  patriots  held  a  meeting  in  City 
Hall,  highly  approved  of  the  action  of  their  brethren  of 
Philadelphia  and  Boston  "  in  support  of  the  common  liberties 
of  America,"  and  voted  that  the  tea  under  any  circumstances 
should  not  be  landed  there.  The  Charleston  patriots,  at  a 
meeting  in  their  Great  Hall,  received  the  resignation  of  the 

1  This  was  issued  on  a  Broadside,  and  was  copied  into  the  newspapers  of  Phila- 
delphia and  New  York.  It  was  signed  Scevola,  and  had  the  head-line,  "  By  uniting 
we  stand,  by  dividing  we  fall."  It  is  addressed,  "To  the  commissioners  appointed 
by  the  East-India  Company  for  the  sale  of  tea  in  America."  It  is  in  the  "  Boston 
Post  Boy  "  and  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  October  25. 


THE  TEA   ACT   AND   AMERICAN   UNION.  303 

consignees  with  rounds  of  applause,  and  returned  them 
many  thanks.  The  voluminous  details  of  the  proceedings  in 
these  commercial  marts,  and  in  other  places,  on  this  issue, 
evinced  everywhere  indomitable  energy  and  resolution.  They 
exhibited  communities,  recently  hurling  anathemas  against 
each  other,  now  feeling  and  acting  alike, — one  in  the  deter- 
mination to  thwart  "  the  new  ministerial  measure." 

In  Boston,  the  course  of  the  consignees,  in  refusing  to 
resign,  fixed  all  eyes  upon  the  town.  The  aspect  became  so 
threatening  that  the  legislative  committee  of  correspondence 
were  summoned  to  meet.  They  sent  a  Circular  (October  21) 
to  the  other  committees,  reviewing  in  a  calm  tone,  but  in 
strong  terms,  the  question  between  the  colonies  and  Great 
Britain.  They  stated  that  even  the  least  relaxation  of 
American  grievances  had  not  been  advised  or  thought  of, 
and  asked :  "Is  it  not  of  the  utmost  importance  that  our 
vigilance  should  increase  ;  that  the  colonies  should  be  united 
in  their  sentiments  of  the  measures  of  opposition  necessary 
to  be  taken  by  them ;  and  that  in  whichsoever  of  the  colonies 
any  infringements  are  or  shall  be  made  on  the  common 
rights  of  all,  that  colony  should  have  the  united  efforts  of  all 
for  its  support  ?  This,  we  take  it,  to  be  the  true  design  of  the 
establishment  of  our  committees  of  correspondence ; "  and, 
averring  that  they  were  far  from  desiring  that  the  connection 
between  Great  Britain  and  America  should  be  broken,  they 
conclude  by  urging  the  necessity  that  each  colony  should 
take  effectual  methods  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  design 
of  the  British  ministry  as  to  the  teas.1  A  few  days  later,  the 
Connecticut  committee  in  a  Circular  (Nov.  4, 1773)  said  that 
the  design  of  sending  teas  to  the  several  ports  gave  them  the 
most  uneasy  apprehensions  of  the  consequences,  though  they 
had  "the  utmost  confidence  in  the  firmness  and  virtue  of  the 

1  This  letter  contained  the  following  postscript:  "It  is  desired  you  would  not 
make  the  contents  of  this  letter  public,  as  it  will  give  our  enemies  opportunity  to 
counteract  the  design  of  it."  A  portion  of  this  letter  is  printed,  though  very  incor- 
rectly in  Bradford's  History  of  Massachusetts,  i.  277-280. 


304  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

inhabitants  of  those  capital  towns  on  this  occasion."  I  have 
not  met  with  any  replies  to  these  circulars.  The  language 
of  the  Massachusetts  letter  implies  that  no  communications 
on  the  subject  had  passed  between  the  committees. 

The  patriots  of  Boston  were  unwearied  in  their  efforts  to 
produce  the  resignation  of  the  consignees,  and  in  this  they 
were  aided  by  some  of  their  political  opponents.  The  num- 
bers who  attended  the  great  public  meetings  were  swelled  by 
men  who  came  in  from  the  country.  The  executive  action, 
by  the  vote  of  a  legal  town  meeting,  was  put  into  the  hands 
of  the  committee  of  correspondence,  which  from  time  to  time 
called  in  for  consultation  the  committees  of  the  neighboring 
towns,  —  proceeding,  Hutchinson  said,  "like  a  little  senate." 
They  kept  up  a  communication  with  the  towns  of  the  province ; 
they  explained  their  course  in  letters  sent  to  Rhode  Island, 
New  Hampshire,  New  York,  and  Philadelphia;  they  sent 
expresses  to  the  South  to  confer  with  the  patriots  there  ;  and 
they  were  inspired  by  the  idea  that  "  harmony  and  concur- 
rence in  action,  uniformly  and  firmly  maintained,  must 
finally  conduct  them  to  the  end  of  their  wishes,  —  namely,  a 
full  enjoyment  of  constitutional  liberty."  In  a  long,  anxious, 
and  irritating  contest  with  the  officers  of  the  crown,  the  Bos- 
tonians  stood  forth, "  like  their  native  rocks,  angular,  sharp, 
and  defiant."  Their  proceedings  gave  great  joy  to  the 
patriots  in  the  other  colonies.  On  the  reception  in  Philadel- 
phia of  the  news  of  the  first  meeting,  the  bells  were  rung,  and 
the  merchants  greeted  the  resolves  with  hearty  cheers.  Still 
there  were  doubts  expressed  whether  the  love  of  money 
would  not  prove  stronger  than  love  of  the  cause.  A  Phila 
delphia  letter  printed  in  Boston  runs  :  "  All  we  fear  is  that 
you  will  shrink  at  Boston.  May  God  give  you  virtue  enough 
to  save  the  liberties  of  your  country." 

In  this  way  the  progress  of  events  served  to  fix  attention 
more  and  more  on  Boston ;  and  its  patriots  could  see  in 
expressions  from  the  other  colonies  that  they  were  relied  on 
to  act  with  firmness  and  efficiency.  When  the  struggle  to 


THE  TEA   ACT   AND   AMERICAN  UNION.  805 

compel  the  consignees  to  resign  had  gone  on  nearly  a  month, 
a  vessel  containing  the  tea  arrived  (November  28th)  in  the 
harbor,  and  in  a  few  days  two  others,  which  the  patriots  di- 
rected to  be  moored  near  the  first,  that  one  guard  might  serve 
for  all,  their  object  being  to  prevent  the  cargoes  from  being 
landed.  They  now  concentrated  their  efforts  to  have  the  teas 
sent  back  in  the  ships  that  brought  them.  The  excitement 
increased.  "  The  town,"  Governor  Hutchinson  wrote,  "  is 
as  furious  as  it  was  in  the  time  of  the  Stamp  Act."  The 
patriots  apprehended  that  the  consignees  and  the  officers  of 
the  revenue  might  attempt  to  unload  the  ships,  and  that  the 
naval  force  might  be  summoned  to  protect  them ;  and  such 
was  the  spirit  that  prevailed  that  they  talked  of  resisting  by 
arms.  An  American  matron,  the  wife  of  one  President  and 
the  mother  of  another,  who  adorned  a  home  in  which  such 
leaders  as  Quincy  and  Warren  were  wont  to  meet,  now  wrote : 
"  The  flame  is  kindled,  and  like  lightning  it  catches  from 
soul  to  soul.  .  .  .  Many,  very  many  of  our  heroes  will  spend 
their  lives  with  the  speech  of  Cato  in  their  mouths.  .  .  . 
My  heart  beats  at  every  whistle  I  hear,  and  I  dare  not  express 
half  my  fears." l  The  public  meetings  became  greater  than 
ever.  John  Hancock,  Samuel  Adams,  Joseph  Warren, 
Thomas  Young,  and  William  Molineaux  were  the  most  prom- 
inent in  conducting  them.  The  selectmen  of  the  town  now 
took  part  in  the  proceedings.  The  ships  with  the  tea  in  them 
could  not  pass  the  castle  without  a  permit  from  the  Governor. 
He  would  not  grant  one  before  they  were  regularly  cleared 
at  the  custom  house,  and  the  collector  declined  to  give  a 
clearance  until  the  vessels  were  discharged  of  articles  subject 
to  duty.  All  the  efforts  of  the  patriots  in  their  long  struggle 
had  produced  from  the  consignees  only  a  repetition  of  the 

l  Letter  of  Abigail  Adams,  wife  of  John  Adams,  dated  Boston,  Dec.  5,  1773 
(Letters,  p.  9).  John  Andrews,  Dec.  1,  wrote:  "It  would  puzzle  any  one  to 
purchase  a  pair  of  pistols  in  town,  as  they  are  all  bought  up  with  a  full  determination 
to  repel  force  by  force."  He  says  the  arrival  of  the  tea  "had  caused  the  moat 
spirited  and  firm  conduct  to  be  observed  that  ever  was  known." — Mass.  Hist.  So& 
Proceedings,  1864r-G5,  324. 

20 


306  THE   EISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

original  peremptory  answer,  "  No  resignation,"  and  a  refusal 
to  return  the  teas.  A  vessel  twenty  days  after  her  arrival  in 
port  was  liable  to  seizure  for  the  non-payment  of  the  duties ; 
and  this  would  be  the  case  of  the  "  Dartmouth  "  on  the  six- 
teenth day  of  December. 

It  was  a  rainy  day.  No  hand-bills  are  named  as  having 
been  posted ;  no  stirring  appeals  to  do  an  uncommon  work 
are  to  be  seen  in  the  newspapers  ;  but  the  feeling  was  general 
that  something  unusual  was  to  occur.  The  patriots  had  a 
committee  charged  with  the  duty  of  summoning  people  from 
the  country  when  it  should  be  necessary,  and  they  probably 
had  been  active.  A  great  meeting,  held  two  days  before, 
stood  adjourned  to  this  day  (December  16th),  which  was 
Thursday.  Business  in  to^vn  was  generally  suspended.  The 
inhabitants  in  the  morning  flocked  to  "  The  Old  South 
Meeting  House,"  still  standing.  They  were  joined  by  people 
from  the  country  for  twenty  miles  around.  The  gathering 
consisted  of  nearly  seven  thousand,  —  "  merchants,  yeomen, 
gentlemen,  —  respectable  for  their  rank,  and  venerable  for 
their  age  and  character."  The  forenoon  was  occupied  mostly 
with  dealing  with  Francis  Rotch,  the  owner  of  the  "  Dart- 
mouth," who  was  informed  that  he  was  expected  to  procure  a 
pass  from  the  Governor  and  proceed  on  this  day  with  his  vessel 
on  his  voyage  for  London.  The  meeting  adjourned  to  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  A  motion  was  then  submitted 
whether  it  was  the  sense  of  the  body  to  abide  by  their  former 
resolutions  not  to  suffer  the  tea  to  be  landed ;  and  on  this 
question  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  spoke  as  follows  :  — 

"  It  is  not,  Mr.  Moderator,  the  spirit  that  vapors  within 
these  walls  that  must  stand  us  in  stead.  The  exertions  of 
this  day  will  call  forth  events  which  will  make  a  very  different 
spirit  necessary  for  our  salvation.  Whoever  supposes  that 
shouts  and  hosannas  will  terminate  the  trials  of  the  day 
entertains  a  childish  fancy.  We  must  be  grossly  ignorant  of 
the  importance  and  value  of  the  prize  for  which  we  contend ; 
we  must  be  equally  ignorant  of  the  power  of  those  who  have 


THE  TEA  ACT  AND   AMERICAN  UNION.  307 

combined  against  us  ;  we  must  be  blind  to  that  malice,  in- 
veteracy, and  insatiable  revenge,  which  actuate  our  enemies, 
public  and  private,  abroad  and  in  our  bosom,  to  hope  that  we 
shall  end  this  controversy  without  the  sharpest,  the  sharpest 
conflicts,  —  to  flatter  ourselves  that  popular  resolves,  popular 
harangues,  popular  acclamations,  and  popular  vapor  will 
vanquish  our  foes.  Let  us  consider  the  issue.  Let  us  look 
to  the  end.  Let  us  weigh  and  consider  before  we  advance  to 
those  measures  which  must  bring  on  the  most  trying  and 
terrific  struggle  this  country  ever  saw." l 

Thomas  Young  and  Samuel  Adams  also  spoke  to  this 
motion,  but  their  words  are  lost.  It  was  said,  "  Now  that 
the  hand  is  at  the  plough,  there  must  be  no  looking  back.'* 
At  half-past  four  the  motion  passed  that  the  tea  should  not 
be  landed.  The  meeting  was  patient,  orderly,  and  surprised 
strangers  who  viewed  the  scene.  It  refused  to  dissolve  on 
the  earnest  request  of  many  who  desired  that  it  should  be 
continued  until  six  o'clock. 

Meantime  a  band  of  forty  or  fifty  met  in  a  room  in  the 
rear  of  the  printing-office  of  the  "  Boston  Gazette,"  at  the  cor- 
ner of  what  are  now  Court  and  Brattle  Streets.  No  authen- 
tic list  of  their  names  has  appeared.  Nothing  is  known  of 
their  organization.  They  were  said  that  evening  to  have 
been  Indians  from  Narragansett.  "  Whether,"  an  observer 
wrote,  "they  were  or  not,  they  appeared  as  such,  being 
clothed  with  blankets,  with  the  heads  muffled,  and  with 
copper -colored  countenances,  being  each  armed  with  a 
hatchet  or  axe,  and  a  pair  of  pistols  ;  nor  was  their  dialect 
different  from  what  I  conceive  those  geniuses  to  speak,  as 
their  jargon  was  unintelligible  to  all  but  themselves."  2  This 
indicates  the  nature  of  their  preparation.  Undoubtedly  they 
acted  with  the  knowledge  of  the  committee  of  correspond- 
ence, and  were  awaiting  the  result  of  the  meeting.  The 

1  These  remarks  are  copied  from  Gordon,  i.  340,  printed  in  London,  1788. 

2  John  Andrews's  letter,  Dec.  19, 1773,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proceedings,  1864-65, 
p.  26. 


308  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

preparation  was  sufficient  to  secure  prompt  and  thoiougli 
work. 

In  the  afternoon  Rotch  was  at  Milton,  the  country  seat  of 
Governor  Hutchinson.  He  went  there  to  ask  once  more 
for  a  pass  to  enable  his  ship  with  the  tea  in  her  to  get  by  the 
castle.  The  Governor  inquired  as  to  the  intention  of  the 
people  respecting  the  teas,  and  was  informed  that  they  meant 
to  force  them  back  to  England.  After  a  little  time  Hutchin- 
son sternly  repeated  his  refusal  to  grant  the  pass,  saying  that 
he  could  not  do  it  consistently  with  the  rules  of  government 
and  his  duty  to  the  king,  unless  the  vessel  was  properly 
cleared.  This  answer  closed  the  last  opportunity  for  con- 
cession, which  he  unwisely  declined. 

About  six  o'clock  Rotch  returned  to  the  Old  South,  which 
was  dimly  lighted  with  candles  and  filled  with  people,  many 
also  standing  in  the  streets.  He  stated  the  result  of  his 
application  to  the  Governor  for  a  pass.  On  slight  manifes- 
tations of  disorder,  Thomas  Young  rose  and  said  that  Rotch 
was  a  good  man  who  had  done  all  that  was  in  his  power  to 
gratify  the  people ;  and  they  were  enjoined  to  do  no  harm  to 
his  person  or  his  property.  He  was  then  asked  "  whether 
he  would  send  his  vessel  back  with  the  tea  in  her,  under  the 
circumstances."  He  replied,  "  he  could  not  possibly  com- 
ply, as  he  apprehended  compliance  would  prove  his  ruin ;  " 
and  confessed  that,  "  if  called  upon  by  the  proper  officers,  he 
should  attempt,  for  his  own  security,  to  land  the  tea." 
Samuel  Adams  then  said :  "  This  meeting  can  do  nothing 
more  to  save  the  country."  A  war-whoop  was  now  sounded 
at  the  door,  which  was  answered  from  the  galleries.  The 
shouting  became  tremendous.  Silence  was  enjoined.  The 
meeting  was  declared  by  the  moderator  dissolved,  when  there 
was  another  general  shout  out  of  doors  and  in,  and  three  cheers. 
A  citizen,  who  on  endeavoring  to  enter  could  get  no  further 
than  the  porch,  says:  "What  with  that,  and  the  subsequent 
noise  of  breaking  up  the  meeting,  you  would  have  thought  that 


THE  TEA   ACT   AND   AMERICAN  UNION.  309 

the  inhabitants  of  the  infernal  regions  had  broke  loose." 1  As 
the  party  from  whom  rose  the  war-whoop  passed  the  church, 
numbers  naturally  followed  on ;  and  the  throng  went  directly 
to  Griffin's  Wharf,  now  Liverpool,  at  the  foot  of  Purchase 
Street,  off  which  were  moored  the  three  vessels  which  con- 
tained the  tea.  A  resolute  band  had  guarded  them  day  and 
night.  John  Hancock  was  one  of  the  guard  this  evening. 
The  party  in  disguise, — probably  his  friend  Joseph  Warren 
was  among  them, — whooping  like  Indians,  went  on  board  the 
vessels,  and,  warning  their  officers  and  those  of  the  custom- 
house to  keep  out  of  the  way,  unlaid  the  hatches,  hoisted  the 
chests  of  tea  on  deck,  cut  them  open,  and  hove  the  tea  over- 
board. They  proved  quiet  and  systematic  workers.  No 
one  interfered  with  them.  No  other  property  was  injured  ; 
no  person  was  harmed ;  no  tea  was  allowed  to  be  carried 
away ;  and  the  silence  of  the  crowd  on  shore  was  such  that 
the  noise  of  breaking  the  chests  was  distinctly  heard  by  them. 
"The  whole,"  Hutchinson  wrote,  "was  done  with  very  little 
tumult."  The  town  was  never  more  still  of  a  Saturday  night 
than  it  was  at  ten  o'clock  that  evening.  The  men  from  the 
country  carried  great  news  to  their  villages.2 

Joy,  as  for  deliverance  from  calamity,  now  burst  in  full 
chorus  from  the  American  heart. 

The  local  exultation  was  extreme.  "  You  cannot  imag- 
ine," Samuel  Adams  wrote,  "the  height  of  joy  that  sparkles 
in  the  eyes  and  animates  the  countenances  as  well  as  the 
hearts  of  all  we  meet  on  this  occasion." 3  "  This,"  John 
Adams  said,  "is  the  most  magnificent  movement  of  all. 


1  John  Andrews.  Dec.  19,  1773.     He  was  summoned,  by  "prodigious"  shouting, 
irom  his  tea-table;  could  get  no  further  than  the  porch;  heard  the  moderator  declare 
the  meeting  dissolved,  and  then  returned  home  and  finished  his  supper.    On  being 
informed  of  what  was  going  on,  he  went  again.     He  saw  the  disguise  of  the  party, 
and  was  told  they  numbered  two  hundred, — a  larger  number  than  any  other 
authority  gives.     The  usual  statement  is  forty  or  fifty. 

2  Joseph  Warren  bore  a  part  in  the  series  of  meetings,  public  and  private,  held  in 
Boston  in  relation  to  the  importation  of  the  tea;  and  the  narrative  of  their  events  in 
the  "Life  and  Times  of  Warren"  occupies  fifty  pages. 

8  Letter,  Dec.  31. 


310  THE  ETSE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

There  is  a  dignity,  a  majesty,  a  sublimity,  in  tins  last  effort 
of  the  patriots,  that  I  greatly  admire." 1  "  We,"  John  Scol- 
lay,  one  of  the  selectmen  and  an  actor,  wrote,  "  do  console 
ourselves  that  we  have  acted  constitutionally," 2 — namely, 
did  no  more  than  was  necessary,  under  the  circumstances,  to 
defeat  the  design  of  landing  the  teas. 

The  exultation  was  scarcely  less  outside  of  Massachusetts. 
In  New  York  "  vast  numbers  of  the  people  collected,  and 
highly  extolled  the  Bostonians."  s  In  Philadelphia  the  bells 
were  rung,  a  large  public  meeting  voted  "  the  most  perfect 
approbation,  with  universal  huzzas ; "  and  subsequently,  when 
five  thousand  people  met,  they  "  returned  their  hearty  thanks 
to  the  people  of  Boston  for  their  resolution  in  destroying  the 
tea,  rather  than  suffering  it  to  be  landed."  4  A  letter  from 
North  Carolina  contained  the  assurance  "  that  the  deed  was 
the  only  remedy  left  to  save  the  colonies  from  destined 
slavery,  and  that  the  actors,  beside  the  satisfaction  arising 
from  a  conscientious  discharge  of  duty  due  to  posterity,  had 
the  approbation  of  the  whole  continent."  5  It  was  the  boldest 
stroke  that  had  been  struck  in  the  controversy  between  the 
colonies  and  the  mother-country  ;  and  bold  measures  in  the 
right  direction  are  sure  to  be  popular.  As  events  developed, 
some  of  the  Whigs  hesitated  to  approve  this  deed,  and  some 
counselled  the  payment  of  the  value  of  the  property  de- 
stroyed ;  while  the  Tories  condemned  it  in  unmeasured 
terms.  In  a  deliberate  review  of  the  train  of  events  leading 
to  it,  Gordon  says  that  the  deed  was  necessary  to  save 

1  Diary,  Dec.  17,  1773.    Works,  ii.  323. 

2  John  Scollay  to  Arthur  Lee,  Dec.  23,  1773. 

3  "Boston  Gazette,"  Jan.  3,  1774,  which  says  the  bells  of  the  town  were  rung 
on  receiving  the  intelligence  from  New  York. 

4  "Boston  Gazette,"  Jan.  10,  1774,  after  William  Palfrey  had  returned. 

5  The  "Boston  Gazette,"  of  March  28,  1774,  has  an  extract  from  a  letter  of  a 
gentleman  of  distinction  in  North  Carolina,  dated  Pitt,  Feb.  18,  1774:  "I  read  with 
much  satisfaction  the  account  of  the  destruction  of  the  tea,  as  it  was,  I  think,  the 
only  remedy  left  to  rescue  the  colonies  from  their  destined  slavery.    You  labor  under 
some  difficulties  more  than  your  neighbors ;  but  the  satisfaction  of  a  conscientious 
discharge  of  the  duty  you  owe  to  posterity,  together  with  the  approbation  of  the 
whole  continent  of  your  conduct,  is  a  sufficient  reward." 


THE  TEA  ACT  AND  AMERICAN  UNION.        311 

the  union ;  and  Dr.  Ramsay,  going  deeper,  gives  the  judg- 
ment that,  if  the  American  position  was  right  in  relation  to 
taxation,  the  destruction  of  the  tea  was  warranted  by  the 
great  law  of  self-preservation  :  "for  it  was  not  possible  for 
them  by  any  other  means,  within  the  compass  of  probability, 
to  discharge  the  duty  they  owed  to  their  country."  l  The 
important  "  if"  of  Ramsay  is  disposed  of  by  the  judgment 
of  the  liberal  world.  Even  British  writers  concede  that  the 
claim  of  Americans  was  right  beyond  question. 

The  Tea  Act  had  the  effect  to  make  this  question  of  taxa- 
tion a  living  issue.  The  opposition  to  the  British  assumption 
in  relation  to  it,  as  before  remarked,  was  spontaneous,  gen- 
eral, irresistible.  "  Popular  movements  have  commonly  been 
ascribed  to  the  principal  actors  in  them  as  to  their  authors ; 
but  the  utmost  that  can  be  accomplished  by  individuals,  in 
such  cases,  is  merely  to  avail  themselves  of  a  happy  predis- 
position in  the  public  mind,  to  give  form  and  consistency  to 
loose  opinions,  and  to  bring  to  the  aid  of  an  infant  sect  or 
]  >arty  the  weight  of  talent,  learning,  and  character,  or  station. 
They  may  thus  strengthen  and  direct  the  current."  2  The 
popular  leaders  now  sought  to  give  direction  to  a  great 
movement ;  or  to  take  advantage  of  a  happy  disposition  in 
the  public  mind  and  extend  the  organization  of  committees 
of  correspondence. 

The  assemblies  in  doing  this  acted  on  the  original  invita- 
tion of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  and  generally  used  the  words 
of  their  resolves  in  specifying  the  object  sought.  The 
Georgia  assembly  chose  in  September,  when  the  people  were 
engaged  in  carrying  on  a  war  against  the  savages;  the 

1  "  Had  the  tea  been  landed,  the  union  of  the  colonies  in  opposing  the  ministerial 
schemes  would  have  been  dissolved ;  and  it  would  have  been  extremely  difficult  ever 
after  to  have  restored  it."  — Gordon,  i.  342. 

"Admitting  the  rectitude  of  the  American  claims  of  exemption  from  parliamentary 
taxation,  the  destruction  of  the  tea  by  Bostonians  was  warranted  by  the  great  law 
of  self-preservation ;  for  it  was  not  possible  for  them  by  any  other  means,  within  the 
compass  of  probability,  to  discharge  the  duty  they  owed  to  their  country."  — Ramsay's 
History  of  American  Revolution,  i.  121. 

2  Brodie's  History  of  the  British  Empire,  i.  48. 


312  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

Maryland  assembly  chose  in  October,  when  the  internal 
dissension  occasioned  by  the  Proclamation  controversy  had 
hardly  subsided,  saying  in  their  Circular  that  they  were 
sensible  of  the  great  utility  of  a  union  of  the  colonies ; 
the  Delaware  assembly  also  chose  this  month  ;  the  North- 
Carolina  assembly  chose  in  December ;  and  the  New- York 
and  New-Jersey  assemblies  chose  in  February.  The  assem- 
blies returned  warm  thanks  to  the  House  of  Burgesses  "  for 
their  early  attention  to  the  liberties  of  America."  Their 
committees  did  not  hold  a  conference  during  the  winter  of 
1773-74,  or  mature  a  plan  for  joint  action,  or  do  more  than 
exchange  a  few  letters ;  and  the  only  references  I  have 
met,  in  this  limited  correspondence,  to  the  issue  raised  by 
the  Tea  Act,  are  those  contained  in  the  letters  of  the  com- 
mittees of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  already  cited 
in  the  narrative.1 

1  The  dates  of  the  choice  of  committees  of  correspondence  by  six  assemblies  have 
been  given.  See  note,  p.  284. 

The  Georgia  "commons  "  chose  Sept.  10,  1773,  and  were  "the  speaker  and  any 
five  of  the  committee  of  correspondence."  The  letter  to  the  House  of  Burgesses, 
dated  Nov.  20.  was  signed  by  William  Young,  Noble  Wimberly  Jones,  Joseph  Clay, 
D.  Zubley.  Jr.,  William  Coutts.  A  public  meeting,  July  27,  1774,  chose  a  commit- 
tee which  McCall  (History  of  Georgia,  2)  terms  the  formation  of  the  Republican  party. 
This  meeting  was  denounced  by  a  Proclamation  of  Governor  Wright. 

The  Maryland  assembly  chose  a  committee  October  15,  1773  ;  viz.,  Matthew 
Tilghman,  John  Hall,  Thomas  Johnson,  William  Paca,  Samuel  Chase,  Edward 
Lloyd,  Matthias  Hammond,  Josiah  Beale,  James  Lloyd  Chamberlaine,  Brice  Thomas, 
Beale  Worthington,  Joseph  Sim,  or  any  six.  The  letter  to  the  Burgesses  communi- 
cating the  choice  is  dated  Dec.  6, 1773.  It  is  stated  in  the  "Essex  Gazette  "  of  Feb. 
11,  1774,  that  this  assembly  had  come  into  resolves  similar  to  those  of  the  other 
colonies. 

The  Delaware  assembly  chose  a  committee  Oct.  23,  1773.  The  members  who 
signed  the  reply  to  the  Burgesses  were  the  speaker,  Caesar  Rodney,  George  Read, 
Thomas  McKean,  John  McKinley,  and  Thomas  Robeson.  The  announcement  of 
the  choice  of  a  committee  is  in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette"  of  Nov.  8. 

North-Carolina  assembly  chose  Dec.  8,  1773.  The  committee  were  "John 
Harvey,  Mr.  Howe,  Mr.  Harnett,  Mr.  Hooper,  Mr.  Caswell,  Mr.  Vail,  Mr.  Ash,  Mr. 
Hewes,  and  Samuel  Johnston.  The  answer  to  the  Burgesses  is  dated  Dec.  26,  and  is 
signed  by  John  Harvey.  The  fact  of  the  choice  of  the  committee  is  stated  in  the 
"Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Feb.  21,  1774. 

The  New- York  assembly  chose  a  committee  Jan.  20,  1774.  It  is  stated  in  the 
"Essex  Gazette,"  Feb.  17,  that  this  committee  consisted  of  the  speaker  and  twelve 
other  members.  The  reply  to  the  Burgesses  is  dated  March  1.  The  names  given 
an  John  Cruger,  James  De  Lancy,  James  Janney,  Jacob  Walton,  Benjamin  Sea 


THE  TEA   ACT  AND  AMERICAN  UNION.  313 

The  popular  party,  in  their  several  municipalities,  pro- 
ceeded independently  in  forming  committees.  The  earliest 
towns  named  in  the  newspapers  as  choosing  were  Dover, 
Exeter,  and  Newcastle,  in  New  Hampshire.  They  reiterated 
in  spirited  resolves  the  sentiment  that  taxation  without 
representation  was  slavery,  and  approved  of  "  the  noble 
struggles  of  the  opulent  colonies"  to  avert  so  great  "a 
catastrophe."  So  general  was  this  movement  that  it  was 
said  in  the  press  that  the  manly  and  patriotic  proceedings 
of  the  people  of  the  province  would  convince  all  that  "  they 
were  American  freemen,  and  were  fired  with  the  glorious 
spirit  of  freedom  which  lightens  this  Western  World."1 
Several  towns  in  Rhode  Island,  among  which  were  Provi- 
dence and  Newport,  chose  committees,  as  did  also  a  meeting 
in  New  York,  at  which  John  Lamb  presided.  These  com- 
mittees and  others  entered  into  correspondence  relative  to 
the  tea  importation. 

The  resistance  to  the  ministerial  scheme  in  this  way  was 
general,  systematic,  and  thorough.  The  newspapers  contain 
much  matter  relative  to  the  reception  of  the  cargoes  at  the 
ports  to  which  the  tea  was  consigned.  In  Philadelphia,  at 
an  hour's  notice,  five  thousand  met,  and  resolved  that  a 
cargo  should  not  be  landed,  but  should  go  back  in  the  same 
bottom.  The  captain  and  the  consignees  bowed  to  the  pop- 
ular will,  and  a  vast  concourse  escorted  them  to  the  tea  ship 
and  saw  her  sail.  In  New  York  it  was  announced  in  the 
Tory  organ  that  arrangements  were  made  to  have  the  tea 
sent  back  in  the  same  ship,  and  thus  New  York  be  secured 
"  a  succession  of  that  blessed  tranquillity  which  they  enjoyed 
under  the  present  wise  and  serene  administration."2  In 

man,  Isaac  Wilkins,  Frederick  Phillips,  Daniel  Kissam,  Zebulon  Seaman,  John 
Rapalse,  Simon  Boerum,  John  De  Noyelles,  and  George  Clinton,  or  any  seven. 

The  New-Jersey  assembly  chose  a  committee  Feb.  8, 1774;  namely,  James  Kinsey, 
Stephen  Crane,  Hendrick  Fisher,  Samuel  Tucker,  John  Wetherell,  Robert  Friend 
Price,  John  Hinchman,  John  Mehelm,  and  Edward  Taylor.  —  Gordon's  New  Jersey, 
154. 

The  Pennsylvania  assembly  did  not  choose  a  committee. 

1  Essex  Gazette,  Jan.  18,  1774. 

2  Rivingston  Gazette,  copied  into  "Massachusetts  Gazette,"  Jan.  3, 1772. 


314  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

Charleston  a  great  meeting  on  the  arrival  of  the  cargo  ap- 
pointed a  committee, — on  which  were  Christopher  Gadsden, 
Charles  Pinckney,  and  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  — to 
inform  the  captain  that  the  teas  must  go  back ;  but  the  ship 
was  delayed  beyond  the  twenty  days,  when  the  collector 
seized  the  vessel  and  stored  the  tea  in  a  damp  cellar,  where 
it  was  destroyed.  There  were  similar  dealings  with  the 
teas  in  other  places.  The  scheme  was  thoroughly  defeated. 
The  unity  of  spirit  and  harmony  of  action  of  the  popular 
party  once  more  excited  the  liveliest  hopes.  Samuel  Adams, 
reflecting  on  the  increasing  intercourse  between  the  colonies, 
remarked  that  old  jealousies  had  been  removed,  and  harmony 
subsisted  between  them,  and  said  that  the  institution  of 
committees  of  correspondence  would  be  attended  with  great 
and  good  consequences.1  The  friend  always  by  his  side, 
Joseph  Warren,  enthusiastic  over  the  prospect  of  union, 
wrote :  "  We  can  never  enough  adore  that  Almighty  Disposer 
who  has,  as  it  were,  by  general  inspiration  awakened  a  whole 
continent  to  a  sense  of  their  danger."  2  The  ardent  hoped  to 
see  a  congress  grow  out  of  the  movement.  This  measure  was 
earnestly  advocated  in  the  press.  "  It  is  now  time,"  a  writer 
says,  "for  the  colonies  to  have  a  grand  congress  to  complete 
the  system  for  the  American  independent  commonwealth,  as 
it  is  so  evident  that  no  other  plan  will  secure  the  rights  of 
this  people ;  for  this  would  unite  all  Americans  by  an  indis- 
soluble bond  of  union,  and  thereby  make  them  formidable 
and  superior  to  any  kingdom  upon  earth."  3 

1  Letter  to  James  Warren,  Dec.  28,  1773.     The  "Boston  Gazette"  of  Jan.  10, 
1774,  says:  "The  united  spirit  of  the  people  of  South  Carolina,  Philadelphia,  New 
York,  this  Province,  &c.,  in  opposing  the  subtle  design  of  the  British  administration, 
to  make  the  East-India  Company  the  instruments  in  establishing  the  revenue  and 
thus  enslaving  the  continent,  forebodes  a  happy  union  of  counsels  among  the  several 
colonies  by  means  of  their  committees  of  correspondence." 

2  Letter,  Jan.  24,  1774,  in  "  Life  and  Times  of  Warren,"  290. 

8  This  citation  is  from  a  piece  in  the  "Boston  Evening  Post"  of  March  14,  1774. 
It  rwommends  that  in  future  the  colonies  should  "proffer  petitions  to  none  but  the 
King  of  Heaven."  It  concludes  as  follows:  — 

"  It  is  now  time  for  the  colonies  to  have  a  Grand  Congress  to  complete  the  system  for 
the  American  Independent  Commonwealth.,  as  it  is  so  evident  that  no  other  plan  will 


THE   TEA   ACT  AND   AMERICAN   UNION.  815 

Tliis  line  of  remark  suggesting  an  American  common- 
wealth, indulged  in  by  a  few,  constituted  the  material  used 
by  the  enemies  of  the  American  cause  to  prove  that  the 
popular  leaders  really  aimed  at  independence  and  -were 
hypocrites  in  denying  it.  They,  however,  in  defeating  the 
execution  of  the  Tea  Act  had  accomplished  their  object.  If 
the  protestations  of  the  most  prominent  among  them,  includ- 
ing Samuel  Adams  and  Washington,  —  if  the  resolves  of 
public  meetings  and  of  general  assemblies  , — be  accepted  as 
authentic  revelations  of  what  may  be  properly  termed  public 
opinion,  then  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  great  body  of  the 
people  would  have  welcomed  the  repeal  of  the  duty  on  tea 
and  the  Declaratory  Act  with  bursts  of  joy  like  those  which 
greeted  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act.  Indeed  the  hope  was 
general  that  the  desire  of  the  two  countries  to  keep  together, 
the  inherent  justice  of  the  claim  of  the  Americans  to  equal 
rights,  their  triumphant  reasoning  in  behalf  of  their  cause, 
and  more  than  all  their  union,  resolution,  and  increasing 
power,  would  affect  public  opinion  in  England  to  such  a 
degree  as  to  bring  about  a  change  of  administration  and  a 
reversal  of  the  Bute  policy,  and  thus  restore  harmony.1 

The  expression  in  favor  of  a  congress  produced  no  regular 
call  for  the  election  of  delegates  during  the  spring  of  1774. 
The  journals  for  months  after  the  complete  defeat  of  the 
execution  of  the  Tea  Act  show  little  political  agitation  out- 
side of  Massachusetts.  Here  the  issue  respecting  the 


secure  the  rights  of  this  people  from  rapacious  and  plotting  tyrants.  I  have  been 
assured,  from  good  authority,  that  many  patriots,  for  several  years  past,  have  turned 
their  attention  to  this  grand  affair  of  an  American  commonwealth,  and  that  a  system 
is  nearly  complete,  which  will  unite  all  Americans  by  an  indissoluble  bond  of  union, 
and  thereby  make  them  formidable  and  superior  to  any  kingdom  upon  earth.  Let  the 
Americans  feel  their  importance,  act  like  freemen,  trust  in  Heaven,  and  fear  none  of 
the  sons  of  Adam." 

i  John  Scollay,  one  of  the  Boston  selectmen,  May  31, 1774,  wrote  to  Arthur  Lee: 
"  We  have  too  great  a  regard  for  our  parent  state  (although  cruelly  treated  by  some 
of  her  illegitimate  sons)  to  withdraw  our  connection.  Of  her  we  have  no  idea  of  an 
independency."  .  .  .  And  he  hoped  the  wisdom  of  both  countries  would  "fix  on 
some  principles  for  each  party  to  resort  to  as  the  great  charter  of  agreement  between 
the  king  and  his  colonies." 


316  THE   EISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

salaries  of  local  officers  occasioned  a  sharp  struggle,  and  an 
impeachment  of  the  chief  justice  because  he  accepted  his 
salary  from  the  crown.  Whatever  local  importance  however 
this  question  assumed,  it  did  not  move  the  people  of  the 
other  colonies.  Even  here  the  agitation  was  limited.  "  I 
am  of  the  same  opinion,"  John  Adams  wrote,  "  that  I  have 
been  for  years,  that  there  is  not  spirit  enough  on  either  side 
to  bring  the  question  to  a  complete  decision.  .  .  .  Our  chil- 
dren may  see  revolutions,  and  be  concerned  and  active  in 
effecting  them,  of  which  we  can  form  no  conception."1 
Jefferson  says  that  the  Virginians  relapsed  into  lethargy.2 
Joseph  Reed  in  Philadelphia  reviewed  elaborately  the  whole 
field  in  remarkable  letters  addressed  to  Lord  Dartmouth, 
and  he  now  wrote :  "I  know  of  no  cloud  arising  in  our 
political  hemisphere  unless  our  conduct  respecting  the  tea 
should  produce  one."  3 

Samuel  Adams  apprehended  the  situation.  His  utterances 
show  that  he  hoped  rather  than  expected  that  the  ministers 
would  alter  their  policy ;  and  in  the  case  of  their  persistence 
in  it,  he  saw  as  a  consequence  110  other  result  than  separation 
and  independence.  Still  his  record  as  clearly  shows  that, 
so  far  from  welcoming  the  bloody  work  of  revolution,  he 
involuntarily  shrunk  from  it.  He  continued  for  a  year  to 
express  warm  affection  for  the  mother-country.  He  stood, 
however,  firm  in  his  conviction  of  what  public  duty  demanded. 
It  was  in  vain  to  expect  that  the  people  would  be  contented 
with  partial  or  temporary  relief,  or  be  amused  with  court 
promises.  Their  opposition  to  unconstitutional  measures 
had  grown  into  system ;  colony  communed  freely  with  col- 
ony ;  there  was  among  the  colonies  a  common  affection,  — 
the  communis  sensus ;  the  whole  continent  had  become 
united  in  sentiment  and  in  opposition  to  tyranny.  However, 
the  old  good- will  and  affection  for  the  parent  country  was 

1  Letter,  April  9,  1776,  in  Works,  ii.  337. 

2  Memoirs  of  Jefferson,  i.  5.     Ed.  1830. 

»  Letter,  April  4,  1774.    Heed's  Reed,  i.  58. 


THE   TEA   ACT   AND    AMERICAN  UNION.  317 

not  lost:  if  she  returned  to  her  former  moderation,  the 
former  love  would  return ;  for  the  people  wanted  nothing 
more  than  permanent  union  with  her  on  the  condition  of 
equal  liberty.  This  is  all  they  had  for  ten  years  been  con- 
tending for,  and  nothing  short  of  this  would  or  ought  to 
satisfy  them.1  This  was  his  position  stated  in  his  own 
words.  It  was  a  defensive  one.  He  had  faith  in  the  repub- 
lican idea;  appreciated  the  value  of  its  embodiment  in 
American  institutions ;  sought  their  preservation ;  and  for 
their  protection  would  have  been  satisfied  with  the  national 
power  which  grandly  met  the  natural  sentiment  of  country. 
As  the  reports  came  that  the  government  was  maturing  severe 
penal  measures,  and  that  fleets  and  armies  were  to  be  sent 
over  to  enforce  them,  his  faith  in  God  and  his  countrymen 
rose.  "  It  is  our  duty,"  he  wrote,  "  at  all  hazards  to  pre- 
serve the  public  liberty.  Kighteous  Heaven  will  graciously 
smile  on  every  manly  and  rational  attempt  to  secure  that 
best  of  all  gifts  to  man  from  the  ravishing  hand  of  lawless 
and  brutal  power."  2  This  was  not  a  type  of  the  sentimen- 
talism  which  has  its  origin  in  dreams,  and  naturally  lands  in 
Utopia,  but  was  a  type  of  the  integrity  of  character  and  pur- 
pose, which  were  the  springs  of  the  wise  counsels  and  the 
great  action  that  led  to  the  formation  of  the  republic. 

The  period  of  suspense  terminated  during  the  first  week  in 
May,  when  the  newspapers  became  burdened  with  details 
shewing  the  feeling  roused  in  England  by  the  destruction  of 
the  tea.  It  was  pronounced  by  the  king  a  subversion  of  the 
Constitution ;  by  Lord  North,  the  culmination  of  years  of  riot 
and  confusion  ;  by  parliament,  actual  rebellion  flowing  from 

1  Letter,  March  31, 1774,  drawn  up  by  Samuel  Adams  for  the  legislative  commit- 
tee of  correspondence,  and  signed  by  himself,  John  Hancock,  William  Phillips,  and 
William  Heath,  and  addressed  to  Franklin.    S.  A.  Wells's  MS.  Life  of  Adams,  ii. 
485,  has  this  letter.     It  is,  with  a  few  sentences  wanting,  in  the  Massachusetts  papers 
of  the  Seventy-Six  Society. 

2  Samuel  Adams  to  James  Warren,  March  31,  1774,  MSS.    The  "Massachu- 
setts Gazette,"  April  25,  1774,  has  the  following  letter  from  London,  dated  Feb.  15: 
"  Six  ships  of  war  and  seven  regiments  are  ordered  to  America  with  all  expedition: 
for  what  purpose  time  must  discover." 


318  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

ideas  of  independence.  The  opposition  bowed  to  the  storm 
Lord  Chatham  uttered  rebuke,  and  Colonel  Barr6  conceded 
the  necessity  of  punishment.  Lord  Dartmouth  was  the 
most  moderate  in  his  speech,  terming  the  proceeding  a 
commotion,  but  was  anxious  that  the  offenders  should  be 
punished.  The  bold  stroke  of  the  Boston  patriots  stirred 
an  intense  nationality  into  an  energy,  that,  like  a  hurricane, 
swept  before  it  men  and  parties.  The  words,  often  cited,  of 
the  arrogant,  insolent,  and  galling  Venn,  were  then  uttered 
and  circulated  through  the  colonies :  "  The  offence  of  the 
Americans  is  flagitious :  the  town  of  Boston  ought  to  be 
knocked  about  their  ears  and  destroyed.  Delenda  est 
Carthago.  You  will  never  meet  with  proper  obedience  to 
the  laws  of  this  country  until  you  have  destroyed  that  nest 
of  locusts."  These  words  embodied  the  feeling  of  England 
in  an  hour  of  her  insolence.1 

The  ministers  blundered,  as  usual,  in  meeting  this  issue. 
They  proceeded  as  though  they  had  to  deal  only  with 
Boston  and  Massachusetts.  It  had  long  been  a  theory  that 
the  law  of  diversity  was  so  deeply  rooted  and  so  paramount 
in  its  influence,  that  anything  like  real  political  unity  among 
the  colonies  would  be  impossible.  Hutchinson  accepted 
this  theory.  General  Gage,  the  commander  of  the  British 
army  in  America,  having  his  eye  over  the  whole  field, 
judged  that  the  chance  was  small  of  the  Bostonians  getting 
more  than  fair  words  from  the  other  colonies ;  and,  fresh 
from  America,  assured  the  king,  in  a  personal  interview,  that 
four  regiments  stationed  in  Boston  would  prevent  any  dis- 
turbance. The  king  reports  him  even  as  saying,  "  They 
will  be  lions  while  we  are  lambs ;  but  if  we  take  the  resolute 
part,  they  will  prove  very  meek,"  — a  saying  which  the  king 
thought  worth  sending  to  Lord  North.2  It  was  reasoned : 

1  Venn's  words  are  in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette"  of  May  19, 1774.    Governor 
Johnstone,  one  of  the  Peace  Commission  of  1778,  in  a  private  letter  dated  June  10, 
to  Henry  Laurens,  the  President  of  Congress,  said:  "If  you  should  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  England  in  the  hour  of  her  insolence,"  &c — Annual  Register,  xxi.  338. 

2  Donne's  Correspondence  of  George  III.,  i.  164. 


THE  TEA  ACT  AND   AMERICAN  UNION.  319 

The  other  colonies  will  not  take  fire  at  the  proper  punish- 
ment of  those  who  have  disobeyed  the  laws.  They  will 
leave  them  to  suffer  for  their  own  offences ; *  the  shutting 
up  of  the  port  will  be  naturally  a  gratification  to  the  neigh- 
boring towns ;  the  other  colonies  will  accept  with  pleasure 
any  benefits  they  can  derive  from  the  misfortunes  of  Massa- 
chusetts ;  the  policy  of  singling  out  this  colony  will  event- 
ually prove  a  means  of  dissolving  the  bond  of  union.2 

The  king  on  the  7th  of  March,  1774,  in  messages  to  both 
Houses,  recommended  to  their  serious  consideration  the 
proceedings  in  America  elicited  by  the  Tea  Act,  and  partic- 
ularly the  destruction  of  the  tea  in  Boston.  The  messages 
were  accompanied  with  a  mass  of  papers  relating  to  this 
matter.3  It  was  left  to  parliament  to  say  what  measures 
were  necessary  to  secure  the  execution  of  the  laws  and 
the  just  dependence  of  the  colonies ;  but  Lord  North  sub- 
mitted no  plan.  Lord  Thurloe,  impatient  for  coercion, 
said  loud  enough  to  reach  the  ears  of  the  minister,  "  I 
never  heard  any  thing  so  impudent:  he  has  no  plan  yet 
ready."  An  address  to  the  king,  however,  was  promptly 
agreed  upon,  expressing  thanks  for  the  gracious  commu- 
nication that  day  made  to  parliament ;  and  in  the  evening 
the  king  wrote  to  Lord  North:  "It  is  carrying  a  very 
material  point,  —  the  ordering  an  address  without  a  divis- 
ion, —  and  gives  a  degree  of  weight  to  the  subsequent  steps 
that  will  be  taken  on  this  business  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons."1 The  steps  alluded  to  were  the  famous  series  of 
penal  measures. 

The  first  of  this  series,  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  was  moved 
by  Lord  North  on  the  14th  of  March.  It  passed  in  about 

1  Annual  Register,  vol.  xvii.  64. 

2  Ibid.,  vol.  xviii.  2. 

a  The  particulars  of  the  destruction  of  the  tea  were  received  in  London  by  the 
New-York  mail  on  Wednesday,  Jan.  19,  1774,  and  were  printed  in  the  London 
papers  of  Jan.  21,  and  in  the  "Edinburgh  Advertiser"  of  Jan.  25.  There  were  no 
comments.  The  ministers  waited  for  the  arrival  of  official  despatches. 

*  Donne's  Letters  of  George  III.,  i.  173. 


320  THE  RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

\ 

two  weeks  through  the  various  stages,  with  very  little 
debate.  On  its  second  reading  without  division,  the  king 
wrote  that  the  fact  "  was  so  favorable  to  the  measure  that 
he  could  not  refrain  from  expressing  the  pleasure  it  gave 
him  ;  "  and  thought  that  "  the  feebleness  and  fatuity  of  the 
opposition  shewed  the  rectitude  of  the  measure." l  Words  of 
soberness  and  truth,  even  of  prophecy,  were  spoken  in  the 
debate  against  the  bill,  in  both  Houses,  but  there  were  no 
divisions.  The  anxious  eyes  of  a  patriot  and  a  great 
statesman  followed  the  "mad  and  cruel  measure."  "Rep- 
aration," Lord  Chatham  wrote,  "  ought  first  to  be  demanded 
in  a  solemn  manner,  and  refused  by  the  town  and  magistracy 
of  Boston,  before  such  a  bill  of  pains  and  penalties  can  be 
called  just ;  "  but,  he  remarked,  perhaps  a  fatal  desire  had 
taken  possession  of  the  heart  of  the  government  to  take 
advantage  of  a  tumult  in  order  to  crush  the  spirit  of  liberty 
among  the  Americans.2  It  is  recorded  on  the  journals  of 
both  Houses  that  the  bill  passed  unanimously.  It  received 
the  royal  assent  on  the  31st  of  March,  and  then  became  a 
law.  It  provided  for  a  discontinuance  of  the  landing  of  all 
merchandise  whatever  in,  or  the  shipping  from  the  town  or 
harbor  of  Boston  on  and  after  the  first  day  of  June ;  consti- 
tuted Marblehead  a  port  of  entry,  and  Salem  the  seat  of 
government.  This  state  of  things  was  to  continue  until 
certain  conditions  should  be  complied  with,  —  one  being 
that  the  owners  of  the  property  that  was  destroyed  should 
be  indemnified.  It  was  officially  announced  that  an  army 
and  a  fleet  would  be  employed  to  enforce  the  Act. 

This  Act  was  received  by  separate  arrivals  at  New  York 
and  Boston,3  and  was  circulated  with  wonderful  rapidity 

1  Donne's  Letters  of  George  III.,  i.  176. 

2  Correspondence  of  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  iv.  336. 

8  The  Boston  Port  Act  was  received  here  on  the  10th  of  May,  and  the  "Massa- 
chusetts Gazette"  of  May  12  has  it  in  full,  with  the  following  heading:  "Tuesday 
arrived  here  Captain  Shayler,  in  a  brig  from  London,  who  brought  the  most  interest- 
ing and  important  advices  that  ever  was  received  at  the  port  of  Boston."  The  Act 
was  received  in  New  York,  May  12,  by  Captain  Couper,  twenty-seven  days  from 
London.  "We  want  language  to  express  our  abhorrence,"  a  New-York  letter  of 
the  14th  says,  printed  in  the  "Boston  Gazette." 


THE   TEA   ACT   AND   AMERICAN   UNION.  321 

from  these  centres  through  the  colonies.  It  spoke  for  itself. 
It  doomed  a  town  to  suffer  for  a  deed  which  had  been  wel- 
comed in  every  quarter  with  manifestations  of  joy.  Pathetic 
appeal,  or  party  manipulation,  or  personal  influence,  was  not 
required  to  rouse  a  general  indignation.  This  welled  up 
instinctively  from  the  American  heart,  and  was  expressed 
in  every  form.  The  Act  was  printed  on  paper  with  mourn- 
ing lines;  it  was  cried  through  the  streets  as  barbarous 
murder ;  it  was  burnt  by  the  common  hangman  on  scaffolds 
forty-five  feet  high.  The  feeling  that  it  was  unjust  and  in- 
human was  expressed  in  passionate  words.  "  Join  or  die," 
a  terse  Rhode-Island  utterance  reads:  "  the  insult  to  our  vir- 
tuous brethren  ought  to  be  viewed  in  the  same  odious  light  as 
a  direct  hostile  invasion  of  every  province  on  the  continent." 
Thus  the  patriots  gave  themselves  up  to  impulses  that  honor 
human  nature.  The  Act  was  a  failure  from  the  moment  of 
its  promulgation. 

The  Boston  committee  of  correspondence  invited  the 
committees  of  eight  neighboring  towns  to  meet  for  deliber- 
ation in  Faneuil  Hall.  Men  in  that  conference  (May  12) 
took  part  in  the  counsels  or  the  battles  of  the  whole 
subsequent  struggle.  Samuel  Adams  presided,  and  Joseph 
Warren  drew  up  its  papers.  The  conference  addressed  a 
circular  to  the  committees  in  all  the  colonies,  recommending 
a  suspension  of  trade  with  Great  Britain,  suggesting  that  the 
single  question  was  whether  the  other  colonies  would  con- 
sider Boston  as  suffering  for  the  common  cause,  and  resent 
the  injury  inflicted  on  her,  and  promising  fidelity  to  the 
rights  of  America.  On  the  next  day  a  town  meeting  was 
held  in  Faneuil  Hall,  with  Samuel  Adams  for  the  moderator. 
The  inhabitants  addressed  (May  13)  a  circular  "  to  all  the 
sister  colonies,  promising  to  suffer  for  America  with  fortitude, 
but  confessing  that  singly  they  must  find  their  trial  too 
severe : "  they  entreated  not  to  be  left  alone  when  the  being  of 
every  colony  as  a  free  people  depended  on  the  event ;  and  they 
also  proposed,  as  the  means  to  obtain  redress,  commercial 

21 


322  THE   RISE    OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

non-intercourse.  The  hall  could  not  contain  the  numbers 
who  attended,  and  many  stood  outside  until  its  close.  Ex- 
presses were  sent  to  Salem  and  Marblehead,  to  New  York 
and  to  Philadelphia,  with  letters  to  the  patriots.  The 
legislative  committee  were  directed  by  the  House  to  send 
the  Port  Act  to  the  other  colonies,  and  to  call  immediate 
attention  to  it  as  "  an  act  designed  to  suppress  the  spirit  of 
liberty  in  America."  The  committee  in  performing  this 
duty  (May  28)  said :  "  We  think  the  archives  of  Constanti- 
nople might  be  in  vain  searched  for  a  parallel.  To  reason 
upon  such  an  act  would  be  idleness.  You  will  doubtless 
judge  every  British  American  colony  deeply  concerned  in  it, 
and  contemplate  and  determine  upon  it  accordingly."  Thus 
the  patriots  acted  through  their  varied  organizations  in  a 
spirit  of  order,  and  with  promptness,  dignity,  and  efficiency. 
The  reception  of  these  circulars  was  the  occasion  for 
memorable  proceedings,  which  have  often  been  related,  but 
which  ought  not  to  be  omitted  in  any  narrative  of  these 
times.  The  inhabitants  of  Marblehead  tendered  the  use  of 
their  wharves  to  the  Bostonians,  one  of  their  number, 
Elbridge  Gerry,  the  future  Vice-President,  saying  that  the 
resentment  of  an  arbitrary  ministry  would  prove  a  diadem  of 
honor  to  the  oppressed  town.  The  merchants  of  Newbury- 
port  voted  to  break  off  trade  with  Great  Britain,  and  lay  up 
their  ships  until  the  port  should  be  opened.  Salem,  in  an 
address  to  Governor  Gage,  drawn  up  by  Timothy  Pickering, 
the  future  Secretary  of  State,  averred  that  they  must  be  lost 
to  all  feelings  of  humanity  to  raise  their  fortunes  on  the 
ruins  of  their  neighbor.  The  same  spirit  was  manifested  in 
the  other  New-England  colonies.  The  Connecticut  assem- 
bly appointed  a  day  for  humiliation  and  prayer,  and  ordered 
an  inventory  to  be  taken  of  cannon  and  military  stores. 
Providence,  in  Rhode  Island,  resolved  that  all  the  colonies 
were  concerned  in  the  Port  Act,  and  recommended  a  con- 
gress. Portsmouth,  in  New  Hampshire,  declared  that  the 
administration  were  taking  every  method  to  disunite  the  col 


THE  TEA   ACT   AND   AMEEICAN  UNION.  323 

onies,  but  hoped  their  firm  union  would  continue.  The 
sentiment  and  determination  of  the  patriots  south  of  New 
England  were  represented  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Virginia 
House  of  Burgesses.  On  the  reception  of  the  news  of  the 
Port  Act,  all  business  gave  way  to  the  generous  purpose  to 
stand  by  Massachusetts.  In  resolves  penned  by  Jefferson, 
they  set  apart  the  first  day  of  June  as  a  day  of  fasting  and 
prayer,  to  invoke  the  divine  interposition  to  give  to  the 
American  people  one  heart  and  one  mind  to  oppose  by  all 
just  means  every  injury  to  American  rights,  and  to  inspire 
the  minds  of  His  Majesty  and  his  parliament  with  wisdom, 
moderation,  and  justice.  These  resolves  brought  down  a 
dissolution ;  and  before  others,  proposing  a  congress,  could  be 
passed.1  The  members  then  repaired  to  the  Raleigh  Tavern, 
where  they  declared  that  an  attack  made  on  one  of  the  sister 
colonies  was  an  attack  on  all  British  America,  and  threat- 
ened ruin  to  the  rights  of  all,  unless  the  united  wisdom  of 
the  whole  were  applied ;  and  they  recommended  the  com- 
mittee of  correspondence  to  communicate  with  the  other 
committees  on  the  expediency  of  holding  an  annual  congress. 
Two  days  later  the  circulars  from  the  north  were  received, 
when  the  Burgesses  who  remained  in  Williamsburg  — 
Washington  was  one  —  appointed  a  convention,  consisting 
of  representatives  of  all  the  counties,  to  meet  on  the  first 
day  of  August.2 

1  The  House  of  Burgesses  had  before  them  on  the  24th  of  May  a  resolve  provid- 
ing for  the  call  of  a  congress,  and  were  dissolved  the  next  morning.    The  resolve  is 
in  the  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  June  20.     The  Massachusetts  assembly  convened  on 
the  25th  of  May.     Samuel  Adams  was  about  to  introduce  resolves  for  a  congress 
when  the  assembly  (26th)  was  adjourned  by  the  Governor  to  meet  in  Salem  on  the 
7th  of  June. 

2  The  "Essex  Gazette  "  of  June  28  has  the  following,  showing  the  feeling  south  of 
Virginia :  "  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  June  6.    Last  Tuesday  morning  a  packet  was 
received  here  from  a  very  respectable  committee  at  Philadelphia,  enclosing  letters  from 
other  committees,  and  contained  the  first  intelligence  of  the  passing  of  an  act  of  par- 
liament for  blocking  up  the  harbor  of  Boston,  which,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  indig- 
nation with  which  it  is  everywhere  received,  will  prove  the  cruellest  policy  that  ever 
disgraced  the  British  senate,  and  be  the  very  means  to  perfect  that  union  in  America 
which  it  was  intended  to  destroy." 


324  THE   RISE    OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

This  noble  action,  embodying  the  passion  and  humanity  of 
a  rich  historic  hour,  was  a  fitting  prelude  to  the  spectacle 
which  the  colonies  presented  on  the  day  (June  1)  the  Port 
Act  went  into  effect.  A  cordon  of  British  men-of-war  was 
moored  around  the  town  of  Boston.  Not  a  keel  nor  a  raft 
was  permitted  to  approach  the  wharves.  The  wheels  of 
commerce  were  stopped.  The  poor  were  deprived  of  employ- 
ment. The  rich  were  cut  off  from  their  usual  resources. 
The  town  entered  upon  its  period  of  suffering.  The  day  was 
widely  observed  as  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer.  The  mani- 
festations of  sympathy  were  general.  Business  was  sus- 
pended. Bells  were  muffled,  and  tolled  from  morning  till 
night ;  flags  were  kept  at  half-mast ;  streets  were  dressed  in 
mourning  ;  public  buildings  and  shops  were  draped  in  black  ; 
large  congregations  filled  the  churches.  In  Virginia  the 
members  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  assembled  at  their  place 
of  meeting  ;  went  in  procession,  with  the  Speaker  at  their 
head,  to  the  church  and  listened  to  a  discourse.  "  Never," 
a  lady  wrote,  "  since  my  residence  in  Virginia  have  I  seen 
so  large  a  congregation  as  was  this  day  assembled  to  hear 
divine  service."  l  The  preacher  selected  for  his  text  the 
words :  "Be  strong  and  of  good  courage,  fear  not,  nor  be 
afraid  of  them ;  for  the  Lord  thy  God,  he  it  is  that  doth  go 
with  thee.  He  will  not  fail  thee  nor  forsake  thee."  "The 
people,"  Jefferson  says,  "  met  generally,  with  anxiety  and 
alarm  in  their  countenances ;  and  the  effect  of  the  day,  through 
the  whole  colony,  was  like  a  shock  of  electricity,  arousing 
every  man  and  placing  him  erect  and  solidly  on  his  centre." 2 
These  words  describe  the  effect  of  the  Port  Act  throughout 
the  thirteen  colonies. 

This  train  of  events  served  to  fix  again  all  eyes  on  Boston. 
It  was  now  required  to  be  patient  under  suffering,  to  show 

1  Letters  dated  Williamsburg,  June  1,  1774,  in   "Edinburgh  Advertiser,"  July 
26.    An  excellent  letter  from  one  of  the  Burgesses,  dated  June  4,  is  printed  in  this 
paper  of  Aug.  2,  and  the  whole  proceedings  in  the  issue  of  Aug.  5. 

2  Jefferson  Memoir,  p.  6. 


THE  TEA  ACT  AND   AMERICAN   UNION. 

forbearance  under  insult,  and  to  be  faithful  to  the  cause  in 
the  face  of  danger.  The  feeling  among  its  citizens  was 
bitter,  intense,  and  up  to  the  verge  of  civil  war.  The  Tories 
taunted  the  Whigs  with  following  a  set  of  reckless  dema- 
gogues, who  professed  loyalty,  but  aimed  at  independence. 
They  had  brought  down  upon  the  town  its  calamity,  and 
would  be  sent  to  England  and  expiate  their  crimes  at  Tyburn. 
The  Whigs,  as  they  directed  public  odium  in  every  way  on 
the  Tories,  averred  that  nothing  was  further  from  their 
hearts  than  a  spirit  of  rebellion,  and  continued  their  confi- 
dence in  a  noble  band  of  leaders.  They  were  guiding  a 
great  movement  with  uncommon  wisdom.  The  militia  were 
not  called  out  to  resist  the  landing  of  the  troops  daily  ex- 
pected ;  the  British  fleet  were  not  cannonaded  from  guns 
planted  on  the  surrounding  hills ;  the  idea  was  not  acted  on, 
if  it  was  suggested  by  the  rash,  of  declaring  independence, 
unfurling  the  Pine  Tree  flag,  and  entering  upon  a  Quixotic 
crusade  against  England.  The  town  bore  its  burden  with 
dignity,  and  based  its  hope  of  deliverance  on  union.  In  a 
short  time  regiments  from  famous  battle-fields  landed  unmo- 
lested on  its  soil ;  hostile  cannon  were  planted  on  its  emi- 
nences and  at  the  single  outlet  into  the  country ;  troops  daily 
paraded  its  streets,  and  the  place  wore  the  aspect  of  a  garrison. 
Details  of  the  petty  annoyance  to  which  its  citizens  were  sub- 
jected were  printed  from  time  to  time  in  the  journals.  The 
strange  spectacle  touched  the  feelings  of  the  patriots.  Their 
admiration  was  raised  by  the  genuine  pluck  evinced  by  the 
Bostonians  in  going  on  with  their  political  action  under  the 
mouths  of  hostile  cannon,  and  when  this  was  in  derogation 
of  an  act  of  parliament.  The  action  had  not  been  bolder  when 
the  town  was  free  from  troops.  Thus  the  brave  municipality 
stood  manfully  for  the  cause,  exciting  warm  sympathy,  in- 
tense interest,  and  the  gravest  apprehension. 

The  suggestion  appeared  in  several  quarters  simultaneously 
that  contributions  should  be  tendered  for  the  relief  of  such 
of  the  indigent  as  might  be  sufferers  by  the  operation  of  the 


326  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

Port  Act ;  it  was  approved  and  urged  in  the  press,  the  pul- 
pit, public  meetings,  and  general  assemblies ;  and  was  so 
promptly  carried  out  that  soon  there  was  a  flow  from  every 
quarter  of  cereals,  live  stock,  provisions,  wood,  and  money 
into  Boston.  The  fraternal  movement  bore  directly  on  the 
individual.  The  ardent  and  zealous  workers  in  the  cause  in 
hundreds  of  localities,  forming  a  circle  more  or  less  wide, 
went  from  door  to  door,  from  street  to  street,  as  they  gath- 
ered the  patriotic  offerings ;  and  the  talk  in  the  shop,  on  the 
farm,  in  the  commercial  mart,  in  the  home,  would  naturally 
be  of  acts  of  power  full  of  injustice,  of  violated  liberty,  of 
patriots  suffering  for  the  cause.  The  names  of  contributors 
in  some  places  are  still  to  be  seen.  The  list  in  Fairfax 
County,  Virginia,  has  at  its  head  the  name  of  George  Wash- 
ington for  fifty  pounds.  The  committees  accompanied  the 
gifts  with  letters  laden  with  the  deepest  sympathy,  and,  as 
sterner  events  unfolded,  —  as  will  be  seen  in  the  next  chap- 
ter,— with  the  most  solemn  pledges  of  support.  A  few  sen- 
tences, selected  from  the  earliest,  will  suffice  here  to  show 
this  fraternal  spirit :  "  We  feel  the  heavy  hand  of  power, 
and  claim  a  share  of  your  sufferings."  —  "  Depend  upon  it  we 
will  further  assist  you  with  provisions  and  men  if  you  need 
it."  —  "  Our  people  are  open  and  generous,  firm  and  resolute 
in  the  cause  of  liberty ;  hope  the  people  of  Boston  remain  firm 
and  steady."  — "  Hold  on  and  hold  out  to  the  last.  As  you 
are  placed  in  the  front  rank,  if  you  fail  all  will  be  over." — 
"  Give  us  leave  to  entreat,  to  beg,  to  conjure  you,  by  every 
thing  that  is  dear,  by  every  thing  that  is  sacred,  by  the  ven- 
erable names  of  our  pious  forefathers,  who  suffered,  who 
bled  in  the  defence  of  liberty,  not  to  desert  the  cause  in  this 
trying  crisis."  —  "  Stand  firm,  and  let  your  intrepid  courage 
show  to  the  world  that  you  are  Christians."  These  words 
were  born  of  generous  impulses  and  a  noble  enthusiasm. 
They  revealed  the  fact  that,  beneath  the  diversity  that  char- 
acterized the  colonies,  there  was  American  unity.  The 
deeds  they  heralded  were  the  blossoming  of  a  rare  public 


THE  TEA  ACT  AND  AMERICAN  UNION.        327 

life,  but  the  spirit  was  greater  than  the  deeds.  The  blow 
dealt  on  Boston,  like  a  wound  on  a  single  nerve,  convulsed 
the  whole  body.1 

The  popular  party  were  now  enabled  to  prepare  for  the 
work  in  store  for  them  by  extending  their  organization  and 
interchanging  sentiments.  They  in  every  quarter  chose 
committees  of  correspondence,  sometimes  in  public  meetings, 
as  in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Baltimore,  but  very  gen- 
erally in  meetings  regularly  called  of  the  freeholders  and 
other  inhabitants  of  the  parishes,  towns,  and  counties,  after 
the  way  of  the  town  of  Boston.  It  was  remarked  by  John 
Adams,  that  "  every  city,  county,  hundred,  and  town  on  the 
continent"  adopted  the  measure — he  almost  said,  as  if  it 
had  been  "a  revelation  from  above — as  the  happiest  means 
of  cementing  the  union : "  he  added  that  the  organization 
was  actuated  "by  one  great,  wise,  and  noble  spirit,  —  one 
masterly  soul  animating  one  vigorous  body."2  This  was 
more  enthusiastic  than  exact.  The  Canadas  continued 
meanly  to  hold  back ;  some  of  the  towns  in  the  original 
thirteen  colonies  did  not  choose  committees ;  and  here  and 
there  a  town,  after  the  choice,  faltered  and  dismissed  its 
committee.3  The  opposition  to  the  organization  attempted 

1  The  "Boston  Gazette"  of  July  11,  1774,  has  the  following,  which  illustrates 
the  spirit  of  the  times :  — 

MESSIEURS  EDES  AND  GILL. 

'Tis  an  old  and  just  observation  that  professions  cost  nothing;  'tis  equally  true 
that  when  a  man  parts  with  his  money  in  support  of  any  cause,  he  evidences  himself 
to  be  in  earnest.  I  cannot  but  reverence  my  fellow-countrymen,  dispersed  through 
this  and  the  other  governments,  for  their  liberal  and  unsolicited  contributions  to  support 
the  poor  and  suffering  people  of  Boston  during  the  present  conflict.  What  amiable 
charity!  What  glorious  magnanimity  is  here  displayed!  Shall  such  a  race  of  patriots, 
shall  such  a  band  of  friends,  be  ever  subdued?  No,  my  persecuted  brethren  of  thia 
metropolis,  you  may  rest  assured  that  the  guardian  God  of  New  England,  who  holds 
the  hearts  of  his  people  in  his  hands,  has  influenced  your  distant  brethren  to  this 
benevolence.  'Tis  a  glorious  pledge  of  that  harmony,  that  unison  of  sentiment  and 
action,  which  shall  connect  such  a  band  of  heroes,  as  to  make  a  world  combined 
against  them  to  tremble.  Cultivate  this  rich,  this  fruitful  blessing,  —  an  extensive 
union:  when  once  'tis  effected,  it  will  intimidate  your  enemies,  will  animate  your 
friends,  will  convince  them  both  that  you  must  be  invincible,  and  thus  you  will  obtain 
a  bloodless  victory.  G. 

2  Novanglus.    John  Adams,  in  the  "Boston  Gazette,"  dated  Feb.  6,  1775. 

8  I  have  a  list  of  the  dates  of  the  formation  of  municipal  committees  in  several  of 


328  THE  RISE  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

to  do  this  in  Boston  in  a  town  meeting ;  but,  after  a  debate 
of  two  days,  they  were  signally  defeated.  This  proceeding 
elicited  a  generous  recognition  of  the  labors  of  the  Boston 
committee  in  an  address  from  Rhode  Island.  "  Your  faith- 
ful services,"  it  said,  "  have  endeared  you  to  the  wise  and 
good  of  every  colony.  Continue  your  indefatigable  labors 
in  the  common  cause,  and  you  will  soon  see  the  happy  success 
of  them  in  the  salvation  of  your  country."  l  It  is  doing  no 
injustice  to  other  members  of  the  committee  to  say  that  its 
records  show  Joseph  Warren  and  Samuel  Adams  indefati- 
gable in  its  labors. 

The  Tories  wrote  much  about  this  organization  in  the  press. 
They  said,  in  describing  the  formation  of  the  committees,  that 
at  first  resolutions,  drawn  up  by  zealous  partisans,  were  offered 
in  public  meetings ;  then,  the  orator  mounted  the  rostrum, 
and  exerted  his  powers  of  eloquence  to  heat  his  audience  with 
the  blaze  of  patriotism  with  which  he  conceived  himself  in- 
spired ;  and  that  from  this  fountain  originated  their  authority. 
"  It  is  a  fountain,"  the  writer  said,  "  from  which  no  legal 
authority  can  be  derived :  we  know  not  where  such  prece- 
dents may  terminate.  Setting  up  such  a  power  to  control 
you  is  setting  up  anarchy  above  order  :  it  is  the  beginning 
of  republicanism.  Nip  this  pernicious  weed  in  the  bud  before 

the  colonies,  but  its  insertion  would  require  large  space.  The  action  of  the  New- 
Hampshire  and  Rhode-Island  towns  has  been  noticed.  (See  p.  313.)  The  movement 
did  not  become  general  in  the  Southern  colonies  until  after  the  passage  of  the  Boston 
Port  Act.  Then  the  journals  abound  with  accounts  of  local  meetings.  The  counties 
in  Maryland  chose  committees  in  the  last  of  May  and  in  June ;  the  counties  of  Virginia 
in  June.  It  was  said  in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette  "  (Tory)  of  July  7,  1774 :  "  The 
newspapers  from  all  quarters,  in  every  British  American  colony,  so  far  as  we  have  yet 
received  intelligence,  are  chiefly  filled  with  accounts  of  meetings  and  resolutions  of 
towns  and  counties;  all  to  the  same  purpose,  complaining  of  oppression,  proposing 
a  congress,  a  cessation  of  intercourse  with  Great  Britain,  and  a  contribution  for  the 
relief  of  the  Boston  poor."  The  "Boston  Gazette"  of  July  4  contains  in  full  the 
proceeding  of  a  meeting  of  ''  The  Freeholders  and  other  inhabitants  of  Frederick 
County,"  Va.,  held  on  the  8th  of  June,  appointing  a  committee  of  correspondence; 
and  of  a  meeting  of  "  The  Freeholders  and  Freemen  of  the  City  and  County  of 
Philadelphia"  held  on  the  18th  of  June,  appointing  a  committee,  with  John  Dicken- 
son  at  its  head. 

1  This  address  occupies  nearly  the  first  side  of  the  "Boston  Gazette"  of  Aug.  8, 
1774. 


THE  TEA   ACT   AND   AMERICAN   UNION.  329 

it  has  taken  too  deep  root."  This  record  of  the  Tories  is 
the  shading  of  the  picture  of  these  times,  which  serves  to 
bring  out  in  bright  colors  the  action  of  the  patriots. 

The  expressions  in  favor  of  a  congress  became  frequent  in 
various  quarters  after  the  passage  of  the  Tea  Act.  On  the 
passage  of  the  Port  Act  the  demand  for  a  congress  was  gen- 
eral. The  timid  regarded  this  measure  as  most  likely  to 
procure  a  redress  of  grievances  and  restore  harmony :  the 
bold  urged  it  as  the  first  step  in  the  direction  of  forming  an 
independent  American  commonwealth.  It  was  assented  to 
by  politicians  —  of  whom  Joseph  Galloway,  of  Philadelphia, 
was  the  type  —  who  were  halting  by  the  way,  and  ultimately 
took  the  royal  side ;  by  Whigs,  represented  by  John  Dicken- 
son,  who  never  seemed  ready  to  give  up  fiie  hope  of  reconcilia- 
tion ;  and  it  was  desired  above  all  other  measures  by  the  class 
represented  by  Christopher  Gadsden,  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
and  Samuel  Adams,  to  give  to  union  the  power  of  organiza- 
tion and  law.  About  a  month  after  the  reception  of  the 
Port  Act,  the  press  stated  that  a  congress  "  was  the  general 
desire  of  the  continent,  in  order  to  agree  on  effectual  measures 
for  defeating  the  despotic  designs  of  those  who  were  endeavor- 
ing to  effect  the  ruin  of  the  colonies." l 

During  the  month  of  May  propositions  for  a  congress  were 
adopted  by  several  public  meetings ;  and  when  the  condition 
of  intercommunication  is  considered  they  may  be  regarded 
as  independent  of  each  other.  They  shew  the  ripeness  of 
public  opinion  for  this  measure.  The  committee  in  New  York 
requested  the  patriots  of  Massachusetts  to  designate  the  time 
and  place  ;  and  they  decided  to  do  this  through  the  general 
assembly. 

Meantime  General  Gage  arrived  from  England  fresh  from 
a  personal  interview  with  the  king.  He  was  the  commander 
of  the  British  army  in  America ;  and,  as  the  successor  of 
Hutchinson,  he  bore  a  commission  as  the  Governor  of  Mas- 
sachusetts. A  report  was  current  to  the  effect  that,  when 

1  Boston  Evening  Post,  June  20,  1774. 


330  THE  KISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

he  landed  in  Boston,  he  would  be  treated  ^ith  indignity, 
but  he  was  received  (May  17)  with  every  mark  of  respect 
by  the  civil  authorities  and  the  military,  and  a  vast  concourse 
of  the  inhabitants.  When  his  commission  was  read  in  the 
council  chamber,  salutes  were  fired  and  the  people  cheered. 
In  the  afternoon  an  elegant  dinner  was  served  in  Faneuil 
Hall,  which  was  attended  by  the  principal  characters  of  the 
town.1  A  few  days  after  he  went  to  Salem,  escorted  by  a 
party  in  carriages.  They  were  met,  about  noon,  by  the  civil 
authorities  and  the  military,  and  formed  a  grand  procession. 
There  he  received  the  compliments  of  a  great  number  on  his 
accession  to  his  new  office,  and  his  safe  arrival  at  the  place 
of  his  residence.  It  was  hoped  that  this  gracious  reception 
would  remove  any  unfavorable  impression  which  report 
might  have  created  as  to  the  character  and  disposition  of  the 
inhabitants.2 

The  assembly  met  on  the  25th  of  May,  as  usual,  in 
Boston.  The  members  took  the  oaths  of  abjuration,  sub- 
scribed the  Declaration,  chose  Thomas  Gushing  speaker, 
Samuel  Adams  clerk,  and  elected  twenty-eight  councillors. 
On  the  next  day  Governor  Gage  negatived  thirteen  of  the 
twenty-eight,  among  whom  were  James  Bowdoin,  John  Win- 
throp,  and  John  Adams.  He  summoned  the  members  to  the 
council  chamber,  informed  them  that  he  had  the  king's 
particular  commands  for  holding  the  General  Court  at  Salem 
after  the  1st  of  June,  until  His  Majesty  should  signify  his 
royal  will  and  pleasure  for  holding  it  again  in  Boston.  The 
House  asked  the  Governor  to  appoint  a  day  of  fasting  and 
prayer,  to  petition  the  Almighty  that  the  people  of  this 
province  might  stand  favorably  in  the  eyes  of  the  king,  and 
be  directed  in  wise  and  proper  measures  to  establish  their 
just  rights,  liberties,  and  privileges,  and  that  harmony  might 

1  Boston  Gazette,  May  30,  1774.     This  issue  contains  the  noble  resolves  of  the 
town  of  Providence,  of  May  17,  recommending  the  call  of  a  congress  and  the  abolition 
of  negro  slavery.     They  will  compare  favorably  in  manner  and  rnatler  with  any 
adopted  up  to  this  time  in  the  colonies. 

2  Essex  Gazette,  June  7,  1774. 


THE   TEA   ACT   AND    AMERICAN   UNION.  331 

be  restored  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies.  The 
Governor  (May  28)  adjourned  the  court,  to  meet  on  the 
seventh  day  of  June. 

Hence  the  assembly  was  in  session  on  the  seventeenth  day 
of  June  in  the  old  and  quiet  town  of  Salem.  It  contained 
members  who  voted  for  the  resolve  of  1764,  inviting  all  the 
assemblies  to  concert  of  action ;  for  the  call  of  the  congress  of 
1765 ;  for  the  Circular  Letter  of  1768 ;  and  who  were  of  the 
"  glorious  Ninety-Two  "  who  refused  to  obey  the  king's  order 
to  rescind  this  Letter.  The  doors  of  the  chamber  in  which 
they  met  were  locked,  as  was  usual  when  important  business 
was  to  be  transacted.  Samuel  Adams  submitted  resolves 
designating  the  first  day  of  September  as  the  time,  and 
Philadelphia  as  the  place,  for  holding  the  congress;  providing 
for  the  appointment  of  five  delegates,  and  for  a  tax  on  the 
towns  of  five  hundred  pounds  to  defray  their  expenses.  While 
these  resolves  were  under  consideration,  the  secretary  of  the 
colony,  Thomas  Flucker,  bearing  a  message  from  the  Governor, 
applied  for  admission.  On  being  denied,  he  stood  on  the 
stairway  leading  to  the  hall,  and  read  to  the  crowd  a  procla- 
mation dissolving  the  assembly.1  The  House,  however,  went 
on  with  its  business.  The  resolves  were  adopted,  and  the 
speaker  was  ordered  to  transmit  them  to  the  speakers  of  the 
assemblies  of  the  continent.2 

1  It  is  stated  in  Rush  worth's  Collections,  i.  558,  that  just  before  Sir  Edward  Coke 
was  about  to  utter,  in  committee  of  the  whole,  the  speech  in  which  he  said,  "Let  us 
put  up  a  Petition  of  Right,"  the  key  was  brought  up,  and  none  were  to  go  out  with- 
out leave  first  asked. 

2  The  following  is  a  selection  of  the  matter  relating  to  a  congress,  after  the  passage 
of  the  Tea  Act:  — 

The  "Boston  Gazette"  of  Aug.  2, 1773,  in  a  spirited  appeal  urging  a  congress, 
says:  "  Many  and  great  are  the  advantages  that  may  result  from  such  a  congress  or 
meeting  of  American  States,  and  it  should  be  forwarded  as  fast  as  possible." 

Samuel  Adams,  in  the  "Boston  Gazette,"  Sept  13,  over  the  signature  of  "A.," 
suggests  that  the  next  petition  should  be  by  "  the  joint  wisdom  of  the  whole  in  a 
congress,  or  some  other  way  conformable  to  the  plan  of  union  proposed  by  Virginia; " 
saying,  "  It  would  certainly  be  inconsistent  with  that  plan  of  union  for  this  or  any 
other  colony  to  come  into  a  new  system  of  American  policy  without  consulting  the 
whole"  A  writer  in  the  same  paper  recommends  "that  a  congress  of  American 
States  be  assembled  as  soon  as  possible,  draw  up  a  Bill  of  Rights,  and  publish  it  to 


332  THE   RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

Meantime  there  was  an  adjournment  of  what  was  called 
"  The  Port  Act  Meeting  "  held  on  the  same  day  in  Faneuil 
Hall.  Great  numbers  attended.  John  Adams  was  the 
moderator.  The  principal  object  of  the  meeting  was  to  hear 

the  world;  choose  an  ambassador  to  reside  at  the  British  court,  to  act  for  the  United 
Colonies;  appoint  where  the  congress  shall  annually  meet;  and  how  it  may  be  sum- 
moned upon  an  extraordinary  occasion." 

Hutchinson  wrote  to  John  Pownal,  Oct.  18, 1773,  "  The  leaders  of  the  party  give 
out  openly  that  they  must  have  another  convention  of  all  the  colonies." 

The  "Boston  Gazette"  of  Dec.  2,  1773,  has  a  piece  which  says:  "There  is  no 
time  to  be  lost.  A  congress,  or  a  meeting  of  the  States,  is  indispensable." 

John  Hancock  in  the  annual  oration  on  the  5th  of  March,  1774,  urged  that  the 
posture  of  affairs  demanded  a  general  congress. 

A  piece  dated  New  York,  April  26,  1774,  and  copied  into  the  "  Boston  Evening 
Post"  of  June  6,  says:  "A  congress  of  deputies  from  the  several  colonies  is  thought 
to  be  absolutely  necessary,  to  devise  means  of  restoring  harmony  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  colonies,  and  prevent  matters  from  coming  to  extremities." 

In  a  town  meeting  in  Providence,  R.I.,  called  by  warrant,  on  the  17th  of  May, 
1774,  it  was  voted  "  that  the  deputies  of  this  town  be  requested  to  use  their  influence, 
at  the  approaching  session  of  the  general  assembly  of  this  colony,  for  promoting  a 
congress,  as  soon  as  may  be,  of  the  representatives  of  the  general  assemblies  of  the 
several  colonies  and  provinces  of  North  America,  for  establishing  the  firmest  union, 
and  adopting  such  measures  as  to  them  shall  appear  the  most  effectual  to  answer  that 
important  purpose,  and  to  agree  upon  proper  measures  for  executing  the  same." 
This  vote  was  immediately  printed  in  the  newspapers,  and  is  copied  into  the  "Massa- 
chusetts Gazette,"  of  May  30,  1774.  It  is  the  first  recommendation  of  a  congress  in 
print  by  an  organized  body  I  have  met.  The  committee  of  correspondence,  in  a  letter 
(May  17)  addressed  to  the  Boston  committee  of  correspondence,  say:  "We  trust 
your  town  will  be  for  a  general  congress  of  the  American  States  being  convened  as 
Boon  as  may  be,  that  an  opposition  to  the  unrighteous  impositions  may  be  entered 
into  by  all  the  colonies,  without  which  we  all  agree  the  cause  must  fail." 

The  committee  of  Philadelphia,  representing  a  respectable  number  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, in  a  calm  letter  dated  May  21,  1774,  addressed  to  the  committee  of  corre- 
spondence of  Boston,  expressed  the  opinion  that  "the  first  step  that  ought  to  be 
taken"  is  to  call  a  general  congress,  and  promised  to  obtain  the  sense  of  the  people 
on  this  question.  It  is  stated  in  the  New-York  papers  that  copies  of  this  letter  were 
sent  to  New  York  and  to  the  Southern  colonies.  It  was  copied  in  full  into  the 
"Edinburgh  Advertiser"  of  July  22. 

The  committee  of  correspondence  of  the  city  of  New  York,  in  a  letter  dated  May 
23,  addressed  to  the  committee  of  correspondence  of  Boston,  say  that  "a  congress 
of  deputies  from  the  colonies  in  general  is  of  the  utmost  moment,  that  it  ought  to  be 
assembled  without  delay:"  we  "request  your  speedy  opinion  of  the  proposed 
congress,  that,  if  it  should  meet  with  your  approbation,  we  may  exert  our  utmost 
endeavors  to  carry  it  into  execution."  Under  the  date  of  "New  York,  May  30," 
copied  into  the  "  Essex  Gazette"  of  June  2,  the  fact  is  stated  that  the  grand  com- 
mittee had  proposed  a  congress. 

Eighty-nine  members  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia  met  on  the  27th  of 
May,  at  the  long  room  called  the  Apollo,  in  the  Raleigh  Tavern  in  Williamsburg, 
after  the  House  had  been  dissolved  by  Earl  Dunmore,  and  signed  an  association;  an  I 


THE  TEA   ACT   AND    AMERICAN   UNION.  333 

the  report  of  a  committee  appointed  at  a  previous  meeting  to 
provide  employment  for  the  poor.  They,  through  Warren, 
stated  that  they  thought  best  to  defer  reporting  till  they 
had  heard  from  the  other  governments.  There  was  much 
written  and  said  at  this  period  about  payment  for  the  tea 
that  had  been  destroyed.  The  advice  on  this  point  to  the 
patriots  from  eminent  Whigs  was  contradictory.  "  I  can 

they  were  joined  by  a  number  of  clergymen  and  others.  In  this  way  they  "recom- 
mended to  the  committee  of  correspondence  that  they  communicate  with  the  sev- 
eral corresponding  committees,  on  the  expediency  of  appointing  deputies  from  the 
several  colonies  of  British  America,  to  meet  in  a  general  congress,  at  such  a  place 
annually  as  shall  be  thought  most  convenient;  there  to  deliberate  on  those  general 
measures  which  the  united  interests  of  America  may  from  time  to  time  require." 
The  whole  proceedings,  under  the  date  of  "  Williamsburg,"  and  occupying  a 
column  and  a  half,  are  in  the  "Boston  Gazette"  of  June  13,  1774.  The  committee 
of  coiTespondence  of  the  Burgesses  (May  28)  say  in  their  circular  letter  to  the  other 
committees:  "The  propriety  of  appointing  deputies  from  the  several  colonies  of 
British  America,  to  meet  annually  in  general  congress,  appears  to  be  a  measure  ex- 
tremely important  and  extensively  useful,  as  it  tends  so  effectually  to  obtain  the 
united  wisdom  of  the  whole  in  every  case  of  general  concern.  We  are  desirous  to 
obtain  your  sentiments  on  this  subject." 

On  the  15th  of  June  the  Rhode-Island  assembly,  in  the  opinion  "that  a  firm  and 
inviolate  union  of  the  colonies  was  absolutely  necessary,  appointed  two  delegates  to 
attend  a  congress  at  such  time  and  place  as  might  be  agreed  upon ; ' '  who  were  in- 
structed "to  procure  a  regular  annual  convention  of  representatives  of  all  the  colo- 
nies," &c.  These  resolves  were  printed  in  the  Boston  newspapers  of  June  20,  1774. 

In  this  varied  action  in  behalf  of  a  congress  no  time  or  place  was  named.  They 
were  designated  as  follows :  — 

The  Connecticut  committee  of  correspondence,  in  a  letter  addressed  on  the  3d  of 
June  to  the  Boston  committee  of  correspondence,  made  suggestions  as  to  time  and 
place,  and  the  next  day  sent  a  copy  of  this  letter  to  the  New-York  committee. 

The  New-York  committee,  on  the  7th  of  June,  in  a  letter  to  the  Boston  com- 
mittee of  correspondence,  requested  them  "to  appoint  the  time  and  place  for  holding 
the  congress." 

The  resolves  were  adopted  by  the  Massachusetts  assembly  on  the  17th  of  June, 
when  one  hundred  and  twenty-nine  members  were  present.  Only  twelve  dissented. 
The  preamble  and  first  resolve  were  as  follows :  "  This  House,  having  duly  considered 
and  being  deeply  affected  with  the  unhappy  differences  which  have  long  subsisted  and 
are  increasing  between  Great  Britain  and  the  American  colonies,  do  resolve :  That  a 
meeting  of  committees  from  the  several  colonies  on  this  continent  is  highly  expedient 
and  necessary  to  consult  upon  the  present  state  of  the  colonies,  and  the  miseries  to 
which  they  are  and  must  be  reduced  by  the  operation  of  certain  acts  of  parliament 
respecting  America ;  and  to  deliberate  and  determine  upon  wise  and  proper  measures 
to  be  by  them  recommended  to  all  the  colonies  for  the  recovery  and  establishment  of 
just  rights  and  liberties,  civil  and  religious,  and  the  restoration  of  union  and  harmony 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies,  most  ardently  desired  by  all  good  men." 
The  time  fixed  was  the  first  day  of  September,  and  the  place  Philadelphia,  or  any 
other  place  that  should  be  judged  most  suitable  by  the  committee. 


334  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

not,"  Franklin  wrote  from  London,  "  but  wish  and  hope 
that  compensation  would  be  made  to  the  company  ; "  but 
Gadsden,  of  Charleston,  wrote,  "  Don't  pay  for  an  ounce  of 
the  damned  tea."  The  subject  was  discussed  in  the  meet- 
ing. The  committee  of  correspondence  laid  before  the 
town,  probably  through  Warren,  the  answers  they  had 
received  fi  om  the  circulars  the  town  had  sent.  They  were 
directed  to  write  to  all  the  other  colonies  and  acquaint  them 
that  the  town  was  awaiting  with  anxiety  the  result  of  a  con- 
tinental congress  in  whose  wisdom  they  confided,  and  in 
whose  determination  they  should  cheerfully  acquiesce.  The 
meeting,  according  to  the  journals,  was  never  exceeded  in 
firmness  and  unanimity :  not  one  had  any  thing  to  say  in 
favor  of  paying  for  the  tea  ;  and  all  were  willing  to  endure 
the  worst  rather  than  surrender  the  rights  of  America. 

This  was  a  memorable  day.  In  the  evening  the  choice 
spirits  of  the  popular  party,  who  had  figured  in  the  meeting  in 
Faneuil  Hall  and  in  the  assembly  at  Salem,  met  at  Warren's 
residence.  Adams,  Gushing,  Quincy,  Warren,  Young,  were 
of  the  number ;  and  they  formed,  Young  the  next  day  wrote, 
"  an  important  and  agreeable  company."  The  spirit  evinced 
in  the  meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall,  the  action  at  Salem  relative 
to  the  congress,  the  intelligence  in  the  journals,  a  spirited 
letter  from  Baltimore,  cheered  their  hearts :  a  letter  was 
read  from  New  York,  which  was  pronounced  "  as  encouraging 
as  any  thing  they  had  from  any  part  of  the  continent." 
They  could  not  know  that  a  Massachusetts  assembly  should 
never  again  act  under  the  authority  of  the  crown,  or  that  the 
province  that  day  sent  forth  to  serve  them  in  the  congress 
a  patriot  who  was  soon  to  be  the  chief  magistrate  of  an 
independent  nation.  They  had  manfully  performed  duties 
expected  from  them.  "  Our  rejoicing,"  one  of  the  band 
wrote,  "was  full,  from  an  interchange  of  interesting  advices 
from  all  quarters." 

The  patriot  just  referred  to,  John  Adams,  was  in  his 
thirty-ninth  year.  He  was  born  in  Braintree,  graduated  at 


THE   TEA   ACT  AND   AMERICAN  UNION.  335 

Harvard,  taught  a  school  in  Worcester,  studied  law,  and, 
on  the  recommendation  of  Jeremiah  Gridley,  eminent  in  the 
profession,  was  sworn  as  an  attorney.  He  had  a  strong 
desire  for  the  approbation  of  the  wise  and  good,  and  had 
formed  the  resolution  never  to  commit  any  meanness  or  in- 
justice in  the  practice  of  the  law.  He  had  an  early  ambition 
to  rise  in  his  profession.  By  industry  he  became  a  learned 
lawyer,  and  by  nature  he  was  an  honest  one.  He  served 
his  native  town  as  a  selectman ;  after  he  removed  to  Boston, 
was  a  representative  a  single  year  in  the  legislature ;  and 
won  much  reputation  by  acting  as  counsel  for  the  British 
soldiers  who  were  concerned  in  the  "  Boston  massacre." 
His  heart  was  with  the  cause  of  the  patriots,  and  his  erudi- 
tion was  ever  at  their  service.  His  labor  with  his  pen  was 
valuable.  He  uttered  so  many  ringing  words  that  he  has 
been  called  the  Martin  Luther  of  the  Revolution.  He  did 
not  attend  the  public  meetings ;  did  not  always  approve  of 
the  movements  of  the  patriots ;  and  mingled  so  little  in 
practical  politics  that,  down  to  this  day,  he  was  rather  the 
counsellor  than  an  actor,  and  was  only  a  private  man  honored 
by  a  few  marks  of  the  confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens.1  If 
he  had  in  large  measure  conceit,  envy,  and  vanity,  he  had 
also  honesty  and  integrity,  and  a  noble  and  pure  heart,  the 
aspirations  of  which  were  ever  for  the  advancement  of  his 
country  and  the  welfare  of  his  race.  He  was  impulsive, 
frank,  and  generous.  He  lacked  the  confidence  in  the  people 
that  some  of  his  co-laborers  possessed,  which  led  him  to 
embrace  strong  conservative  views  of  government,  and  to 
lean  to  aristocratic  features.  He  accepted  the  position  of  a 
delegate  to  the  congress,  where  his  greatness  of  character 
and  large  ability  gave  him  a  commanding  position  as  a 
leader ;  and  he  soon  became  identified  with  the  important 
measures  of  the  Revolution. 

The  resolves  calling  a  congress  were  printed  in  the  news- 
papers and  immediately  transmitted  to  the  other  colonies, 

1  Life  of  John  Adams,  by  his  grandson,  Hon  Charles  Francis  Adams,  p.  149. 


836  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

which  acquiesced  in  the  time  and  place  designated.  The 
whole  action  was  most  satisfactory  to  the  patriots,  who  again 
sounded  praises  to  a  Massachusetts  assembly.  One  now 
wrote  :  "  I  am  extremely  pleased  with  the  spirit  and  glorious 
conduct  of  your  General  Court.  They  are  a  band  of  patriots, 
fit  to  be  intrusted  with  the  rights  and  liberties  of  a  people, 
and  whose  resolution  and  good  sense  would  do  them  honor 
in  any  country  under  heaven."1 

The  popular  party  were  now  pledging  themselves  to  abide 
by  the  decisions  the  congress  might  come  to  in  relation  to 
a  general  plan  for  a  redress  of  grievances.  The  method 
generally  suggested  was  the  old  one  of  commercial  non- 
intercourse.  There  was  a  stern  determination  to  have  it 
efficient.  One  of  the  Virginia  Burgesses  wrote,  in  sending 
out  a  moderate  agreement,  "  We  have  no  other  weapons  to 
fight  with."  The  Boston  committee  said,  "  It  is  the  last  and 
only  method  of  preserving  the  land  from  slavery  without 
drenching  it  in  blood ; "  and  they  sent  out  a  vigorous  "  Solemn 
League  and  Covenant,"  the  signers  to  which  agreed,  "in  the 
presence  of  God,"  not  to  buy  goods  from  Great  Britain  or 
consume  any,  to  break  off  dealings  with  all  who  bought 
them,  and  publish  their  names  to  the  world.  This  covenant 
made  a  great  noise.  It  drew  from  the  Tories  a  protest  sub- 
mitted in  a  town  meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall,  and  from  Governor 
Gage  a  proclamation  terming  it  an  illegal  and  traitorous  com- 
bination to  distress  the  British  nation,  and  enjoining  the 
officers  of  the  law  to  apprehend  and  hold  for  trial  all  who  might 
sign  or  circulate  it.2  This  insane  step  gave  an  impetus  to  the 

1  A  New-York  letter,  dated  June  26,  1774,  in  the  "Boston  Gazette"  of  July  4. 

2  The  solemn  league  and  covenant  was  decided  upon  (June  2)  by  the  Boston 
committee  of  correspondence.     Joseph  Warren  reported  it.     The  committee  sent  it 
to  the  towns.     The  "  Massachusetts  Gazette  "  (Tory)  printed  it  on  the  23d  of  June. 
It  elicited  voluminous  comment.     The  next  issue  of  this  paper  (June  30)  contains  the 
Proclamation  by  the  Governor  "  to  discourage  illegal  combinations  "  and  against  the 
league  and  covenant.     This  issue  also  has  an  account  of  the  proceedings  of  a  town 
meeting  held  in  Faneuil  Hall,  June  27,  in  which  this  covenant  was  read.     Also  a 
protest  against  it,  dated  June  29,  signed  by  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  citizens,  at 
the  head  of  whom  was  Harrison  Gray. 


THE   TEA   ACT   AND   AMERICAN   UNION.  337 

movement.  "  We  have  not  a  man  but  will  sign,"  the  Pep- 
perrell  committee  wrote  by  the  hand  of  a  French  war  hero, 
William  Prescott.1  In  Hardwick,  Brigadier  Buggies,  a  mag- 
istrate, gave  out  word  that  he  "  would  commit  to  jail  any 
man  who  presumed  to  sign  the  covenant ; "  when  "  upwards 
of  a  hundred  persons  put  their  names  to  it."2  The  Virginia 
patriots  also  were  entering  into  a  combination  to  distress  the 
British  nation.  Their  convention  arraigned  this  proclama- 
tion in  scathing  terms,  and  nobly  resolved  to  stand  by 
Massachusetts  in  case  an  attempt  was  made  by  Gage  to 
carry  it  out ;  a  resolve  that  in  England  was  looked  upon  as 
an  overt  act  of  treason.3 

These  movements  were  premature.  However  impolitic 
the  method  of  non-intercourse  turned  out  to  have  been,  there 
was  great  unanimity  in  urging  it ;  but  not  in  relation  to  the 
form,  or  as  to  the  articles  which  an  agreement  should  include. 
It  was  unwise  to  enter  upon  a  measure  affecting  largely 
material  interests,  and  depending  for  its  success  on  a  gen- 
eral concurrence,  before  there  could  be  a  consultation  of  all 
the  colonies.  It  was,  besides,  inconsistent  with  a  sentiment 
long  inculcated,  that  any  plan  affecting  the  common  cause 
ought  to  be  agreed  upon  by  a  common  council.  In  this  the 
popular  party  were  so  harmonious,  it  was  now  said  (July  4), 
that  the  accounts  from  every  post  brought  the  resolutions  of 
the  cities,  towns,  and  counties,  containing  "  assurances  of 
their  sending  deputations  to  assist  at  a  grand  congress 
of  representatives  of  all  the  colonies,  —  to  whose  wisdom, 
firmness,  and  fortitude,  the  liberty,  property,  and  whole 
interest  of  this  free  and  august  continent  are  to  be  dele- 
gated."4 

The  resolutions  here  referred  to  embody  in  a  striking 

1  Letter  to  the  Boston  committee,  July  4,  1774. 

2  Boston  Gazette,  July  4,  1774. 

8  The  following  is  in  the  "Edinburgh  Advertiser"  of  Oct.  4:  "The  declaration 
of  the  Virginians,  that  it  was  lawful  to  repel  force  by  force  in  case  any  measures  were 
taken  to  carry  the  Proclamation  of  General  Gage  into  execution,  is  looked  upon  here 
as  an  overt  act  of  treason,  and  implies  a  rebellious  intent." 

*  Boston  Evening  Post,  July  4,  1774. 

22 


338  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

manner  the  determination  of  the  time ;  and  constitute  a 
class  of  facts  which  seem  to  have  been  overlooked,  but  are 
worthy  of  attention.  Thus  the  freeholders  of  Baltimore 
County,  in  Maryland,  pronounced  in  favor  of  forming  an 
association  in  relation  to  imports  and  exports  to  be  agreed 
upon  in  a  general  congress,  and  of  cutting  off  all  dealings 
with  the  parties  who  would  not  come  into  the  plan.  Other 
counties  in  that  province  voted  similar  propositions ;  and  a 
convention  composed  of  delegates  from  all  of  them  was  held 
in  Annapolis,  in  which  Matthew  Tilghman  presided ;  which 
adopted  the  recommendation  and  the  pledge.  Both  were 
reiterated  in  other  colonies  in  the  votes  of  towns,  counties, 
and  provincial  conventions.  The  foremost  revolutionary 
names  are  connected  with  these  proceedings.  Christopher 
Gadsden  took  part  in  a  great  meeting  at  Charleston,  S.C., 
which  "  most  solemnly  agreed  to  abide  by  the  decisions  of 
the  congress  ;  "  and  in  the  debates  at  a  meeting  in  the  city 
of  New  York,  which  voted  "  to  abide  by  and  observe"  these 
decisions,  Alexander  Hamilton,  then  an  unknown  youth, 
shone  like  a  star.  In  Pennsylvania  a  "  provincial  meeting 
of  deputies "  from  the  counties  went  so  far  as  to.  pledge 
themselves  to  break  off  all  dealings  with  any  individual  in  any 
town  or  colony  that  did  not  adopt  the  plan  agreed  upon ;  and 
among  the  delegates  were  John  Dickinson,  James  Wilson, 
Thomas  Mifflin,  Joseph  Reed,  and  Anthony  Wayne.  No 
colony  was  more  decided  on  the  recommendation  and  the 
pledge  than  Virginia.  In  Fairfax  County,  where  Washington 
was  the  chairman  of  the  meeting,  the  suggestion  was  not  only 
that  Virginia,  but  that  the  associating  colonies,  ought  to  break 
off  dealings  with  the  places  which  should  refuse  to  carry  out 
the  plan  adopted  by  congress.  In  Albemarle  County,  Jeffer- 
son penning  the  resolves,  the  pledge  was  accompanied  by  the 
suggestion  that  dealings  should  be  cut  off  "  from  every  part 
of  the  British  Empire  that  should  not  break  off  their  com- 
merce with  Great  Britain."  A  convention  of  delegates  from 
all  the  counties  was  held,  in  August,  at  Williamsburg ;  and 


THE   TEA   ACT   AND    AMERICAN   UNION.  339 

this  body  reiterated  the  pledge  to  abide  by  the  decisions  of 
the  congress,  and  declared  that  those  who  refused  ought  to 
be  regarded  as  inimical  to  the  country.  Thus  it  was  well- 
nigh  the  universal  voice  of  the  people  that  the  recommenda- 
tions of  the  congress  should  have  the  force  of  laws. 

This  embodiment  of  the  public  will  by  the  qualified  electors 
in  the  municipalities,  and  through  the  instrumentality  of 
representatives  in  the  conventions,  bore  the  impress  of  regu- 
larity. The  pledge  related  only  to  matters  in  which  all  had 
a  common  interest.  It  was  confined  to  dealing  with  the 
mother-country  in  procuring  a  redress  of  grievances.  In 
relation  to  this,  the  great  point  reached  was  a  solemn  pledge 
to  submit  to  the  decision  of  the  majority,  "  the  vital 
principle  of  republics."  The  recommendations  of  the  colo- 
nies in  congress  assembled  were  to  be  observed  as  a  para- 
mount rule  of  action.  This  may  be  regarded  as  the  germ  of 
the  important  provision  of  law  incorporated  thirteen  years 
later  into  "  The  more  perfect  Union ;  "  namely,  "  that  this 
Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  made  in  pur- 
suance thereof,  and  all  treaties,  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of 
the  land,  any  thing  in  the  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding."  The  remarkable  action  did  not  pass 
unobserved.  The  Tories  denied  the  lawfulness  of  making 
pledges  in  advance  to  abide  by  the  decisions  of  the  congress: 
the  Whigs  hailed  them  as  an  earnest  that  they  meant  to 
stand  or  fall  together.1 

1  The  simple  resolve  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  congress  was  so  common  that 
it  may  be  said  to  have  been  universal. 

The  colony  of  Maryland  was  among  the  first  to  vote  to  cut  off  all  trade  with  those 
who  would  not  acquiesce  in  the  decision  of  the  congress.  The  vote  of  Baltimore  County, 
May  31,  1774,  was  in  the  following  terms:  "Resolved,  unanimously,  that  the  inhab- 
itants of  this  county  will,  and  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  that  this  province  ought 
to,  break  off  all  trade  and  dealings  with  that  colony,  province,  or  town,  which  shall 
decline  or  refuse  to  come  into  similar  resolutions  with  a  majority  of  the  colonies." 
Anne  Arundell  County  adopted  a  similar  resolution  June  4 ;  Caroline  County,  June 
18;  Frederick  County,  June  20.  Charles  County,  June  14,  voted  "to  cut  off 
dealing  with  the  province,  count)',  or  town,  that  should  refuse  to  associate  in  some 
rational  means,"  &c.  Other  counties  made  similar  pledges.  A  convention  of  the 
committees  of  the  several  counties  was  held  at  Annapolis,  June  22,  1774.  It  voted. 


340  THE   RISE    OF   THE   EEPUBLIC. 

The  Tea  Act  and  its  sequence, — the  Boston  Port  Act, — 
were  fulfilling  their  mission.  They  were  the  proximate  cause 
of  events, — one  naturally  and  inevitably  evolving  another,  — 
which  had  the  effect  of  changing  the  condition  of  the  Ameri- 
can cause  from  discord  to  harmony,  from  confusion  to  order, 

unanimously,  "that  this  province  will  break  off  all  trade  and  dealings  with  that 
colony,  province,  or  town,  which  shall  decline  or  refuse  to  come  into  the  general  plan 
which  may  be  adopted  by  the  colonies."  The  proceedings  of  this  convention  were 
printed  in  full  in  the  "Boston  Evening  Post,"  of  July  25,  1774.  The  same  issue  has 
the  proceedings  of  the  inhabitants  of  South  Carolina,  at  a  meeting  held  in  Charleston, 
on  the  6th,  7th,  and  8th  of  July,  in  which  they  "most  solemnly  engaged  to  abide  by 
the  decisions  of  congress." 

The  "Massachusetts  Gazette"  of  Aug.  8,  1774,  contains  the  proceedings  of  a 
meeting  of  the  deputies  chosen  by  the  several  counties  in  Pennsylvania,  held  in 
Philadelphia,  July  15,  1774;  occupying  the  whole  of  the  first  side  of  the  paper,  and 
a  column  on  the  next.  Some  of  the  resolutions  were  recorded  as  having  passed  by 
a  majority;  but  the  following  was  unanimously  adopted:  "That  the  people  of  this 
province  will  break  off  all  trade,  commerce,  and  dealing,  and  will  have  no  trade, 
commerce,  and  dealing  of  any  kind,  with  any  colony  on  this  continent,  or  with  any 
city  or  town  in  such  colony,  or  with  any  individual  in  any  such  colony,  city,  or 
town,  which  shall  refuse,  decline,  or  neglect  to  adopt  and  carry  into  execution  such 
general  plan  as  shall  be  agreed  to  in  congress." 

In  New  Jersey  a  meeting  of  the  committees  of  the  several  counties  was  held  on 
the  21st  of  July,  at  New  Brunswick,  and  passed  resolves  in  favor  of  a  general  con- 
gress, the  commissioners  to  which  should  be  empowered  "mutually  to  pledge,  each  to 
the  rest,  the  public  honor  and  faith  of  their  constituent  colonies,  firmly  and  inviolably 
to  adhere  to  the  determinations  of  the  said  congress." 

In  Virginia  the  pledge  was  as  thorough  as  that  of  the  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant  of  Boston.  The  whole  of  one  side  of  the  "Boston  Gazette"  of  Aug.  8, 
1774,  is  occupied  with  the  proceedings,  "At  a  general  meeting  of  the  Freeholders 
and  Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Fairfax,  on  Monday,  the  eighteenth  day  of  July, 
1774,  at  the  court  house,  in  the  town  of  Alexandria,  GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  Esq., 
chairman,  and  ROBERT  HARRISON,  gentleman,  clerk  of  said  meeting."  The  21st 
resolve  is:  "That,  in  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  this  and  the  other  associating 
colonies  should  break  off  all  trade,  intercourse,  and  dealings  with  that  colony, 
province,  and  town,  which  shall  decline  or  refuse  to  agree  to  the  plan  which  shall  be 
adopted  by  the  General  Congress."  The  Albemarle  resolution,  July  26,  penned  by 
Jefferson,  is  as  follows:  "To  discontinue  all  commercial  intercourse  with  every  part 
of  the  British  Empire  which  shall  not  in  like  manner  break  off  their  commerce  with 
Great  Britain."  The  Virginia  convention  of  delegates  from  the  counties  of  this 
colony  at  Williamsburg,  Aug.  1,  1774,  agreed  upon  a  non-importation  association, 
and  voted  not  to  deal  with  any  merchant  or  trader  who  would  not  sign  it,  and  to 
consider  such  persons  as  inimical  to  the  country. 

The  following  paragraph  ("Edinburgh  Advertiser,"  Aug.  9,  1774)  shows  that 
this  class  of  facts  did  not  pass  unobserved  abroad:  "  The  following  provinces,  towns, 
counties,  &c.,  in  America,  — viz.,  Connecticut,  towns  of  Preston,  Farmington,  Weth- 
ersfield,  and  Hartford;  Williamsburg,  in  Virginia ;  Baltimore,  in  Maryland;  Annap- 
olis ;  Rhode  Island  and  Providence,  —  have  unanimously  resolved  to  break  off  all  trade 
and  dealings  with  Great  Britain,  &c.,  and  with  that  colony,  province,  or  town, 


THE  TEA  ACT  AND   AMERICAN  UNION. 

from  the  road  to  ruin  to  the  broadway  to  national  triumph. 
The  Whig  affirmed  —  the  Tory  conceded  —  that  there  was 
union.  It  rested  on  a  public  opinion  so  broad  and  deep  — 
a  determination  so  stern  —  that  it  had  become  a  positive 
force.  It  was  an  invulnerable  shield  cast  over  American 
development ;  and,  in  relation  to  matters  common  to  all  and 
properly  pertaining  to  its  sphere,  ready  to  dominate  over 
merely  provincial  ideas  and  objects.  As  the  learned  in 
academic  halls  reflected  on  the  grand  unfolding,  they  said : 
"  The  last  and  recent  stroke  of  the  parliament  at  our  liber- 
ties has  astonished  America  into  a  real  and  efficacious  union, 
which  it  is  beyond  the  power  of  Europe  to  dissolve." 1  A 
noble  actor  on  the  stage,  throbbing  with  genuine  patriotism, 
now  wrote :  "  The  Americans  have  one  common  interest. 
Natural  allies,  they  have  published  to  the  world  professions 
of  esteem  and  confidence,  aid  and  assistance  :  they  have 
pledged  their  faith  of  mutual  friendship  and  alliance.  Not 
only  common  danger,  bondage,  and  disgrace,  but  national 
truth  and  honor,  conspire  to  make  the  colonists  resolve  to 
stand  or  fall  together." 2  This  salient  sentence  sums  up 
American  history  down  to  this  time.  Under  the  fresh  im- 
pulse of  the  next  parliamentary  stroke,  the  sentiment  of 
American  union  became  embodied  in  an  association  having 
the  force  of  law.  In  truth  such  a  union  of  mind  and  heart 
was  the  country.  It  was  pronounced  indissoluble.  On  the 
flag  floating  over  popular  gatherings  was  the  motto  "  Union 
and  Liberty."  They  were  facts  and  forces  working  together, 
and  were  correlative.  The  feeling  thus  early  was  union 


which  shall  decline  or  refuse  to  come  into  similar  resolutions  with  the  majority  of  the 
colonies." 

These  votes  were  commented  on  with  great  severity  in  "The  Congress  Can- 
vassed," a  pamphlet  printed  in  New  York,  1775.  The  writer  says  of  the  Whigs: 
"You  had  no  right  to  make  a  promise  implicitly  to  obey  all  their  (congress)  regula- 
tions, before  you  knew  what  they  were,  and  whether  they  would  interfere  with  the 
public  laws  of  the  government  or  not."  — p.  40. 

1  Ezra  Stiles,  in  Holmes' s  Life,  July  30,  1774,  p.  180. 

2  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  Observations  on  the  Boston  Port  Bill.     Th  is  pamphlet  waa 
advertised  in  the  Boston  newspapers  of  June  16,  1774. 


342  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

and  liberty,  now  and  for  ever:  it  seemed  as  though  that  gen- 
eration realized  that  there  could  be  no  union  without  liberty, 
and  no  genuine  liberty  without  the  power  there  was  in  union 
to  protect  it.  Indeed,  it  was  decreed  in  the  regular  channels 
by  which  the  will  of  the  people  is  collected  and  declared,  — 
in  a  solemn  pledge  "  of  national  truth  and  honor,"  —  that 
those  who  were  not  true  to  American  union  were  false  to 
American  liberty. 

The  history  presented  in  the  stages  of  the  development  of 
American  union  is  not  that  of  one  leader,  or  of  a  few  leaders, 
who  planned  a  great  political  movement  and  created  the 
spirit  by  which  it  was  to  be  executed  ;  or  who  carried 
forward  a  people  by  the  power  of  their  intellect  or  the 
magnetism  of  their  renown  :  it  is  rather  the  history  of  com- 
munities, who,  however  marked  by  diversity  in  their  forms 
of  local  life,  had  really  the  foundation  for  a  certain  unity 
in  being  imbued  with  similar  ideas,  who  were  moved  by 
similar  impulses,  and  who  alike  aimed  to  guard  the  right  to 
hold  and  improve  the  free  institutions  which  they  had  devel- 
oped. A  claim  more  just  was  never  proffered  at  the  foot- 
stool of  power.  A  history  more  interesting  and  valuable 
cannot  be  presented  to  American  youth.  It  shows,  in  these 
communities,  a  population  of  two  and  a  half  millions  in 
action  ;  moving  steadily  forward  —  all  marching  together 
one  way  —  towards  an  end  which  they  earnestly  and  hon- 
estly disavowed  and  deprecated,  but  which,  in  the  plan  of 
Providence,  was  the  goal  marked  out  for  them  to  reach. 

The  result  thus  far  was  real  American  union.  During  the 
ten  years  of  the  past  struggle  the  popular  leaders  had  incul- 
cated the  sentiment  that  union  was  salvation.  The  fact  of 
its  achievement  inspired  the  ranks  of  the  party  with  enthu- 
siasm. It  purified  and  magnified  their  work.  "  When  I 
review,"  one  writes,  "  the  annals  of  the  world,  I  am  con- 
strained to  believe  that  great  things  await  America.  When 
Liberty  was  well-nigh  banished  from  every  quarter  of  the 
globe,  she  found  an  asylum  in  this  savage  land.  Learning, 


THE  TEA   ACT  AND   AMERICAN  UNION.  348 

liberty,  and  every  thing  that  ennobles  the  human  mind,  have 
constantly  been  travelling  westward.'*  These  great  things 
required  a  condition  of  freedom  for  their  development.  But 
the  assumption  of  the  right  to  tax,  and  the  whole  system  of 
domination  founded  on  this  assumption,  were  repugnant  to 
"  the  Saxon  genius  of  liberty  and  law  which  English  America 
inherited  from  the  parent  state."  Ezra  Stiles,  who  penned 
these  words,  prophesied :  "If  oppression  proceeds,  despotism 
may  force  an  annual  congress ;  and  a  public  spirit  of  enter- 
prise may  originate  an  American  Magna  Charta  and  Bill  of 
Rights,  supported  by  such  intrepid  and  persevering  impor- 
tunity as  even  sovereignty  may  hereafter  judge  it  not  wise 
to  withstand.  There  will  be  a  Runnymede  in  America."  1 

1  July,  1774,  Holmes's  Life  of  Stiles,  p.  180. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

How  A  GENERAL  CONGRESS  FORMED  THE  ASSOCIATION  OF  THE  UNITED 
COLONIES,  AND  HOW  SUPPORT  WAS  PLEDGED  TO  THE  INHABI- 
TANTS OF  MASSACHUSETTS  IN  RESISTING  THE  ALTERATION  OF 
THEIR  CHARTER. 

AUGUST,  1774,  TO  1775. 

WHILE  the  popular  party  were  choosing  delegates  to  the  con- 
gress and  agreeing  to  abide  by  its  decisions,  the  American 
cause  received  a  fresh  impulse  through  the  passage  in  par- 
liament of  two  Acts  altering  the  government  of  Massachu- 
setts. As  the  people  were  refusing  obedience  to  these 
Acts,  the  congress  met,  formed  "  The  Association  of  the 
United  Colonies,"  and  pledged  support  to  the  inhabitants 
of  Massachusetts,  in  case  it  was  attempted  to  carry  the 
Acts  into  execution  by  force ;  and  this  pledge  was  reit- 
erated in  letters  from  towns  and  counties  tendering  life  and 
fortune  in  defence  of  the  cause. 

The  king  was  unwearied  in  efforts  to  give  direction  to  the 
measures  relating  to  America.  On  the  day  the  Port  Bill  was 
moved  in  parliament  (March  14),  he  sent  to  Lord  North 
a  note,  in  which  he  urged  an  alteration  of  the  charter  of 
Massachusetts,  and  remarked  that  Lord  Dartmouth  was  very 
firm  as  to  its  expediency.1  On  the  28th  of  March,  late  at 
night,  he  expressed  "  infinite  satisfaction  "  to  the  premier, 
because  he  had  moved  that  "  leave  be  given  to  bring  in  a 
bill  for  the  better  regulating  the  government  of  the  province 
of  Massachusetts  Bay."  In  his  explanatory  speech  on  this 
occasion,  Lord  North  described  that  government  as  being  in 
"so  forlorn  a  situation"  that  no  governor  could  act.  He 

1  Donne,  Correspondence  of  George  III.,  i.  174. 


THE  REGULATING  ACT  AND   ASSOCIATION.  345 

dwelt  upon  the  defects  in  the  civil  magistracy,  the  doings 
of  the  town  meetings,,  the  mode  of  selecting  jurymen,  and  the 
general  need  of  'strengthening  the  executive  authority.  He 
commended  the  bill  which  he  proposed  to  bring  in  as  calcu- 
lated "  to  purge  that  Constitution  of  all  its  crudities,  and 
give  a  degree  of  strength  and  spirit  to  the  civil  magistracy 
and  to  the  executive  power." 

In  the  debate  which  followed,  Lord  George  Germain  not 
only  approved  of  the  objects  specified  by  Lord  North,  but 
proposed  to  regulate  other  parts  of  the  internal  government, 
and  particularly  to  alter  the  basis  on  which  the  council  and 
the  municipalities  rested.  He  said :  "  There  is  a  degree  of 
absurdity,  at  present,  in  the  election  of  the  council.  I  can 
not,  sir,  disagree  with  the  noble  lord ;  nor  can  I  think  he 
will  do  a  better  thing  than  to  put  an  end  to  their  town  meet- 
ings. I  would  not  have  men  of  a  mercantile  cast  every  day 
collecting  themselves  together,  and  debating  about  political 
matters:  I  would  have  them  follow  their  occupations  as 
merchants,  and  not  consider  themselves  as  ministers  of 
that  country.  I  would  also  wish  that  all  corporate  powers 
might  be  given  to  certain  people  of  every  town,  in  the  same 
manner  that  corporations  are  formed  here :  I  should  then 
expect  to  see  some  subordination,  some  authority  and  order. 
.  .  .  The  juries  require  great  regulation :  they  are  totally 
different  from  ours.  ...  I  would  wish  to  bring  the  Consti- 
tution of  America  as  similar  to  our  own  as  possible.  I 
would  wish  to  see  the  council  in  that  country  similar  to  a 
House  of  Lords  in  this.  .  .  .  You  have,  sir,  no  government, 
no  governor :  the  whole  are  the  proceedings  of  a  tumult- 
uous and  riotous  rabble,  who  ought,  if  they  had  the  least 
prudence,  to  follow  their  mercantile  employment,  and  not 
trouble  themselves  with  politics  and  government,  which  they 
do  not  understand."  On  the  conclusion  of  this  speech,  Lord 
North  rose  and  said :  "I  thank  the  noble  lord  for  every 
proposition  he  has  held  out:  they  are  worthy  of  a  great 


846  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

mind,  and  such  as  ought  to  be  adopted."  1  The  noble  lords 
contrived  to  embody  in  their  speeches  "  the  ignorance  and 
contempt  of  America  pervading  England,  from  the  cedar  to 
the  hyssop  on  the  wall." 2 

There  was  much  deliberation  in  the  cabinet  relative  to  the 
council.  Lord  Mansfield  urging  that  the  nomination  of  the 
members  ought  to  be  vested  in  the  crown.  The  king  wrote 
(April  14)  to  Lord  North :  "I  find  it  so  much  the  wish  of 
the  cabinet,  that  I  cannot  too  strongly  express  my  preferring 
your  introducing  the  bill  to-morrow  that  is  drawn  up  for 
vesting  the  nomination  of  the  councillors  in  the  crown." 
Accordingly  the  bill  moved  the  next  day  by  the  obedient 
premier  contained  this  important  addition.  He  stated,  that, 
upon  the  hints  thrown  out  by  Lord  George  Germain,  he 
had  altered  also  the  mode  of  choosing  juries.  At  nine 
o'clock  that  evening  the  king  was  "infinitely  pleased"  at 
the  introduction  not  only  of  this  bill,  but  also  of  the  "bill 
for  the  impartial  administration  of  justice,"  designed  to  aid 
the  enforcement  of  the  former  law.3  The  second  reading 
(April  22)  gave  him  "infinite  satisfaction;"  and  he  was 
again  (May  3)  "  infinitely  pleased  "  that  the  bill  passed, 
and  that  the  majority  was  so  considerable.4  It  received  the 

1  This  debate  was  printed  in  the  Boston  newspapers  of  May  19  and  23,  1774.    It 
is  in  "Parliamentary  History,"  voL  xvii.  pp.  1192-1195.     It  will  be  observed  that 
Lord  George  Germain  proposed  to  substitute  for  the  municipalities  in  America,  a 
system  like  the  self-perpetuating  councils  (see  above,  p.  15)  of  England;  and  Lord 
North  approved  of  all  his  propositions. 

2  Donne  uses  these  words  in  a  note  (Correspondence  of  George  III.,  i.  187). 

8  The  king  feared  that  the  motion  for  leave  to  bring  in  the  bill  would  be  post- 
poned, and  hence  his  unusual  satisfaction.  Ibid.,  i.  178. 

4  Letters  of  George  III.,  of  the  dates  in  the  text  in  Donne's  Correspondence,  i. 
181,  182,  183.  On  the  6th  of  May,  the  king,  in  a  note  to  Lord  North,  dated  Kew, 
fifty-one  minutes  past  nine,  P.M.,  writes:  "The  Bill  for  the  better  administration 
of  justice  in  Massachusetts  Bay,  having  been  read  a  third  time,  and  passed  the  House 
of  Commons  this  day,  after  a  short  debate,  with  a  great  majority,  gives  me  infinite 
satisfaction.  Perseverance,  and  the  meeting  difficulties,  as  they  arise,  with  firmness, 
seem  the  only  means  of  either  with  credit  or  success  terminating  public  affairs. 
Your  conduct  on  the  American  disturbances  is  a  very  clear  proof  of  the  justness  of 
that  proposition."  The  conduct  of  the  Americans  at  this  period  supplied  another 
very  clear  proof  of  the  effect  of  this  firmness  and  perseverance. 


THE   REGULATING  ACT  AND   ASSOCIATION.  847 

royal  assent  on  the  20th  of  May.  The  Act  "  for  the  impar- 
tial administration  of  justice"  passed  by  similar  majorities, 
and  was  signed  at  the  same  time.  Both  were  to  take  effect 
from  their  passage. 

The  Regulating  Act  made  elections  of  the  council  under 
the  charter  void,  provided  that  the  board  should  consist  of 
not  less  than  twelve  members  nor  more  than  thirty-six,  and 
vested  their  appointment  in  the  crown.  The  Governor  was 
clothed  with  power  to  appoint  and  remove  judges  of  the  in- 
ferior courts,  justices  of  the  peace,  and  other  minor  officers. 
The  Governor  and  council  were  to  appoint  and  remove  sher- 
iff*, who  were  authorized  to  select  jurymen.  Town  meetings, 
except  for  the  choice  of  officers,  were  forbidden,  without  per- 
mission of  the  Governor.  The  Act  relating  to  the  admin- 
isti  ation  of  justice  provided  for  the  transportation  of  offenders 
and  witnesses  to  other  colonies  or  to  England  for  trial. 
A  Protest  in  the  House  of  Lords  objected  that  the  parties  had 
no  notice  of  this  proceeding,  and  had  not  been  heard  in  their 
defence ;  and  that  this  Act  invested  "  the  Governor  and  coun- 
cil with  powers  with  which  the  British  Constitution  had  not 
trusted  His  Majesty  and  his  privy  council ";  that  "the  lives, 
liberties,  and  properties  of  the  subject  were  put  into  their 
hands  without  control."  l 

These  severe  acts  of  naked  injustice  were  inspired  by  that 
jealousy  of  the  republican  element  which  had  tormented  the 
Board  of  Trade  ever  since  its  formation,  and  which  the  Earl 
of  Clarendon  judged  in  his  day  had  begun  to  ripen.2  They 
were  designed  as  the  beginning  of  the  abridgment  of  English 
liberties,  and  of  the  remodelling  of  the  Constitutions,  which 
had  long  been  desired  by  the  school  that  distrusted  the  capac- 
ity of  the  people  for  self-government.  They  involved  the 
fundamentals  of  personal  liberty,  trial  by  jury,  discussion  of 
political  measures,  and  free  assemblies.  They  struck  at  the 

1  Parliamentary  History,  xvii.  1323.     The  Protest  was  circulated  widely  in  the 
American  journals. 

2  See  above,  p.  15;  also  Lord  Hillsborough's  declaration  in  parliament,  p.  250. 


348  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

general  right  of  the  colonies  to  mould  their  internal  polity. 
In  these  Acts  parliament  assumed  the  power  to  alter  the 
American  Constitutions  at  its  will  and  pleasure.  If  it  could 
deal  in  this  way  with  Massachusetts,  it  could  deal  in  a  sim- 
ilar way  with  all  the  colonies.  In  fact,  the  laws  were  a 
complete  embodiment  of  the  principle  of  the  obnoxious 
Declaratory  Act.1 

These  measures,  on  which  hung  great  issues,  were  first 
made  known  to  America  through  the  drafts  of  the  bills  as 
moved  in  the  House  of  Commons.  They  reached  Boston 
on  the  second  day  of  June,  and  were  printed  in  the  news- 
papers on  the  third.  The  action  of  the  Boston  committee 
was,  as  usual,  prompt  and  decisive ;  and  the  commit- 
tees throughout  the  province  did  not  fall  behind  the  Bos- 
ton committee  in  boldness  and  zeal.  "  We  were  chosen," 
wrote  Samuel  Adams  to  Charles  Thomson,  of  Philadelphia, 
"to  be,  as  it  were,  outguards  to  watch  the  designs  of  our 
enemies ;  and  have  a  correspondence  with  almost  every  town 
in  the  colony.  By  this  means  we  have  been  able  to  circulate 
the  most  early  intelligence  of  importance  to  our  friends  in  the 
country,  and  to  establish  a  union  which  is  formidable  to  our 
adversaries."  2  The  legislative  committee  immediately  trans- 
mitted these  bills  to  the  other  legislative  committees,  with  a 
circular  in  which  they  say:  "  These  edicts,  cruel  and  oppres- 
sive as  they  are,  we  consider  but  as  bare  specimens  of  what 
the  continent  are  to  expect  from  a  parliament  who  claim  a 
right  to  make  laws  binding  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever."  The 

1  Earl  Russell  (Life  of  C.  J.  Fox,  i.  63)  says  of  the  Act  altering  the  government 
of  Massachusetts:    "A  measure  more  subversive  of  freedom,  more  contrary  to  all 
constitutional  principles,  and  more  likely  to  excite  America  against  imperial  authority, 
could  not  well  be  framed." 

Lord  Mahon,  in  his  History  (vol.  vi.  p.  548)  remarks:  "  How  rash  the  precedent, 
at  such  a  time,  of  dealing  so  lightly  with  a  royal  charter !  How  far  wiser  had  it  been 
to  bear  any  amount  of  inconvenience  from  the  defects  of  the  existing  fabric,  rather 
than  attempt  its  reconstruction  at  the  very  moment  when  the  storm  was  raging 
around  it !  ...  If  one  charter  might  be  cancelled,  so  might  all :  if  the  rights  of  any 
one  colony  might  hang  suspended  on  the  votes  of  an  exasperated  majority  in  Eng- 
land, could  any  other  deem  itself  secure?  " 

2  Letter  to  Charles  Thomson,  May  30,  1774. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT   AND   ASSOCIATION.  349 

policy  now  marked  out  by  the  patriots  of  Boston  is  seen  in  the 
utterances  of  Samuel  Adams,  which  continue  to  be  calm  and 
prophetic.  "  Boston  suffers  with  dignity:  if  Britain,  by  her 
multiplied  oppressions,  accelerates  the  independency  of  her 
colonies,  whom  will  she  have  to  blame  but  herself?  It  is  a 
consolatory  thought  that  an  empire  is  rising  in  America."1 
"  Our  people  think  they  should  pursue  the  line  of  the  Consti- 
tution as  far  as  they  can ;  and  if  they  are  driven  from  it, 
they  can  then  with  propriety  and  justice  appeal  to  God  and 
the  world.  ...  I  would  wish  to  have  the  humanity  of  the 
English  nation  engaged  in,  our  cause,  and  that  the  friends 
of  the  Constitution  might  see  and  be  convinced  that  nothing 
is  more  foreign  to  our  hearts  than  a  spirit  of  rebellion. 
Would  to  God  they  all,  even  our  enemies,  knew  the  warm 
attachment  we  have  for  Great  Britain,  notwithstanding  we 
have  been  contending  these  ten  years  with  them  for  our 
rights."  2  These  are  not  the  words  of  one  who  was  mixing 
a  bitter  cup,  but  rather  of  one  who  had  schooled  himself  to 
take  submissively  the  cup  which  the  Providence  of  events 
might  present. 

The  popular  party  was  then  in  the  heat  and  glow  of  the 
noble  enthusiasm  inspired  by  the  fact  of  union.  It  was 
natural  that  measures,  which  struck  at  the  ancient  right  of 
local  self-government  should  rouse  general  alarm  and  indig- 
nation. Those  who  had  been  moderate  and  wavering  became 
resolute  and  resentful.  The  condemnation  of  these  bills  was 
spontaneous  and  withering.  They  were  doomed  to  annul- 
ment before  intelligence  was  received  of  their  passage  into 
laws ;  and  when  Governor  Gage  received  them  officially,  the 
public  conviction  of  their  enormity  had  become  embodied  in 
the  sternest  action. 

A  few  illustrations  of  the  temper  and  determination  of  the 
popular  party  must  suffice.  In  Pennsylvania,  a  convention 
of  all  the  counties  characterized  the  proposed  Acts  as  un- 

1  Letter  to  William  Checkley,  June  1,  1774. 

2  Letter  to  Charles  Thomson,  June  2,  1774. 


350  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

constitutional,  oppressive,  and  dangerous  to  the  American 
colonies.1  A  convention  "  of  the  whole  province  of  Mary- 
land" declared  that  the  bills,  if  passed  into  Acts,  would  lay 
a  foundation  for  the  utter  destruction  of  British  America.2 
In  South  Carolina,  a  great  meeting  of  freeholders  from  all 
parts  of  the  province  resolved,  that,  if  these  bills  were 
allowed  to  go  into  effect,  there  would  not  be  the  shadow 
of  liberty  to  person,  or  security  to  property,  to  His  Majesty's 
subjects  residing  on  the  American  continent.3  In  Virginia, 
the  freeholders  of  Fairfax  County,  George  Washington  in 
the  chair — resolved,  that,  unless  these  cruel  measures  were 
counteracted,  the  end  would  be  the  ruin  of  the  colonies; 
and  that,  should  the  town  of  Boston  be  forced  to  submit, 
the  citizens  of  Fairfax  should  not  hold  the  same  to  be  bind- 
ing upon  them,  but,  notwithstanding,  would  religiously  main- 
tain and  inviolably  adhere  to  such  measures  as  should  be 
concerted  by  the  general  congress  for  the  preservation 
of  their  lives,  liberties,  and  fortunes.4  This  action  was 
crowned  by  the  declaration  of  the  convention  of  all  the 
counties,  in  August,  that,  under  the  original  Constitution  of 
the  American  colonies,  their  assemblies  had  the  sole  right 
of  directing  their  internal  polity ;  that  the  proclamation  of 
General  Gage  was  a  plain  declaration  that  this  despotic 
viceroy  would  be  bound  by  no  law,  and  that  an  attempt  to 
execute  it  would  justify  resistance  and  reprisal.5 

The  newspapers  were  laden  with  political  appeals  and  the 

1  The  proceedings  of  the  Pennsylvania  convention  of  deputies  from  the  several 
counties,  July  15,  were  printed  in  the  "Boston  Evening  Post"  of  August  8. 

2  The  proceedings  in  full  of  the  meeting  of  committees,  in  session  from  June  22  to 
25,  are  in  the  "  Essex  Gazette  "  of  July  19. 

3  The  resolves  of  this  meeting  of  the  6th,  7th,  and  8th  of  July  are  in  the  "Massa- 
chusetts Gazette  "  of  July  26.     They  say  that  the  proposed  Acts,  though  levelled  at 
Boston,  "very  manifestly  and  glaringly  show,  if  the  inhabitants  of  that  town  are 
intimidated  into  a  mean  submission  to  these  Acts,  that  the  like  are  designed  for  all 
the  colonies.  ...  It  is  the  duty  of  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  colonies  to  support  the 
inhabitants  of  Boston,"  &c. 

4  The  proceedings  of  this  meeting  are  in  the  "Boston  Gazette"  of  August  8. 

6  The  instruction  of  the  convention  to  the  delegates  is  in  the  "Boston  Evening 
Post"  of  August  29. 


THE  REGULATING   ACT    AND   ASSOCIATION.  351 

proceedings  of  public  bodies,  enjoining  unanimity  and  resolu- 
tion. They  showed  that  the  popular  party  were  arrayed  in 
solid  phalanx  against  the  Regulating  Acts.  "  You,"  an  ad- 
dress to  Gage  reads,  "  consider  the  opposition  fomented  by 
three  or  four  factious  men  in  Boston.  You  ought  to  know 
better,  after  reading  the  resolves  of  every  province,  city,  town, 
and  county  on  the  continent.  There  are  no  such  reservoirs 
of  public  virtue  in  America  as  there  are  of  corruption  iu 
England.  We  are  all  alike  charged  with  the  fire  of  patriot 
ism." l  "  Our  country  people,"  a  letter  says,  "  appear  to  be 
very  firm :  they  look  to  the  last  extremity  with  spirit."  2  It 
was  said  in  South  Carolina  :  "  One  soul  animates  three  mil- 
lions of  brave  Americans,  though  extended  over  a  long  tract 
of  three  thousand  miles."  3  "  If  they  [the  ministers]  ever 
subdue  the  spirit  of  New  England, — may  God  forbid!  —  that 
instant  the  evil  genius  of  Tyranny  will  begin  to  stalk  over 
these  premises  with  gigantic  strides."  4 

The  injunction  to  the  patriots  of  Massachusetts  to  act  with 
efficiency  came  to  them  still  more  directly  through  letters 
addressed  to  the  Boston  committee  from  every  quarter.  A 
few  sentences  from  these  letters  will  serve  -to  shew  their  spirit. 
"  We  view  the  attack  made  by  the  minister  upon  the  colony 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  to  be  intended  to  pave  the  way  to 
a  general  subversion  of  the  constitutional  rights  of  North 
America.  It  becomes,  therefore,  the  duty  of  every  American, 
who  is  not  an  apostate  to  his  country,  to  pursue  every  jus- 
tifiable method  to  avert  this  impending  calamity." 5  "A 
more  finished  picture  of  despotism  cannot  be  drawn  by  the 

1  The  "Pennsylvania  Journal"  of  August  17.    This  extract  is  from  a  sharp 
address  to  General  Gage,  copied  into  the  "  Essex  Gazette  "  September  6. 

2  Boston  Evening  Post,  August  8. 
8  Boston  Gazette,  August  15. 

4  This  extract  is  from  a  spirited  and  generous  piece  copied  into  the  "  Boston 
Evening  Post,"  August  1,  with  this  introduction:  "  The  following  piece,  taken  from 
the  'South-Carolina  Gazette,'  is  republished  here  both  on  account  of  the  excellent 
sentiments  it  expresses,  which  are  applicable  to  all  the  British  colonies,  and  to  shew 
that  our  brethren  in  South  Carolina  concur  with  the  other  colonies  in  resenting  and 
opposing  the  tyrannical  Acts  of  the  British  parliament." 

6  Letter  from  Cape  Fear,  North  Carolina,  July  29. 


352  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

skill  of  man  than  is  portrayed  in  the  famous  Declaratory 
Bill,  nor  could  it  be  carried  into  more  perfect  execution  than 
by  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  and  by  two  other  Acts  destroying  the 
ancient  rights  of  your  colony.  America  perfectly  knows 
that  you  are  only  designed  for  the  first  victim  in  the  heca- 
tomb of  sacrifice  to  be  offered  to  the  god  of  Oppression,  and 
will  not  therefore  willingly  suffer  you  to  bleed  at  the  shrine 
of  his  brazen  altar,  until  we  all  bleed  and  die  together."  * 
"  We  mean,  in  the  first  place,  to  attempt  to  appease  the  fire 
(raised  by  your  committing  the  India  tea  to  the  watery  ele- 
ment as  a  merited  oblation  to  Neptune)  of  an  ambitious  and 
vindictive  minister  by  the  blood  of  rams  and  of  lambs: "  [a 
flock  of  sheep  came  with  the  letter]  "  if  that  do  not  answer 
the  end,  we  are  ready  to  march  in  the  van,  and  to  sprinkle 
the  American  altars  with  our  hearts'  blood,  if  occasion 
should  be.  ...  The  public  virtue  now  exhibited  by  Ameri- 
cans exceeds  all  of  its  kind  that  can  be  produced  in  the 
annals  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  Behold  them  from 
north  to  south,  from  east  to  west,  both  publishing  their 
sentiments  and  supporting  their  poor.  .  .  .  You  are  held 
up  as  a  spectacle  to  the  whole  world.  All  Christendom  are 
longing  to  see  the  event  of  the  American  contest.  And  do, 
most  noble  citizens,  play  your  part  manfully,  of  which  we 
make  no  doubt.  Your  names  are  either  to  be  held  in  eter- 
nal veneration  or  execration.  If  you  stand  out,  your  names 
cannot  be  too  much  applauded  by  all  Europe  and  all  future 
generations."  2  "  At  this  period  of  your  suffering,  and  on  the 
reception  of  the  second  and  third  unrighteous  Acts  of  par- 
liament, usurping  authority  and  oppressing  your  town  and 
province,  we  are  anxiously  looking  that  some  important 
event  will  take  place.  It  becomes  us  to  be  watchful ;  and 

1  Lebanon  correspondence,  August  8.    William  Williams  was  one  of  the  signers 
of  this  letter. 

2  Parish  of  Brooklyn,  in  Pomfret,  Connecticut,  August  11.     Col.  Israel  Putnam, 
one  of  the  signers,  came  on  with  a  donation  of  sheep :  was  the  guest  of  Joseph  Warren ; 
talked  with  old  friends  in  the  British  army,  whom  he  met  subsequently  in  battle  at 
Bunker  Hill. 


THE   REGULATING  ACT   AND   ASSOCIATION.  353 

there  is  reason  to  fear  that  nothing  short  of  another  kind  of 
resistance  will  regain  and  secure  our  privileges."  1 

Thus  the  will  of  the  people,  collected  generally  through  the 
forms  in  which  they  were  accustomed  to  proceed  in  political 
affairs,  and  expressed  with  as  much  regularity  as  circum- 
stances would  permit,  was  declared  with  respect  to  the  two 
new  Acts.  It  was,  that  they  should  share  the  fate  of  the 
Stamp  Act  and  the  Tea  Act,  even  though  the  shedding  of 
blood  might  be  the  consequence.  And  this  verdict  is  found 
of  record  before  the  general  congress  met,  or  before  the  Acts 
were  attempted  to  be  put  in  force.  In  the  natural  course 
of  events,  a  crisis  was  reached,  involving  ideas  in  deadly 
conflict  with  each  other :  for  the  public  opinion  of  twelve 
colonies  may  be  said  to  have  enjoined  the  inhabitants  of 
Massachusetts,  for  the  sake  of  civil  liberty,  to  refuse  obe- 
dience to  the  two  Acts,  as  imperatively  as  the  king's  in- 
structions, in  behalf  of  feudal  England,  enjoined  General 
Gage  to  carry  them  into  execution. 

While  these  interesting  events  were  occurring,  the  cabi- 
net were  taking  the  necessary  steps  to  execute  the  two  Acts. 
Ex-Governor  Hutchinson  now  arrived  in  London,  and  was 
summoned  (July  1)  immediately  to  the  royal  closet.  For 
nearly  two  hours  he  was  interrogated  by  the  king  in  rela- 
tion to  the  affairs  of  Massachusetts.  One  of  the  first  ques- 
tions naturally  was  :  "  How  did  you  leave  your  government, 
and  how  did  the  people  receive  the  news  of  the  late  meas- 
ures in  parliament?"  Hutchinson  replied:  "When  I  left 
Boston  (June  1),  we  had  no  news  of  any  Act  of  parlia- 
ment, except  the  one  for  shutting  up  the  port,  which 
was  extremely  alarming  to  the  people."  The  king  asked: 
"  Pray,  Mr.  Hutchinson,  what  is  your  opinion  of  the  effect 
from  the  new  regulation  of  the  council  ?  Will  it  be  agree- 
able to  the  people,  and  will  the  new  appointed  councillors 
take  the  trust  upon  them  ?  "  Hutchinson  replied :  "  I  have 
not  been  able  to  inform  myself  who  they  are.  I  came 

1  Preston,  August  20. 
23 


354  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

to  town  late  last  evening,  and  have  seen  nobody.  I 
think  much  will  depend  upon  the  choice  that  has  been 
made."  The  king  rejoined:  "  Inquiry  was  made,  and  pains 
taken  that  the  most  suitable  persons  should  be  appointed." 
Hutchinson  remarked:  "The  body  of  the  people  are  dis- 
senters from  the  Church  of  England, — what  are  called 
Congregationalists.  If  the  council  shall  generally  be  selected 
from  the  Episcopalians,  it  will  make  the  change  more  dis- 
agreeable." This  is  all  the  conversation  that  was  minuted 
by  Hutchinson  relative  to  these  important  Acts.1  The  im- 
pressions which  the  king  received  from  the  interview  were  set 
down  two  minutes  past  nine,  that  evening,  in  a  note  which  he 
addressed  to  Lord  North.  "  I  am  now  well  convinced,"  he 
wrote,  "  they  will  soon  submit :  he  (Hutchinson)  owns  the 
Boston  Port  Bill  was  the  only  wise  and  effectual  method  that 
could  have  been  suggested  for  bringing  them  to  a  speedy  sub- 
mission, and  that  the  change  in  the  legislature  will  be  a  means 
of  establishing  some  government  in  that  province,  which,  till 
now,  has  been  one  of  anarchy."2  Hutchinson  deceived 
himself  and  the  king,  if  he  placed  any  reliance  on  the  char- 
acter or  religion  of  the  persons  selected  for  councillors ;  and 
never  was  a  ruler  more  wofully  in  error  than  was  George 
III.  as  to  the  temper  of  the  Americans. 

The  instructions  of  the  cabinet  relative  to  the  execution 
of  these  Acts  were  prepared  under  the  influence  of  this  fatal 
error.  They  bear  date  June  3d,  and  were  transmitted  through 
Lord  Dartmouth  to  General  Gage.  They  were  quite  elaborate, 
and  instructed  him  that  whatever  violences  were  committed 
must  be  resisted  with  firmness,  that  the  constitutional  author- 
ity of  this  kingdom  over  its  colonies  must  be  vindicated,  and 
that  not  only  its  dignity  and  reputation,  but  its  power,  nay, 
its  very  existence,  depended  on  that  moment.  "For,"  said 
Lord  Dartmouth,  "should  those  ideas  of  independence,  which 

1  Extracts  from  the  Journal  of  Thomas  Hutchinson,  dated  July  1,  1774.     I  am 
indebted  to  Mr.  Bancroft  for  this  interesting  MS. 

2  George  III.  to  Lord  North,  July  1,  1774,  two  minutes  past  nine,  P.M.    Donne, 
i.  194. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT   AND    ASSOCIATION.  355 

some  dangerous  and  ill-designed  persons  here  are  artfully 
endeavoring  to  instil  into  the  minds  of  the  king's  American 
subjects,  once  take  root,  that  relation  between  this  kingdom 
and  its  colonies  which  is  the  bond  of  peace  and  power  will 
soon  cease  to  exist ;  and  destruction  must  follow  disunion." 
Here  power  commanded,  in  terms  as  imperative  as  the  lan- 
guage afforded,  the  execution  of  the  illegal  Acts  as  com- 
pletely as  though  they  were  constitutional  and  just. 

Governor  Gage  did  not  officially  receive  the  two  Acts  and 
the  instructions  in  relation  to  them  until  the  6th  of  August, 
when  he  also  received  appointments  for  thirty-six  council- 
lors.1 Twenty-four  of  the  number  accepted.  An  informal 
meeting  was  held  on 'the  8th  of  August,  and  all  were  noti- 
fied to  assemble  on  the  16th  for  the  transaction  of  busi- 
ness.2 The  sheriffs  summoned  persons  to  serve  as  jurors. 
The  judges  prepared  to  hold  courts,  and  the  Governor  to 
support  their  authority  by  military  force.  He  had  at  his 
command  troops  from  famous  European  battle-fields.  One 
regiment  was  stationed  at  Salem,  where  he  resided ;  one 
at  Castle  William,  in  Boston  Harbor.  In  Boston,  one  regi- 
ment was  at  Fort  Hill,  and  four  regiments  were  on  the  Com- 
mon. Nearly  thirty  ships  of  war  were  in  the  harbor. 

The  Governor  now  sent  for  the  selectmen  of  Boston,  and 
told  them  he  should  endeavor  to  put  the  Regulating  Act 
into  execution,  especially  the  clause  in  relation  to  holding 
town  meetings ;  and  if  any  ill  consequences  followed,  they 
only  would  be  blamable.  Town  meetings,  however,  were 
held  all  over  the  province,  and  chose  delegates  to  county 
conventions.  The  committees  of  correspondence  were  es- 
pecially active,  and  held  continual  conferences.  The  words 
of  a  noble  and  brave  man,  who  fell  at  Bunker  Hill,  will 
serve  as  a  type  of  Massachusetts  in  this  hour  of  trial:  "I 
consider  the  call  of  my  country  as  the  call  of  God,  and 

1  The  names  of  the  thirty-six  councillors  appointed  by  His  Majesty  were  printed 
in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette"  August  11. 

a  The  names  of  thirteen  councillors,  who  met  and  took  the  oath  of  office  on  the 
16th,  were  published  in  the  newspapers  of  the  18th. 


356  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

desire  to  be  all  obedience  to  such  a  call.  The  committees 
of  correspondence  for  the  several  towns  in  the  county  of 
Worcester  have  assembled,  are  in  high  spirits,  and  perfectly 
united.  The  committees  of  Cambridge  and  Charlestown  are 
to  have  a  conference  to-morrow.  I  trust  the  whole  county 
of  Middlesex  will  soon  be  assembled  by  delegates.  I  have  the 
greatest  reason  to  believe  will  choose  to  fall  gloriously  in  the 
cause  of  their  country  rather  than  meanly  to  submit  to 
slavery."1  A  meeting  of  these  committees  from  several 
counties,  held  in  Faneuil  Hall,  matured  measures  for  secur- 
ing a  thorough  resistance  to  the  two  Acts,  and  for  convening 
a  Provincial  Congress.  The  community  was  now  thoroughly 
roused.  It  was  said  in  the  public  prints :  "  The  spirit  of 
the  people  was  never  known  to  be  so  great  since  the  settle- 
ment, and  they  were  determined  to  die  or  to  be  free." 

A  great  uprising  began  on  the  16th  of  August  at  Great 
Barrington.  When  the  judges  attempted  to  hold  a  court, 
the  farmers  thronged  to  the  place,  filled  the  building,  and 
blocked  up  the  avenue  leading  to  it.  The  sheriff  commanded 
them  to  make  way  for  the  court,  but  the  answer  was :  "No 
court  will  be  submitted  to  but  on  the  ancient  laws  and 
usages."  In  Boston,  the  chief  justice  and  associate  justices 
and  barristers,  arrayed  in  their  robes,  went  unmolested  in 
procession  from  the  town  house  in  King,  now  State  Street, 
to  the  court  house  in  Queen  Street,  and  took  their  accus- 
tomed places  ;  but  the  jurors,  both  grand  and  petit,  stood  up 
and  refused  to  be  sworn.  In  Salem,  the  Governor  issued  a 
proclamation  warning  all  persons  against  attending  a  town 
meeting,  which  was  nullified  within  the  sound  of  his  drums. 
The  mandamus  councillors  who  accepted  felt  the  storm  of 
public  indignation.  As  one,  an  honored  citizen  of  Plymouth, 
and  a  Congregationalist,  took  his  seat  in  the  church  on  Sun- 
day, a  large  number  of  persons  rose  and  walked  out  of  the 
house ;  when  another  in  Bridgewater,  a  deacon,  also  a  Con- 
gregationalist, read  the  psalm,  the  congregation  refused  to 

1  Thomas  Gardiner  to  the  Boston  committee  of  correspondence,  August  12. 


THE  REGULATING  ACT  AND   ASSOCIATION.  357 

sing ;  and  several  councillors  living  in  the  country  were 
compelled  by  gatherings  of  the  people  to  resign.  The 
county  officers  were  similarly  dealt  with,  and  were  univer- 
sally compelled  to  decline  their  appointments.  The  patriots 
said  that  "  their  souls  were  touched  by  a  sense  of  the  wrongs 
already  offered  them,  as  well  as  those  which  were  threatened," 
and  that  "  they  would  never  rest,  while  one  man  who  had 
accepted  any  office  under  the  new  Acts  was  possessed  of  any 
post  of  power  or  profit."1  They  averred  that  herein  they 
acted  in  accordance  with  the  Christian  duty  of  each  individ- 
ual. They  used  no  more  force  than  was  required  to  effect 
the  object  they  had  in  view, — complete  disobedience  to  the 
new  Acts ;  and,  expressing  an  abhorrence  of  mobs,  they  de- 
clared "  that,  in  a  contest  so  solemn  and  a  cause  so  great, 
their  conduct  should  be  such  as  to  merit  the  approbation  of 
the  wise,  and  the  admiration  of  the  brave  and  free,  of  every 
age  and  country."  "  On  experiment,"  Dr.  Ramsay  remarks, 
"  it  was  found  that  to  force  on  the  inhabitants  a  form  of 
government  to  which  they  were  totally  averse  was  not 
within  the  fancied  omnipotence  of  parliament."2 

The  resistance  to  the  two  Acts  was  thorough.  It  is  no 
injustice  to  other  patriots  to  say  that  in  this  perilous  duty 
Joseph  Warren  rose  to  the  height  of  a  rare  opportunity  to 
serve  his  country.  The  occasion  brought  forth  his  power. 
He  is  found  in  the  committee  room,  in  the  town  meeting,  in 
the  county  congress,  in  great  popular  demonstrations,  and 
in  personal  consultations  with  the  Governor.  His  soul  was 
in  arms.  His  unstudied  words  were  a  mirror,  reflecting  the 
passion  and  resolve  of  indignant  freemen  as  they  stood  man- 
fully for  their  rights,  and  burn  and  glow  with  the  fire  of  the 
time.  "  Where  liberty  "  —  he  wrote  to  a  Connecticut  town, 
in  the  thick  of  action,  without  a  thought  of  himself — "  where 

1  Essex  Gazette,  August  30.    The  "  Gazette  "  of  this  date  contains  full  details  of 
the  uprising;  among  them,  the  dealing  with  the  councillors  in  Plymouth,  Bridge- 
water,  and  Taunton.    It  contains  also  many  resignations  of  officers  appointed  undef 
the  new  Acts. 

2  History  of  the  American  Revolution,  i.  132. 


358  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

liberty  is  the  prize,  who  would  shun  the  warfare,  who  would 
stoop  to  waste  a  coward  thought  on  life  ?  We  esteem  no  sacri- 
fice too  great,  no  conflict  too  severe,  to  redeem  our  inestimable 
rights  and  privileges.  'Tis  for  you,  brethren,  for  ourselves,  for 
our  united  posterity,  we  hazard  all ;  and  permit  us  humbly  to 
hope  that  such  a  measure  of  vigilance,  fortitude,  and  perse- 
verance will  still  be  afforded  us,  that,  by  patiently  suffering 
and  nobly  daring,  we  may  eventually  secure  that  more 
precious  than  Hesperian  fruit,  the  golden  apples  of  freedom. 
We  eye  the  hand  of  Heaven  in  the  rapid  and  wonderful 
union  of  the  colonies ;  and  that  generous  and  universal 
emulation  to  prevent  the  sufferings  of  the  people  of  this 
place  gives  a  prelibation  of  the  cup  of  deliverance.  May 
unerring  Wisdom  dictate  the  measures  to  be  recommended 
by  the  congress!  May  a  smiling  God  conduct  this  people 
through  the  thorny  paths  of  difficulty,  and  finally  gladden 
our  hearts  with  success ! " 1 

The  congress  now  engrossed  the  public  mind.  It  convened 
when  the  disobedience  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts  to  the 
Regulating  Act  was  representing  the  determined  and  stern 
feeling  of  the  thirteen  colonies,  and  when  the  conviction  was 
growing  that  arms  would  have  to  decide  the  contest.  "  Let 
us  remember,"  a  Virginian  wrote, "  that  with  the  sword  our 
fathers  obtained  their  constitutional  rights,  and  by  the  sword 
it  is  our  duty  to  defend  them." 2  In  the  conviction  that 
this  duty  must  be  performed,  Washington,  ready  to  stake  his 
fortune  and  his  life  in  the  cause,  said  in  the  Virginia  con- 
vention: "I  will  raise  one  thousand  men,  subsist  them  at 
my  own  expense,  and  march  myself  at  their  head  for  the  re- 
lief of  Boston."3  About  the  time  these  words  were  spoken, 

1  Letter  to  Stonington,  August  24.     On  the  29th,  Warren  says  to  Samuel  Adams : 
"I  am  constantly  busied  in  helping  forward  the  political  machines  in  all  parts  of  the 
province.  '  —  Life  and  Times  of  Warren,  p.  352. 

2  To  the  Gentlemen  of  the  General  Convention  of  Virginia,  Williamsburg,  July 
28,  1774. 

8  This  was  in  August,  1774.  Works  of  John  Adams,  ii.  360.  Mr.  Lynch,  of 
South  Carolina,  said  to  John  Adams  that  this  was  the  most  eloquent  speech  that 
ever  was  made. 


THE  REGULATING  ACT  AND   ASSOCIATION.  359 

Joseph  Hawley,  of  Massachusetts,  embodied  his  views  of  the 
questions  in  issue,  and  his  belief  that  the  colonies  "  must 
fight/'  in  a  paper  remarkable  for  its  insight  and  comprehen- 
siveness.1 Samuel  Adams  had  long  been  of  this  opinion ; 
and  John  Adams,  after  his  appointment  as  a  delegate,  said : 
"  We  shall  have  to  resist  by  force."  2  He  read  Hawley 's 
paper  to  Patrick  Henry,  who  responded:  "I  am  of  that 
man's  mind."  Adam  Stephen,  a  Virginia  soldier,  urged  in 
strong  terms  the  necessity  of  military  preparation,  in  a  letter 
addressed  to  a  member  elect  of  the  congress,  and  expressed 
the  general  feeling  in  relation  to  this  body,  as  he  wrote :  "  I 
expect  to  see  the  spirit  of  the  Amphictyons  shine  as  that 
illustrious  council  did  in  their  purest  times,  before  debauched 
with  the  Persian  gold.  The  fate  of  America  depends  upon 
your  meeting;  and  the  eyes  of  the  European  world  hang 
upon  you,  waiting  the  event."  3 

On  the  fifth  day  of  September  most  of  the  delegates 
elected  to  the  congress  were  in  Philadelphia.  They  were 
invited  by  the  speaker  of  the  Pennsylvania  assembly  to  hold 

1  This  paper,  entitled  "  Broken  Hints,"  was  read  to  Patrick  Henry  in  the  autumn 
of  1774,  and  was  first  printed  in  Niles's  "Acts  of  the  Revolution,"  1822,  p.  324.    It 
was  prepared  before  the  middle  of  August;  for,  when  it  was  written,  there  might 
have  been  a  question  whether  the  Regulating  Act  should  be  "  immediately  withstood 
and  resisted,"  but  at  that  date  the  question  was  settled:  the  Act  was  annulled. 

The  paper  begins:  "  We  must  fight,  if  we  can't  otherwise  rid  ourselves  of  British 
taxation,  all  revenues,  or  the  constitution  or  form  of  goverment  enacted  for  us  by 
the  British  parliament.  It  is  evil  against  right,  —  utterly  intolerable  to  every  man 
who  has  any  idea  or  feeling  of  right  or  liberty." 

This  noble  utterance  has  the  following  on  union :  — 

"  Our  salvation  depends  upon  an  established,  persevering  union  of  the  colonies. 

"The  tools  of  administration  are  using  every  device  and  effort  to  destroy  that 
union,  and  they  will  certainly  continue  to  do  so. 

"  Thereupon,  all  possible  devices  and  endeavors  must  be  used  to  establish,  improve, 
brighten,  and  maintain  such  union. 

"  Every  grievance  of  any  one  colony  must  be  held  and  considered  by  the  whole  as  a 
grievance  to  the  whole.  This  will  be  a  difficult  matter,  but  it  must  be  done." 

2  As  John  Adams  and  Samuel  Adams  were  conversing  in  John  Adams's  office  in 
Boston,  immediately  after  their  appointment  as  delegates,  John  Adams  said,  in  the 
presence  of  John  Trumbull :  "  I  suppose  we  must  go  to  Philadelphia  together,  and 
enter  into  non-importation,  non-consumption,  and  non-exportation  agreements ;  but 
they  will  be  of  no  avail:  we  shall  have  to  resist  by  force."  — Pitkin,  i.  277. 

«  Letter  to  R.  H.  Lee,  Aug.  27,  1774. 


360  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

their  sessions  in  the  State  House,  but  decided  to  meet  in  the 
hall  owned  by  the  carpenters, — a  fine  brick  building,  having 
commodious  rooms  for  the  use  of  the  committees,  and  an 
excellent  library  in  the  chambers.  It  is  still  in  good  preser- 
vation. At  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  delegates  met  at 
the  City  Tavern,  walked  to  Carpenters'  Hall,1  and  began  the 
sessions  of  the  Continental  Congress. 

This  assembly,  when  all  the  members  had  taken  their  seats, 
consisted  of  fifty-five  delegates,  chosen  by  twelve  colonies 
They  represented  a  population  of  two  millions  two  hundred 
thousand,  paying  a  revenue  of  eighty  thousand  pounds  ster- 
ling.2 Georgia,  which  did  not  elect  delegates,  gave  a  promise 
to  concur  with  her  "  sister  colonies"  in  the  effort  to  maintain 
their  right  to  the  British  Constitution,  —  which,  according  to 
the  American  interpretation,  was  "  a  Constitution  founded  on 
reason  and  justice,  and  the  indelible  rights  of  mankind  "  : 8 
words  that  went  to  the  depths  of  the  American  cause.  In 
general,  the  delegates  elect  were  men  of  uncommon  ability, 
who  had  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  political  action  of 
their  several  localities,  had  won  public  confidence,  and  were 
fair  exponents  of  the  aims,  feelings,  and  political  ideas  of  the 
country.  Some  had  corresponded ;  one  was  in  the  Albany 
convention  of  1754 ;  eight  were  members  of  the  congress 
of  1765  ;  but  nearly  all  met  for  the  first  time.4 

Each  of  the  three  divisions  by  which  the  colonies  were 
usually  designated  —  the  New  England,  the  Middle,  and  the 
Southern  colonies  —  had  on  the  floor  of  the  congress  men 

1  The  hall  has  chairs  in  which  the  delegates  sat, — interesting  Revolutionary 
memorials,  — and  the  following  inscription:  "Within  these  walls  Henry,  Hancock, 
and  Adams  inspired  the  delegates  of  the  colonies  with  nerve  and  sinew  for  the  toils  of 
war  resulting  in  National  Independence." 

2  This  was  the  calculation  made  by  R.  H.  Lee,  and  probably  did  not  include 
slaves.  —  John  Adams's  Works,  ii.  362. 

3  Resolutions  of  a  general  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of  Georgia,  Aug.  10,  1774. 

4  Stephen  Hopkins  was  in  the  Albany  convention.     Thomas  McKean  and  Caesar 
Rodney  of  Delaware,  Philip  Livingston  of  New  York,  John  Dickinson  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, Thomas  Lynch,  John  Rutledge,  and  Christopher  Gadsden,  of  South  Carolina, 
and  Eliphalet  Dyer  of  Connecticut,  were  in  the  Stamp  Act  Congress. 


THE  REGULATING  ACT  AND   ASSOCIATION.  361 

of  a  positive  character.  New  England  presented,  in  John 
Sullivan,  vigor;  in  Roger  Sherman,  sterling  sense  and  in- 
tegrity ;  in  Thomas  Gushing,  commercial  knowledge ;  in 
John  Adams,  large  capacity  for  public  affairs ;  in  Samuel 
Adams,  a  great  character,  with  influence  and  power  to  or- 
ganize. The  Middle  colonies  presented,  in  Philip  Livingston, 
the  merchant  prince  of  enterprise  and  liberality ;  in  John 
Jay,  rare  public  virtue,  juridical  learning,  and  classic  taste; 
in  William  Livingston,  progressive  ideas  tempered  by  con- 
servatism ;  in  John  Dickinson,  "  The  Immortal  Farmer," 
erudition  and  literary  ability ;  in  Caesar  Rodney  and  Thomas 
McKean,  working  power ;  in  James  Duane,  timid  Whigism, 
halting,  but  keeping  true  to  the  cause ;  in  Joseph  Galloway, 
downright  Toryism,  seeking  control,  and  at  length  going  to 
the  enemy.  The  Southern  colonies  presented,  in  Thomas 
Johnson,  the  grasp  of  a  statesman ;  in  Samuel  Chase,  activity 
and  boldness  ;  in  the  Rutledges,  wealth  and  accomplishment ; 
in  Christopher  Gadsden,  the  genuine  American ;  and  in  the 
Virginia  delegation,  an  illustrious  group, — in  Richard  Bland, 
wisdom ;  in  Edmund  Pendleton,  practical  talent ;  in  Peyton 
Randolph,  experience  in  legislation  ;  in  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
statesmanship  in  union  with  high  culture ;  in  Patrick  Henry, 
genius  and  eloquence ;  in  Washington,  justice  and  patriotism. 
"  If,"  said  Patrick  Henry,  "  you  speak  of  solid  information 
and  sound  judgment,  Washington  unquestionably  is  the 
greatest  man  of  them  all."  Those  others  who  might  be 
named  were  chosen  on  account  of  their  fitness  for  duties 
which  the  cause  required.  Many  had  independent  fortunes. 
They  constituted  a  noble  representation  of  the  ability,  cul- 
ture, political  intelligence,  and  wisdom  of  twelve  of  the 
colonies.1 

The  delegates  represented   communities,  so  far  as  their 


1  "  The  congress  is  such  an  assembly  as  never  before  came  together,  on  a  sudden, 
in  any  part  of  the  world.  Here  are  fortunes,  abilities,  learning,  eloquence,  acute- 
ness,  equal  to  any  I  ever  met  with  in  my  life."  — John  Adams,  Sept.  29,  1774 
:  Works,  ix.  346). 


362  THE   RISE    OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

domestic  relations  were  concerned,  independent  of  each 
other.  Each  had  its  own  assembly,  which  had  framed  the 
local  laws.  Indeed,  there  were  no  political  relations  what- 
ever between  them,  except  the  important  one  of  being  alike 
British  subjects,  of  owing  allegiance  alike  to  the  British 
crown,  and  being  alike  proud  of  the  glories  of  the  British 
flag.  But  the  measures  counted  on  to  produce  division  in 
their  councils  tended  to  union.  The  evidences  were  increas- 
ing, that  these  communities,  in  which  diversity  had  so  long 
ruled  paramount,  were  sternly  resolved  to  embody  their 
sentiment  of  union  in  a  common  bond  that  should  operate 
with  the  force  of  law.  Thus  "  colonies  differing  in  religious 
opinions  and  in  commercial  interests,  in  everything  depend- 
ent on  climate  and  labor,  in  usages  and  manners,  swayed  by 
reciprocal  prejudices,  and  frequently  quarrelling  with  each 
other  respecting  boundaries,  found  themselves  united  in 
one  representative  body,  and  deriving  from  that  union  a 
power  that  was  to  be  felt  throughout  the  civilized  world."  1 
The  object  aimed  at,  as  stated  in  the  credentials  of  the  dele- 
gations,2 and  especially  in  those  of  the  two  powerful  colonies 

1  Bancroft's  History,  vii.  127. 

2  The  delegates  were  chosen  and  commissioned  as  follows. 

From  Rhode  Island.  —  Stephen  Hopkins,  Samuel  Ward.  Chosen  by  the  assembly, 
June  15.  Credentials  signed  by  J.  Wanton,  the  Governor.  Authorized  "to  consult 
upon  proper  measures  to  obtain  a  repeal  of  the  several  Acts,  .  .  .  and  upon  proper 
measures  to  establish  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  colonies  upon  a  just  and  solid 
foundation,  agreeable  to  the  instructions  given  you  by  the  general  assembly." 

Massachusetts.  —  Thomas  Cushing,  Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  Robert  Treat 
Paine.  Chosen  by  the  assembly,  June  17.  Credentials  signed  by  Samuel  Adams, 
clerk.  Authorized  "  to  consult  upon  the  present  s^ate  of  the  colonies,  .  .  .  and  to 
deliberate  and  determine  upon  wise  and  proper  measures,  to  be  by  them  recommended 
to  all  the  colonies,  for  the  recovery  and  establishment  of  their  just  rights  and  liberties, 
and  the  restoration  of  union  and  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies, 
most  ardently  desired  by  all  good  men." 

Maryland.  —  Matthew  Tilghman,  Thomas  Johnson,  Robert  Goldsborough,  Wil- 
liam Paca,  Samuel  Chase.  Chosen,  June  22,  by  committees  of  the  counties  assembled 
in  convention.  Their  credentials  were  the  resolve  of  the  convention.  It  authorized 
them  "to  effect  one  general  plan  of  conduct,  operating  on  the  commercial  connection 
of  the  colonies  with  the  mother  country,  for  the  relief  of  Boston,  and  preservation  of 
American  liberty." 

Connecticut.  —  Eliphalet  Dyer,  Roger  Sherman,  Silas  Deane.  Chosen  by  the 
committee  of  correspondence,  July  13,  who  were  authorized  to  act  by  the  assembly. 


THE  REGULATING  ACT  AND   ASSOCIATION.  363 

of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia,  was  to  obtain  a  redress  of 
grievances,  and  to  restore  harmony  between  Great  Britain 
and  America, which,  it  was  said,  was  desired  by  all  good  men. 

Credentials  signed  by  the  committee  of  correspondence.  Authorized  to  "  consult  and 
advise  with  the  commissioners  or  committees  of  the  several  English  colonies  in 
America,  on  proper  measures  for  advancing  the  best  good  of  the  colonies." 

New  Hampshire.  —  John  Sullivan,  Nathaniel  Folsom.  Chosen,  July  21,  in  a 
convention  of  deputies  from  the  towns.  Their  credentials  were  the  vote  of  the  con- 
vention. Authorized  "to  devise,  consult,  and  adopt  such  measures  as  may  have  the 
most  likely  tendency  to  extricate  the  colonies  from  their  present  difficulties ;  to  secure 
and  perpetuate  their  rights,  liberties,  and  privileges ;  and  to  restore  that  peace,  har- 
mony, and  mutual  confidence  which  once  subsisted  between  the  parent  country  and 
her  colonies." 

Pennsylvania.  —  Joseph  Galloway,  Samuel  Rhoades,  Thomas  Mifflin,  Charles 
Humphries,  John  Morton,  George  Ross,  Edward  Biddle.  Chosen,  July  22,  by  the 
assembly.  Their  credentials  were  the  vote  of  the  assembly.  The  delegates  were 
authorized  "  to  consult  together  on  the  unhappy  state  of  the  colonies,  and  to  form 
and  adopt  a  plan  for  the  purposes  of  obtaining  a  redress  of  grievances,  ascertaining 
American  rights  upon  the  most  solid  and  constitutional  principles,  and  for  establishing 
that  union  and  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies  which  is  indispen- 
sably necessary  for  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  both." 

New  Jersey.  —  James  Kinsey,  William  Livingston,  John  Dehart,  Stephen  Crane, 
Richard  Smith.  Chosen,  July  23,  by  committees  of  the  counties  met  in  convention. 
Credentials  signed  by  fourteen  of  the  members.  Authorized  "  to  represent  the  colony 
of  New  Jersey." 

Delaware.  —  Caesar  Rodney,  Thomas  McKean,  George  Read.  Chosen,  August  1, 
by  a  convention  of  the  representatives  of  the  freemen  of  the  government  <  f  the  three 
counties  of  New  Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex.  Credentials  signed  by  Caesar  Rodney, 
chairman.  Authorized  "  to  determine  upon  all  such  prudent  and  lawful  measures 
as  may  be  judged  most  expedient  for  the  colonies  immediately  and  unitedly  to  adopt, 
in  order  to  obtain  relief  for  an  oppressed  people,  and  the  redress  of  our  general 
grievances." 

South  Carolina.  —  Henry  Middleton,  John  Rutledge,  Thomas  Lynch,  Christopher 
Gadsden,  Edward  Rutledge.  Appointed  first  by  a  general  meeting  held  in  Charles- 
ton on  the  sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  days  of  July,  and  ratified  by  the  assembly  on 
the  second  day  of  August.  Credentials  signed  by  Thomas  Fair,  Jr.,  clerk  of  the 
assembly.  Authorized  ' '  to  agree  to  and  effectually  prosecute  such  legal  measures 
as  in  the  opinion  of  said  deputies,  and  the  opinion  of  the  deputies  so  to  be  assembled, 
shall  be  most  likely  to  obtain  a  repeal  of"  certain  Acts,  and  a  redress  of  grievances. 
Virginia.  —  Peyton  Randolph,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George  Washington,  Patrick 
Henry,  Richard  Bland,  Benjamin  Harrison,  Edmund  Pendleton.  Chosen,  August  5, 
by  meeting  of  delegates  of  the  counties.  Credentials  were  the  vote  of  the  convention. 
It  authorized  them  "to  represent  the  colony  in  a  general  congress,"  in  a  body  con- 
vened "to  procure  a  redress  for  Massachusetts,  secure  British  America  from  the  rav- 
age and  ruin  of  arbitrary  taxes,  and  speedily  to  procure  the  return  of  that  harmony 
and  union  so  beneficial  to  the  whole  empire,  and  so  ardently  desired  by  all  British 
America." 

North  Carolina. — William  Hooper,  Joseph  Hewes,  Richard  Caswell.  Chosen, 
August  25,  at  a  provincial  convention.  Credentials  signed  by  John  Harvey,  mod- 


364  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

It  was  the  conviction  that  this  might  be  done  through  a  Bill 
of  Rights,  in  which  the  limits  of  the  powers  of  the  colonies 
and  the  mother  country  might  be  defined. 

The  congress  was  organized  by  the  choice  of  Peyton  Ran- 
dolph of  Virginia  for  President,  and  Charles  Thomson  of 
Philadelphia,  not  a  member,  for  Secretary.  The  President 
was  widely  known.  The  Secretary  had  identified  himself 
with  the  cause  in  Philadelphia,  and  was  destined  to  serve  it 
long  and  faithfully.  The  credentials  of  the  members  were 
next  read  and  approved.  A  discussion  then  arose  on  the  rules 
to  be  observed  in  determining  questions,  in  which  Patrick 
Henry,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  and  John  Adams  participated, 
and  which  was  renewed  the  next  day,  when  it  was  agreed  that 
each  colony  should  have  one  vote.1  Congress  then  decided 
to  appoint  a  committee  to  state  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  the 
instances  in  which  those  rights  had  been  violated,  and  the 
-most  proper  means  to  obtain  their  restoration  ;  and  another 
committee  to  examine  and  report  upon  the  statutes  affecting 
the  trade  and  manufactures  of  the  colonies.  On  this  day 
Samuel  Adams,  in  answer  to  the  objection  to  opening  the 
sessions  with  prayer,  grounded  on  the  diversity  of  religious 
sentiment  among  the  members,  said  that  he  could  hear  a 
prayer  from  a  man  of  piety  and  virtue,  who  was  a  friend  to 
the  country,  and  moved  that  Mr.  Duchd,  an  Episcopalian, 
might  be  desired  to  read  prayers  to  the  congress  on  the 
following  morning.2  The  motion  prevailed,  and  congress 
soon  after  adjourned. 

erator,  and  Andrew  Knox,  cl°"k.  "Invested  with  such  powers  as  may  make  any 
acts  done  by  them,  or  consent  given  in  behalf  of  this  province,  obligatory  in  honor 
upon  every  inhabitant  hereof,  who  is  not  an  alien  to  his  country's  good,  and  an  apos- 
tate to  the  liberties  of  America." 

New  York.  —  James  Duarae,  John  Jay,  Philip  Livingston,  Isaac  Low,  William 
Floyd,  Henry  Wisner,  John  Alsop,  John  Herring,  Simon  Boerum.  They  were 
chosen  by  counties,  and  their  credentials  were  "certificates  of  their  election"  by  the 
people.  The  last  delegate,  Boerum,  took  his  seat  October  1. 

1  "  Resolved,  That,  in  determining  questions  in  this  congress,  each  colony  or  prov- 
ince shall  have  one  vote;  the  congress  not  being  possessed  of,  or  at  present  able  to 
procure,  proper  materials  for  ascertaining  the  importance  of  each  colony."  —  Jour- 
nals, i.  11. 

8  Letters  of  John  Adams,  i.  23. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT   AND   ASSOCIATION.  365 

That  evening  the  report  came  that  the  British  ships  were 
bombarding  Boston.  The  public  mind  was  deeply  agitated. 
"  War !  war !  war !  was  the  cry,"  John  Adams  wrote. 
The  members  met  the  next  morning  in  this  agitated  state. 
The  Reverend  Jacob  DuchS  appeared  with  his  clerk  and  in 
his  pontificals ;  read  several  prayers ;  then  the  Psalm  for  the 
seventh  day  of  the  month, — the  thirty-fifth, — which  began: 
"  Plead  Thou  my  cause,  0  Lord,  with  them  that  strive  with 
me,  and  fight  Thou  against  them  that  fight  against  me.  Lay 
hand  upon  the  shield  and  buckler,  and  stand  up  to  help 
me:"  and  then,  John  Adams  said,  he  " unexpectedly  to  any- 
body struck  out  into  an  extemporary  prayer  for  America, 
for  the  congress,  for  Massachusetts,  and  especially  for  Boston, 
which  was  so  fervent  that  it  filled  the  bosom  of  every  man 
present."  On  this  day  the  members  of  the  two  committees 
already  named  were  appointed,  when  the  congress  adjourned 
for  several  days. 

The  congress  sat  with  closed  doors.  Nothing  transpired 
of  their  proceedings,  except  the  organization  and  the  rule 
of  voting.  The  members  bound  themselves  to  keep  their 
doings  secret  until  a  majority  should  direct  their  publication. 
Their  decisions  were  awaited  in  the  deepest  anxiety. 

The  members  during  two  days  were  "  made  miserable  " 
by  the  alarming  reports  from  Boston.1  These  reports  grew 
out  of  the  measures  of  General  Gage  in  disarming  the  prov- 
ince. A  party  of  soldiers,  at  night,  removed  a  quantity  of 
powder  from  Charlestown  to  Castle  William;  and  in  the 
morning  thousands  of  the  people  gathered  in  Cambridge. 
The  alarm  spread,  and  reached  Colonel  Putnam  in  Connec- 
ticut. He  stated  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Captain  Cleaveland 
that  the  British  men-of-war  and  the  troops  were  firing  on 
Boston,  and  called  on  him  to  rally  all  the  forces  he  could, 

1  Silas  Deane  wrote  September  6 :  "An  express  arrived  from  New  York  confirm- 
ing the  account  of  the  rupture  at  Boston.  All  is  in  confiision.  I  cannot  say  that  all 
faces  gather  paleness,  but  they  all  gather  indignation,  and  every  tongue  pronounces 
revenge.  The  bells  toll  muffled,  and  the  people  run,  as  in  the  case  of  an  extremity, 
they  know  not  where  nor  why."  —Connecticut  Historical  Collection,  ii.  174. 


366  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

and  march  immediately  to  Massachusetts.  The  prompt 
response  to  this  call  by  the  militia  showed  a  general  and 
earnest  determination  to  defend  the  cause.  Soon  after  this 
alarm  (September  14)  an  admirable  series  of  resolves,  passed 
by  the  people  of  the  county  of  Middlesex  in  Massachusetts, 
were  laid  before  congress.  They  elicited  praise,  but  did  not 
occasion  action.  Three  days  later  (September  17)  congress 
received  the  resolves  of  the  county  of  Suffolk,  which  included 
Boston.  They  declared  that  the  people  owed  an  indis- 
pensable duty  to  God  and  their  country  to  preserve  those 
liberties  for  which  the  fathers  fought  and  bled,  expressed 
the  determined  opposition  of  the  inhabitants  to  the  Acts 
altering  the  charter,  and  promised  cheerful  submission  to 
such  measures  as  the  continental  congress  might  recommend. 
They  were  aglow  with  the  soul  of  Joseph  Warren,  who  drew 
them  up ;  and  they  elicited  a  flow  of  generous  sentiment  and 
manly  eloquence.  Expressions  of  esteem,  admiration,  and 
affection  for  the  people  of  Boston  and  of  Massachusetts  fell 
from  the  members.  Congress,  in  resolves  passed  unani- 
mously, expressing  feeling  for  the  sufferings  "  of  their  coun- 
trymen in  the  Massachusetts  Bay,"  most  thoroughly  approved 
the  fortitude  and  wisdom  with  which  the  opposition  to  minis- 
terial measures  had  been  conducted,  and  earnestly  recom- 
mended a  perseverance  in  the  same  firm  and  temperate 
conduct  that  was  expressed  in  the  resolutions  of  the  county 
of  Suffolk.  They  voted  that  contributions  from  all  the  colo- 
nies for  alleviating  the  distress  of  their  brethren  of  Boston 
ought  to  be  continued  "  so  long  as  their  occasions  might 
require."  These  resolves,  together  with  the  Suffolk  resolves, 
were  ordered  to  be  printed.1 

Nothing  material  of  the  doings  of  congress  was  published 
for  three  weeks.  During  this  period  the  two  committees 

i  The  "Boston  Evening  Post"  of  Sept.  26,  1774,  says:  "By  Mr.  Paul  Revere, 
who  returned  express  from  Philadelphia  last  Friday  evening,  we  have  the  following 
important  intelligence."  The  resolves  were  sent  to  Joseph  Warren  by  the  President 
of  Congress  —  Peyton  Randolph  —  and  Thomas  Gushing,  the  letters  of  which  were 
printed. 


THE   REGULATING    ACT   AND    ASSOCIATION.  367 

already  named  were  maturing  a  system  of  measures.  The 
deliberations  showed  that  the  Tories  had  a  champion  in 
Joseph  Galloway.  His  early  speeches  do  not  indicate 
divergence  from  the  Whigs.  He  held  that  he  stood  on  the 
ground  of  English  liberties, — that  the  colonies  ought  of  right 
to  mould  their  "  internal  police,"  and  that  they  ought  lo  be 
represented  in  the  body  that  levied  taxes  on  them  ;  and  these 
were  Whig  fundamentals.  Nor  was  he  more  ardent  than 
the  Whigs  in  professing  allegiance  to  the  crown,  nor  more 
earnest  in  desiring  reconciliation  and  the  preservation  of  the 
union  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain.  But  Galloway 
made  the  preservation  of  this  union  the  paramount  object, 
while  the  Whigs  made  the  preservation  of  their  rights  and 
liberties  paramount.  Here  was  the  gulf  between  tihem. 
Galloway  distrusted  republicanism,  and  in  any  event  was 
opposed  to  independence:  the  popular  leaders,  imbued  with 
the  republican  spirit,  meant  to  preserve  their  rights,  even 
with  the  sword  if  needful,  though  this  might  involve  a 
separation. 

On  the  28th  of  September  Galloway  introduced  a  "  plan 
for  a  proposed  union  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colo- 
nies," l  prefaced  with  a  resolve  averring  that  the  colonies 
"held  in  abhorrence  the  idea  of  being  considered  indepen- 
dent communities  of  the  British  government."  This  plan 
provided  for  a  president-general  to  be  appointed  by  the 
crown,  and  a  grand  council,  consisting  of  representatives 
chosen  every  three  years  by  the  assemblies,  to  meet  annually 
or  oftener,  its  Acts  to  be  subject  to  the  revision  of  parlia- 
ment, while  it  was  to  have  the  right  in  turn  to  veto  Acts  of 
parliament  relative  to  the  colonies ;  with  the  further  pro- 
vision that  each  colony  should  retain  its  present  constitution 
and  power  of  regulating  "  its  internal  police  in  all  cases 
whatsoever."  The  scheme  was  intended  to  perpetuate  the 

1  This  plan  was  printed  in  pamphlet  form  in  1774,  and  was  reprinted  in  his  tract 
of  1780,  entitled  "  Historical  and  Political  Reflections  on  the  Rise  and  Progress  of 
the  American  Rebellion."  His  examination  before  the  House  of  Commons  in  1779 
was  printed  in  that  year  in  London. 


368  THE   RISE   OF  THE   EEPUBLTO. 

dependence  of  the  colonies  on  England,  and  was  proposed 
with  the  approbation  of  the  loyalist  Governors,  Franklin  of 
New  Jersey,  and  Golden  of  New  York.  Galloway  urged  it 
in  an  elaborate  speech,  and  it  was  supported  by  Duane,  Jay, 
and  Edward  Rutledge.  It  was  not  only  rejected,  however, 
but  the  members  came  at  last  to  view  it  with  so  much  odium 
that  the  motions  in  relation  to  it  were  ordered  to  be  expunged 
from  the  journals.  This  result  was  an  end  to  the  loyalist 
influence  in  congress.  After  Galloway  came  out  openly  on 
the  British  side,  he  wrote  much  about  this  plan,  his  own 
course,  and  the  aims  of  the  patriots.  His  shuffling  and 
equivocation,  his  misrepresentations  and  ascription  of  mean 
motives  to  his  political  opponents,  reveal  a  total  want  of 
that  integrity  of  character  which  shines  conspicuous  in  the 
men  he  defamed,  and  shows  that  he  was  unworthy  of  the 
popular  confidence  which  he  had  enjoyed. 

Soon  after  the  defeat  of  this  insidious  plan,  Paul  Revere 
of  Boston,  who  had  been  despatched  as  an  express,  arrived 
(October  6)  in  Philadelphia,  in  the  midst  of  the  discussion 
on  the  reports  of  the  committees.  He  bore  a  letter  from  the 
Boston  committee  of  correspondence  relative  to  the  course  of 
General  Gage,  who  was  proceeding  on  the  assumption  that 
the  time  for  reasoning  had  passed,  and  that  force  only  could 
decide  the  controversy  between  the  colonies  and  Great 
Britain.  The  letter  contained  details  of  the  fortification  of 
Boston ;  stated  that  it  was  fast  becoming  a  garrison,  and  that 
its  inhabitants  might  be  held  as  hostages  to  compel  submis- 
sion to  the  law.  It  promised  in  their  name,  that,  if  congress 
should  advise  them  to  leave  the  town,  they  would  obey.  The 
letter  also  stated  that  the  Governor,  after  summoning  the 
legislature,  dissolved  it  by  proclamation  before  it  could  con- 
vene; and  it  asked  the  advice  of  congress  for  the  future 
guidance  of  the  people.  In  response,  that  body  adopted  a 
letter  to  be  sent  to  Gage,  reported  by  Lynch,  Samuel  Adams, 
and  Pendleton.  In  this  letter,  congress,  as  "  the  represen- 
tatives of  His  Majesty's  faithful  subjects  in  all  the  colonies 


THE   REGULATING   ACT  AND   ASSOCIATION.  369 

from  Nova  Scotia  to  Georgia,"  stated  to  the  Governor  that 
the  approbation  of  the  conduct  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts 
was  universal;  that  it  was  "the  determined  resolution  of  the 
colonies,  for  the  preservation  of  their  common  rights,  to 
unite  in  opposition"  to  the  late  Acts  of  parliament;  and 
that  the  congress  had  been  appointed  the  guardians  of  their 
rights  and  liberties.  Pointing  to  the  peaceable  demeanor  of 
the  inhabitants,  they  requested  him  to  discontinue  the  forti 
fications  in  and  about  Boston,  and  avoid  the  horrors  of  civil 
war.  The  terms  and  tone  of  this  communication  were  as 
though  the  colonies  formed  one  political  power. 

Congress  now  adopted  five  resolves  in  relation  to  Massa- 
chusetts. The  first  was  agreed  upon  on  the  8th  of  October, 
and  was  as  follows :  "  That  this  congress  approve  of  the 
opposition  made  by  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  Bay  to 
the  execution  of  the  late  Acts  of  parliament ;  and  if  the  same 
shall  be  attempted  to  be  carried  into  execution  by  force,  in 
such  case  all  America  ought  to  support  them  in  their  oppo- 
sition." The  report  of  the  debate  on  this  important  resolve 
is  meagre.  It  was  strongly  opposed,  and  especially  by  Gal- 
loway and  Duane  ;  and  when  overruled,  they  asked  permis- 
sion to  enter  a  protest  against  it  on  the  journals,  which  was 
refused.  On  leaving  congress,  they  exchanged  memoran- 
dums, to  the  effect  that  they  had  objected  to  it  on  the  ground 
of  its  treasonableness. 

On  the  next  day,  Sunday,  Washington  wrote  a  letter  in 
which  he  dwelt  on  the  affairs  of  Massachusetts,  expressing 
indignation  at  the  violation  of  its  rights,  and  sympathy  for 
the  peril  of  its  inhabitants.  He  had  spent  much  time  with 
the  delegates  from  this  colony,  and  he  remarked  that  it  was 
not  the  wish  of  that  government,  or  of  any  other  on  the  con- 
tinent, to  set  up  for  independence,  yet  that  none  would  ever 
submit  to  the  loss  of  rights  and  privileges  essential  to  the 
happiness  of  every  free  state.  "  I  am  well  satisfied,"  he 
wrote,  "  that  no  such  thing  [as  independence]  is  desired  by 
any  thinking  man  in  all  North  America ;  on  the  contrary, 

24 


370  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

that  it  is  the  ardent  wish  of  the  warmest  advocates  for  liberty 
that  peace  and  tranquillity,  on  constitutional  grounds,  may 
be  restored,  and  the  horrors  of  civil  discord  prevented."1 
This  comprehensive  and  decisive  statement  is  in  harmony 
with  the  whole  scope  of  private  and  public  utterances  of  the 
popular  leaders,  —  those  on  whom  rested  the  responsibility 
of  the  political  action. 

Four  additional  resolves  were  passed  by  congress  on  the 
Monday  and  Tuesday  (10th  and  llth)  following.  They 
declared  that  all  persons  in  Massachusetts  who  consented  to 
take  office  under  the  new  Acts  ought  to  be  considered  wicked 
tools  of  the  despotism  that  was  preparing  to  destroy  the 
rights  which  God,  nature,  and  compact  had  given  to  America, 
and  ought  to  be  held  in  abhorrence  by  all  good  men.  They 
advised  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony  to  submit  to  a  suspen- 
sion of  the  administration  of  justice,  when  it  could  not  be  had 
under  laws  based  on  the  charter;  and  recommended  a  peace- 
able demeanor  towards  the  troops,  and  perseverance  in  the 
line  of  the  defensive.  The  five  resolves  were  ordered  to  be 
transmitted  by  the  President  to  the  Boston  committee,  as 
the  advice  of  congress  on  the  subject-matter  of  their  letter.2 

While  these  events  were  occurring,  the  two  committees 
already  named  were  proceeding  with  their  deliberations. 
The  notices  of  their  debates  indicate  the  patience  required 
to  surmount  obstacles  before  a  result  could  be  reached. 

1  Washington,  Oct.  9,  1774,  to  Capt.  Robert  Mackenzie,  of  the  British  army,  in 
Boston.     This  remarkable  letter  is  in  Sparks' s  Writings  of  Washington,  ii.  399. 

2  John  Adams,  Oct.  7,  1774,  wrote  as  follows  to  William  Tudor:  "If  it  is  a 
secret  hope  of  many,  as  I  suspect  it  is,  that  the  congress  will  advise  to  offensive 
measures,  they  will  be  mistaken.     I  have  had  opportunities  enough,  both  public  and 
private,  to  learn  with  certainty  the  decisive  sentiments  of  the  delegates  and  others 
upon  this  point.    They  will  not,  at  this  session,  vote  to  raise  men  or  money,  or  arms 
or  ammunition.     Their  opinions  are  fixed  against  hostilities  and  rupture,  except  they 
should  become  absolutely  necessary;  and  this  necessity  they  do  not  yet  see.     They 
dread  the  thoughts  of  an  action,  because  it  would  make  a  wound  which  would  never 
be  healed ;  it  would  fix  and  establish  a  rancor  which  would  descend  to  the  latest 
generations ;  it  would  render  all  hopes  of  a  reconciliation  with  Great  Britain  des- 
perate ;  it  would  light  up  the  flames  of  war,  perhaps  through  the  whole  continent, 
which  might  rage  for  twenty  years,  and  end  in  the  subduction  of  America  as  likely 
as  in  her  liberation." 


THE   REGULATING   ACT   AND   ASSOCIATION.  371 

The  committee  on  trade  and  manufactures  was  the  first  to 
submit  a  report,  which  was  (September  19)  referred  to  the 
committee  on  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  when  Thomas 
Gushing,  Patrick  Henry,  and  Thomas  Mifflin  were  added 
to  this  committee.  In  three  days  it  reported.  The  dis- 
cussion in  the  congress  on  this  report  was  long.  The  busi- 
ness was  simplified  by  a  vote  (September  24)  to  limit  its 
action,  "at  present,  to  the  consideration  of  such  rights  as 
had  been  infringed  by  Acts  of  parliament  since  1763."  On 
the  14th  of  October  the  members  agreed  upon  a  Declaration 
of  Rights. 

This  paper  claimed  for  Americans  the  immunities  of  free 
subjects  within  the  realm  of  England,  so  far  as  circumstances 
would  allow.  It  claimed  that  they  had  a  coequal  right  to  the 
British  Constitution, — the  constitution  of  their  country, — 
and  that  they  had  "  a  free  and  exclusive  power  of  legislation 
in  their  provincial  legislatures,  where  their  rights  of  repre- 
sentation could  alone  be  preserved  in  all  cases  of  taxation 
and  internal,  polity,"  subject  to  the  negative  of  the  sover- 
eign. It  contained  ten  resolves,  in  which  were  enumerated 
the  rights  that  could  not  be  legally  taken  from  them,  or 
altered  or  abridged  by  any  power  whatever ;  and  it  speci- 
fied eleven  Acts  or  parts  of  Acts  of  parliament  which  were 
necessary  to  be  repealed,  in  order  to  restore  harmony  between 
the  colonies  and  Great  Britain.  A  compromise  resolution, 
framed  with  great  care,  disclaimed  any  purpose  of  refusing 
obedience  to  Acts  "  restrained  to  the  regulation  of  the  ex- 
ternal commerce,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  commercial 
advantages  of  the  whole  empire  to  the  mother  country."  In 
this  paper  it  was  stated  that  the  good  people  of  twelve  colonies 
had  appointed  deputies  to  sit  in  a  general  congress  to  obtain 
such  an  establishment  as  might  prevent  their  religion,  laws, 
and  liberties  from  being  subverted;  and,  as  their  English 
ancestors  had  done,  they  made  their  Declaration  of  Rights. 
After  calmly  averring  that  Americans  could  not  submit  to 
the  Acts  which  had  been  specified  as  grievous,  congress 


372  THE   RISE    OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

conclude  by  stating  that  "  for  the  present  they  had  only  re- 
solved to  pursue  the  following  peaceable  measures :  "  1.  To 
enter  into  a  non-importation,  non-consumption,  and  non- 
exportation  agreement  or  association;  2.  To  prepare  an 
address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  a  memorial  to 
the  inhabitants  of  British  America ;  3.  To  prepare  a  loyal 
address  to  His  Majesty." 

With  the  exception  of  two  of  the  articles,  the  Declaration 
was  adopted  unanimously.  The  phrase  in  some  instances 
is  similar  to  that  in  the  Bill  of  Rights  of  William  and  Mary. 
It  presents  the  colonies  as  a  unit  in  the  vital  matters  of  rep- 
resentation, free  discussion,  free  assemblies,  and  trial  by 
jury, — in  a  word,  self-government.  It  was  hoped — faintly 
by  some,  strongly  by  others — that  the  basis  laid  down  in 
this  interesting  paper  might  lead  to  an  act  of  settlement, 
fixing  the  terms  for  a  permanent  union  between  America 
and  England.1 

Congress  decided  (September  27)  on  commercial  non- 
intercourse  with  Great  Britain  as  the  means  of  restoring 
American  rights.  It  (September  30)  appointed  a  committee 
to  bring  in  a  plan  for  carrying  this  measure  into  effect,  who 
reported  on  the  12th  of  October.  The  measure  deeply 
affected  great  material  interests;  and  the  difficulties  met 
and  overcome  were  a  foretaste  of  what  was  to  be  encountered 
in  the  formation  of  the  more  perfect  union  under  the  Con- 
stitution. At  one  stage  of  the  proceedings  —  on  the  question 
of  restricting  rice  —  three  of  the  South-Carolina  delegation 
left  the  congress,  but  soon  returned,  their  point  having  been 
conceded. 

1  The  committee  who  reported  the  Declaration  consisted  of  Sullivan  and  Folsom, 
of  New  Hampshire;  the  Adamses  and  Gushing,  of  Massachusetts;  Hopkins  and 
Ward,  of  Rhode  Island;  Dyer  and  Sherman,  of  Connecticut;  Duane  and  Jay,  of 
New  York;  Livingston  and  De  Hart,  of  New  Jersey;  Galloway,  Biddle,  and  Mifflin, 
of  Pennsylvania;  Rodney  and  McKean,  of  Delaware;  Johnson  and  Goldsborough, 
of  Maryland;  Lee,  Pendleton,  and  Henry,  of  Virginia;  Lynch  and  J.  Rutledge,  of 
South  Carolina  Several  members  probably  contributed  to  frame  it.  A  copy  exists 
in  handwriting  resembling  that  of  Sullivan,  whose  name  stands  at  the  head.  John 
A.dams  framed  the  article  relative  to  the  regulation  of  trade. 


THE  REGULATING  ACT  AND  ASSOCIATION.  873 

The  Association  was  signed  on  the  20th  of  October  by 
fifty-two  members.  Their  covenant  was  in  these  words: 
"  We  do  for  ourselves,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  several 
colonies  whom  we  represent,  firmly  agree  and  associate  under 
the  sacred  ties  of  virtue,  honor,  and  love  of  our  country." 
The  instrument  consisted  of  fourteen  articles,  forming  rules 
for  the  government  of  the  people  in  relation  to  the  non- 
importation, non-exportation^  and  non-consumption  of  mer- 
chandise from  Great  Britain.  One  article  provided  that  the 
parties  to  the  Association  would  neither  import  nor  purchase 
any  slave  imported  after  the  first  day  of  December,  and 
would  wholly  discontinue  the  slave-trade,  and  refuse  to  deal 
with  those  concerned  in  it.  Another  stipulated  not  only 
for  non-intercourse  with  the  inhabitants  of  any  colony  that 
did  not  accede  to  or  that  might  hereafter  violate  this  Asso- 
ciation, but  for  holding  them  "  as  unworthy  the  rights  of 
freemen,  and  as  inimical  to  the  liberties  of  their  country." 
Another  article  provides  that  "a  committee  be  chosen  in 
every  county,  city,  and  town,  by  those  who  are  qualified  to 
vote  for  the  representatives  in  the  legislature,  whose  business 
it  shall  be  attentively  to  observe  the  conduct  of  all  persons 
touching  this  Association;"  and  these  committees  were 
instructed  to  publish  in  the  "  Gazette  "  the  names  of  vio- 
lators of  the  Association,  to  the  end  that  they  might  be 
"  universally  condemned  as  the  enemies  of  American  liberty." 
The  committees  of  correspondence  were  charged  to  inspect 
the  entries  at  the  custom-houses.  Thus  the  Association  was 
virtually  law,  bearing  on  the  individual ;  and  a  penalty  was 
affixed  to  all  violations  of  it. 

The  Association  has  been  termed  a  compact  formed  for 
the  preservation  of  American  rights, — "a  league  of  the 
continent,  which  first  expressed  the  sovereign  will  of  a  free 
nation  in  America," — and  the  commencement  of  the  Amer- 
ican Union.1  It  was  an  embodiment  of  the  sentiment  of 

1  "  The  signature  of  the  Association  by  the  members  of  congress  may  be  considered 
as  the  commencement  of  the  American  Union."  —  Hildreth,  iii.  46. 

"Among  all  our  original  associates  in  the  memorable  league  of  the  continent  in 


374  THE   BISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

union,  and  of  the  will  of  the  people  on  the  subject  of  their 
commercial  relations, — the  first  enactment,  substantially, 
of  a  general  law  by  America.  For  nearly  two  years  the 
instrument  was  termed  "  The  Association  of  the  United 
Colonies." l 

On  the  llth  of  October,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  William 
Livingston,  and  John  Jay  were  appointed  a  committee  to 
prepare  a  memorial  to  the  people  of  British  America,  and  an 
address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 

The  address,  prepared  by  Jay,  was  reported  on  the  18th 
of  October,  when  it  was  debated  by  paragraphs,  amended, 
and  recommitted,  and  three  days  later  (October  21)  was 
approved.  The  British  people  are  addressed  as  "  Friends 
and  Fellow-Subjects."  The  object  of  the  address  was  to 
show  wherein  this  "  unhappy  country  was  not  only  oppressed, 
but  abused  and  misrepresented,"  to  present  the  American 
view  of  the  relations  between  the  people  of  the  colonies  and 
of  England,  and  to  show  the  necessity  of  a  strict  execution 
of  the  measures  recommended  by  the  congress,  in  order  to 
secure  "  the  invaluable  rights  and  liberties  derived  from  the 
laws  and  constitution  of  their  country."  The  address  has 
this  remark :  "  You  have  been  told  that  we  are  seditious, 
impatient  of  government,  and  desirous  of  independency. 
Be  assured  that  these  are  not  facts,  but  calumnies.  Permit 
us  to  be  as  free  as  yourselves,  and  we  shall  ever  esteem  a 
union  with  you  to  be  our  greatest  glory  and  greatest  happi- 
ness." It  closed  by  expressing  the  hope  that  evil  coun- 
sels might  be  rejected,  and  thereby  might  be  restored  "  that 

1774,  which  first  expressed  the  sovereign  will  of  a  free  nation  in  America,  he  [  T^  ash- 
ington]  was  the  only  one  remaining  in  the  general  government."  — President  John 
Adams,  answer  to  the  Senate,  Dec.  22,  1799. 

The  articles  of  association,  with  the  signatures,  were  printed  on  a  broadside  by 
Edes  and  Gill,  of  Boston,  who  say,  "We  are  induced  to  publish  thus  early,  purely 
to  ease  the  impatience  if  our  readers."  It  is  in  the  Boston  papers  of  Nov.  7,  1774. 

1  "June  7,  1775.  Resolved,  that  Thursday,  the  20th  of  July,  be  observed 
throughout  the  twelve  united  colonies."  — Journals,  i.  67. 

Nov.  8,  1775.  Congress  instructed  a  committee  to  endeavor  to  engage  "the 
inhabitants  of  the  colony  of  Canada  to  accede  to  the  Association  of  the  United  Colo- 
nies."—Ibid.,  i.  224. 


THE   REGULATING  ACT   AND   ASSOCIATION.  875 

harmony,  friendship,  and  fraternal  affection,  between  all  the 
inhabitants  of  His  Majesty's  kingdoms  and  territories,  so 
ardently  wished  for  by  every  true  and  honest  American." 

The  memorial  to  the  people  of  the  colonies,  prepared  by 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  was  reported  on  the  19th  of  October, 
and  approved  two  days  later  (October  21).  It  was  the 
object  of  this  paper  to  show  that  the  Declaration  of  Rights 
was  based  on  the  solid  foundation  of  wisdom  and  justice ; 
for,  it  was  remarked,  from  counsels  thus  tempered  arose  the 
surest  hopes  of  Divine  favor,  the  firmest  encouragement  to 
the  parties  engaged,  and  the  strongest  recommendation  of 
their  cause  to  mankind.  Congress  faithfully  advised  their 
constituents  that  the  aspect  of  ministerial  schemes  rendered 
it  prudent  that  they  should  extend  their  views  to  mournful 
events,  and  be  in  all  respects  prepared  for  every  contin- 
gency; and  they  say  in  closing,  "Above  all  things  we  ear- 
nestly entreat  you,  with  devotion  of  spirit,  penitence  of 
heart,  and  amendment  of  life,  to  humble  yourselves,  and 
implore  the  power  of  Almighty  God ;  and  we  humbly 
beseech  his  Divine  Goodness  to  take  you  into  his  gracious 
protection." 

On  the  21st  of  October,  Thomas  Gushing,  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  and  John  Dickinson  were  appointed  a  committee  to 
prepare  an  address  to  the  people  of  Quebec,  and  a  letter  to 
the  unrepresented  colonies  of  St.  John's,  Nova  Scotia,  Geor- 
gia, and  East  and  West  Florida.  The  letter  briefly  com- 
mended to  these  colonies  the  measures  agreed  on,  and  urged 
their  adoption  "  with  all  the  earnestness  that  a  well-directed 
zeal  for  American  liberty  can  prompt."  The  address  to 
Quebec,  drawn  up  by  Dickinson,  was  reported  on  the  24th, 
recommitted,  and  on  the  26th  again  reported,  when,  after  de- 
bate by  paragraphs,  it  was  adopted.  It  was  quite  elaborate, 
and  handled  the  questions  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  with  a 
masterly  hand.  Congress  informed  the  people  of  Quebec  that 
"  the  injuries  of  Boston  had  roused  and  associated  every  col- 
ony from  Nova  Scotia  to  Georgia,"  and  that  their  "  province 


376  THE  EISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

was  the  only  link  wanting  to  complete  the  bright  and  strong 
chain  of  union."  In  reference  to  the  objection  that  might 
arise  from  joining  Catholic  and  Protestant  States,  the  congress 
remarked,  "  that  the  transcendent  nature  of  freedom  elevated 
those  who  unite  in  her  defence  above  all  such  low-minded 
infirmities."  Quebec  was  invited  to  send  delegates  to  the 
next  congress,  and  thus  put  its  fate,  "  not  on  the  small  influ- 
ence of  their  single  province,  but  on  the  consolidated  power 
of  North  America." 

On  the  first  day  of  October,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  John 
Adams,  Thomas  Johnson,  Patrick  Henry,  and  Mr.  Rutledge 
were  appointed  a  committee  to  prepare  a  loyal  petition  to 
the  king,  and  were  unanimously  instructed  to  request,  duti- 
fully, his  attention  to  American  grievances,  entreat  his  inter- 
position for  their  removal,  and  thereby  restore  the  harmony 
"  so  necessary  to  the  happiness  of  the  British  Empire,  and 
so  ardently  desired  by  all  America."  Two  days  after,  the 
committee  were  further  instructed  to  assure  His  Majesty 
that  the  colonies  would  make  provision  to  carry  on  the 
government,  and  to  grant  supplies  in  case  of  war ;  and  a 
third  instruction  the  day  following  directed  them  to  add 
the  assurance,  that,  "  in  case  the  colonies  should  be  restored 
to  the  state  they  were  in  at  the  close  of  the  war,"  the  jeal- 
ousies created  by  late  Acts  of  parliament  would  be  removed, 
and  commerce  again  restored.  The  committee  did  not  report 
until  the  21st  of  October.  The  draft,  prepared  by  Henry, 
was  not  satisfactory ;  Dickinson  was  added  to  the  committee, 
and  the  subject  was  recommitted.  A  second  draft,  by  the 
latter,  was  reported  on  the  24th,  debated  the  next  day  by 
paragraphs,  amended,  and  ordered  to  be  engrossed.  The 
petition  purports  to  be  in  behalf  of  "  the  inhabitants  of 
these  colonies,"  enumerates  the  grievances  composing  a 
"  destructive  system  of  colony  administration,"  attributes  it 
to  dangerous  and  designing  men,  and  avers  that  the  senti- 
ments expressed  are  "  extorted  from  hearts  that  much  more 
willingly  would  bleed  in  His  Majesty's  service."  It  claims 


THE  REGULATING  ACT  AND   ASSOCIATION.  377 

to  be  addressed  to  a  sovereign  who  glories  in  the  name  of 
Briton,  the  loving  father  of  a  whole  people,  who,  though 
dwelling  in  various  countries,  are  connected  by  the  same 
bonds  of  law,  loyalty,  faith,  and  blood.  It  declared  that 
this  people  did  not  wish  for  a  diminution  of  the  prerogative 
or  solicit  the  grant  of  any  new  right,  and  would  always 
endeavor  to  maintain  their  connection  with  Great  Britain : 
but  they  claimed  the  right  to  enjoy  in  peace,  safety,  and 
liberty  the  inheritance  left  by  the  forefathers.  Two  copies 
of  this  petition  werp.  signed  by  all  the  members,  and  were 
ordered  to  be  sent  to  the  colonial  agents  in  London.1 

Congress  passed  a  warm  and  grateful  vote  of  thanks  to 
the  noble  advocates  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  in  and  out 
of  parliament,  who  had  generously  defended  the  cause  of 
America ;  fixed  upon  the  10th  of  May  following  for  another 
congress,  unless  meantime  there  should  be  a  redress  of 
grievances ;  and  invited  all  the  colonies  in  North  America 
to  send  deputies  to  it.  It  dissolved  on  the  26th  of  October. 

Its  measures  were  received  by  the  two  political  parties 
into  which  the  people  were  divided  in  a  spirit  corresponding 
to  their  principles  and  aims. 

The  Whigs  welcomed  them  with  joy  and  exultation.  "  Last 
week,"  runs  a  newspaper  editorial,  "  the  grand  Continental 
Congress  ended ;  they  having,  in  a  manner  highly  honorable 
to  themselves  and  constituents,  and  serviceable  to  their  coun- 
try, finished  the  important  business  on  which  they  were  ap- 
pointed, and  met  to  deliberate  and  determine  for  a  great  and 
increasing  nation.  The  world  has  hardly  ever  seen  any 
assembly  that  had  matters  of  greater  consequence  before 
them,  that  were  chosen  in  a  more  honorable  manner,  were 


1  Henry  Stevens,  in  his  "  Bibliotheca  Historica,"  p.  87,  1870,  states  that  he  has 
one  of  these  petitions,  containing  the  signatures  of  fifty  of  the  delegates,  which  was 
carefully  preserved  by  Franklin.  One  copy  was  presented  to  the  king,  and  is  in  the 
State  Paper  Office.  No  copy  was  retained  by  congress.  In  January,  1775,  a  pam- 
phlet was  printed  in  London,  it  is  believed  by  Franklin,  containing  the  proceedings 
of  congress,  the  title-page  of  which  says:  "To  which  is  added  (being  now  first 
printed  by  authority)  an  authentic  copy  of  the  Petition  to  the  King." 


378  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

better  qualified  for  the  high  trust  reposed  in  them,  executed 
it  in  a  more  faithful,  judicious,  and  effectual  manner,  or  were 
more  free  and  unanimous  in  their  conclusions,  than  this. 
Their  proceedings  are  all  drawn  with  a  masterly  hand  ;  the 
expediency  of  every  adopted  measure  is  clearly  pointed  out ; 
and  the  whole  plan  is  so  well  calculated,  so  tempered  with 
goodness  and  wisdom,  with  mildness  and  resolution,  so 
guarded  by  prudence  and  supported  by  reason,  that  in  all 
probability  it  can  hardly  fail  of  the  desired  effect." 1  Thanks 
to  the  congress  re-echoed  from  the  generous  breasts  of 
grateful  thousands.  Eighteen  Hundred  and  Seventy-Four, 
it  was  said,  would  be  a  year  of  triumphant  jubilee,  when 
medals,  pictures,  fragments  of  writings,  would  revive  the 
memory  of  these  proceedings,  and  when,  if  any  adventi- 
tious circumstances  could  give  precedency,  it  would  be  to 
inherit  the  blood  or  even  to  possess  the  name  of  a  member 
of  the  glorious  assembly.2 

'  Illustrious  Congress !  May  each  name 
Be  crowned  with  immortal  fame !  " 

The  Tories  denounced  the  men  and  the  measures  of  the 
congress  in  bitter  and  unmeasured  terms.  They  charac- 
terized it  as  composed  of  the  bankrupt  and  the  rich,  of 
churchmen  and  dissenters,  of  the  knavish  and  the  honest, 
chosen  by  the  zealots  of  every  district.3  It  was  a  treasonable 
purpose,  projected  by  Eastern  republicans.  It  was  filled  with 
factions.  An  oily  demagogue,  Samuel  Adams,  —  who  ate 
little  and  slept  little,  thought  much  and  was  indefatigable, — 
and  the  haughty  sultans  of  the  South,  juggled  the  whole  con- 
clave. These  persons,  from  the  time  of  the  Stamp  Act,  de- 
signed to  throw  off  all  dependence  on  Great  Britain,  and 
meant,  by  every  fiction,  falsehood,  and  fraud,  to  delude  the 

1  This  is  taken  from  the  ' '  Boston  Evening  Post ' '  of  November  14,  and  was 
copied  from  a  New-York  newspaper. 

2  This  is  from  a  piece  originally  printed  in  the  "South-Carolina  Gazette,"  and 
copied  into  the  "  Essex  Gazette  "  of  Dec.  27,  1774. 

8  George  Chalmers,  in  MS.  Letter  addressed  to  Lord  Mansfield. 


THE  REGULATING  ACT  AND   ASSOCIATION.  379 

people.  They  were  secret  and  hypocritical,  and  left  no  fraud 
unessayed  to  conceal  their  intentions.1  The  measures  sup- 
ported the  allegation  that  the  Whigs  aimed  at  rebellion. 
The  proof  was  absolutely  positive  in  the  approval  of  the  Suf- 
folk resolves,  and  in  the  pledge  to  support  by  force  the 
inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  in  refusing  obedience  to  the 
Regulating  Acts.  In  pointing  to  these  facts,  they  asked, 
"  What  think  ye  of  the  congress  now  ? "  and  they  reasoned, 
"It  is  barely  possible  that  the  stars  in  their  courses  may 
fight  in  favor  of  the  colonies,  that  an  earthquake  may  swallow 
up  the  king's  army  in  Boston,  and  that  every  ship  of  war 
and  every  transport  ordered  from  England  to  America  may 
be  blasted  with  lightning  or  overwhelmed  in  the  ocean. 
But  if  there  should  be  no  miraculous  interposition  of  Heaven 
to  defeat  the  natural  power  of  the  mother  country,  should 
we  go  on  to  enrage  it,  it  must  at  last  fall  upon  us  with  an 
irresistible  impetuosity."2 

These  citations  will  serve  to  show  the  flood  of  contempo- 
rary eulogy  and  denunciation  poured  out  on  this  congress. 
Its  action  was  remarkably  faithful  to  the  republican  ideas 
universally  accepted  by  the  country.  The  concession  of  com- 
mercial monopoly  to  England  and  the  non-importation  policy 
have  elicited  adverse  criticism.  In  considering  these  meas 
ures,  however,  the  two  cardinal  objects  of  union  among  the 
colonies  and  reconciliation  with  the  mother  country  ought 
to  be  borne  in  mind.  The  concession  of  the  regulation  of 
trade,  entirely  indefensible  on  principle,  evinced  at  least  a 
desire  for  conciliation.  The  same  remark  is  applicable  to 
the  non-importation  agreement.  Moreover,  it  was  a  fore- 
gone conclusion.  It  was  simultaneously  suggested  at  the 
South  and  the  North  before  the  congress  was  called ;  it  was 
recommended  in  public  meetings  and  the  newspapers ;  it 
was  approved  by  the  friends  of  the  cause  abroad  as  sure 

1  Galloway,  in  his  Historical  Reflections,  1780. 

2  "  What  Think  Ye  of  the  Congress  Now?  "    A  pamphlet  printed  in  New  York 
in  1775,  by  Rivington. 


380  THE  RISE  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

to  succeed ;  and  was  the  measure,  of  all  others,  for  which 
the  public  mind  was  ready.  This  weapon,  even  weakly 
handled,  had  caused  the  partial  repeal  of  the  Townshend 
Acts.  By  using  it  effectively  the  patriots  hoped  to  obtain 
a  change  of  administration  and  a  redress  of  grievances. 
The  warning  by  congress  to  prepare  for  mournful  events 
shows  that  they  considered  a  resort  to  force  not  impossible. 
Still  their  hope  was  strong  that  harmony  might  be  restored ; 
that  the  non-importation  of  British  goods  would  create  such 
an  interest  in  favor  of  America  as  to  cause  a  change.  It 
is  otherwise  impossible  to  account  for  the  non-importation 
agreement.  Had  war  been  deemed  inevitable,  had  the 
aim  been  independence,  every  principle  of  sound  policy 
would  have  demanded  that  importation  should  be  encour- 
aged, and  the  largest  possible  stock  of  supplies  for  an  army 
obtained.1  In  fact,  this  was  a  self-denying  ordinance. 
Every  refusal  of  the  American  to  import  was  at  the  cost  of 
his  personal  comfort,  every  refusal  to  export  was  a  waste 
of  his  resources  for  the  support  of  his  family.2  It  was  a 
peaceable  method  of  redress,  and  its  adoption  evinced  the 
repugnance  to  war  entertained  by  the  wise  and  good  men 
who  gave  character  to  this  remarkable  assembly.  The 
measures,  as  a  whole,  fully  met  the  expectations  of  the 
popular  party.  They  comprised  all  that  a  noble  patriotism 
could  devise  to  persuade  the  men  in  power  that  war  to 
enforce  their  purposes  would  be  unjustifiable.  This  was  all 
that  human  wisdom  could  do.  Hence,  when  the  passions 
of  the  time  had  passed  away,  the  eulogy  of  the  congress  be- 
came so  general  as  to  warrant  the  remark  that  no  public 
body  ever  gained  so  full  and  unanimous  a  recognition  of 
its  wisdom  and  integrity.3  The  modern  judgment  coincides 
with  the  contemporary  eulogy. 

The  papers  of  this  congress,  explaining  its  measures  and 
vindicating  the  American  cause,  have  been  uniformlv  praised 

1  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  i.  184. 

2  Bancroft,  vii.  151.  8  Ibid.,  vii.  190. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT   AND   ASSOCIATION.  381 

for  their  soundness,  dignity,  strength,  and  purity  of  style 
They  drew  from  Lord  Chatham  the  tribute  delivered  in  the 
House  of  Lords,  in  which  he  said  :  "  When  your  lordships 
look  at  the  papers,  when  you  consider  their  decency,  firm- 
ness, and  wisdom,  you  cannot  but  respect  their  cause  and 
wish  to  make  it  your  own.  For  myself,  I  must  declare  and 
avow,  that,  in  all  my  reading  and  observation, — and  it  has 
been  my  favorite  study :  I  have  read  Thucydides,  and  have 
studied  and  admired  the  master  states  of  the  world, — that  for 
solidity  of  reasoning,  force  of  sagacity,  and  wisdom  of  conclu- 
sion, under  such  a  complication  of  circumstances,  no  nation 
or  body  of  men  can  stand  in  preference  to  the  general  con- 
gress at  Philadelphia."  Daniel  Webster  advised  young 
men  who  desired  to  breathe  in  the  spirit  of  their  Revolu- 
tionary ancestors,  who  desired  that  every  pulsation  of  their 
hearts  and  every  aspiration  of  their  ambition  should  be 
American,  to  master  the  contents  of  these  immortal  papers, 
and  become  imbued  with  their  sentiments.1  A  British  writer, 
in  an  elaborate  survey  of  the  nations,  pronounces  these  papers 
"  as  just  as  any  that  were  ever  written  by  the  pen  of  man."2 
This  is  their  enduring  quality,  —  their  justice.  They,  in 
the  spirit  of  American  manhood,  demanded  the  right,  while 
calmly  avowing  the  determination  not  to  submit  to  wrong. 

The  action  of  the  congress  in  relation  to  Massachusetts  — 
its  approval  of  the  Suffolk  resolves,  its  pledge  to  support 
the  inhabitants,  if  they  were  obliged  to  resist  by  force  the 
execution  of  the  Regulating  Act,  its  recommendation  that 
contributions  should  be  continued  for  the  relief  of  the  suf- 
ferers by  the  Port  Act — was  in  harmony  with  the  sentiments 
of  the  patriots  in  all  quarters,  as  conveyed  in  every  news- 
paper that  came  by  the  post  to  Philadelphia.  The  noble 

1  Address  before  the  New-York  Historical  Society,  p.  43. 

2  Essay  on  National  Character,  in  two  volumes,  by  Richard  Chenevix,  London, 
1832,  i.  354.    At  the  close  of  a  long  chapter  on  "The  causes  that  develop  patriotism 
among  the  nations"  (vol.  ii.  527),  Chenevix  says:  "Next  to  the  English  in  this 
noble  feeling  stand  their  descendants  in  the  United  States  of  America.    The  senti- 
ment which  guided  their  Revolution  was  British.    It  was  proud ;  it  was  virtuous." 


382  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

flow  of  donations  into  Boston  lasted  ten  months.  They 
were  raised  in  the  municipalities,  and  forwarded  by  persons 
selected  to  speak  in  their  name,  generally  committees  chosen 
by  the  qualified  voters ;  and  during  these  ten  months  they 
were  accompanied  by  letters  from  these  committees,  ad- 
dressed to  the  patriots  of  Boston,  more  precious  than  the 
gifts  themselves.  These  letters  were  answered  by  a  com- 
mittee, called  the  Donation  Committee,  chosen  by  the  quali- 
fied voters  of  Boston.  This  correspondence  is  voluminous. 
A  very  few  of  the  letters  appeared  at  the  time  in  the  news- 
papers, most  of  them  remaining  for  nearly  a  century  in 
manuscript.  They  were  consequently  independent  expres- 
sions of  sentiment,  one  locality  not  knowing  what  another 
locality  had  written.  A  few  sentences  will  show  the  temper 
and  tone  of  the  whole.1 

The  New-Hampshire  patriots  wrote :  "  We  look  on  the 
cause  in  which  you  are  engaged  as  a  common  cause,  and  that 
we  and  our  posterity  are  equally  interested  with  you  in  the 
event."2  "  We  heartily  sympathize  with  you,  and  earnestly 
pray  that  as  your  day  is  your  strength  may  be  ;  that  you  may 
be  undaunted,  faithful,  and  wise,  and  by  your  steady,  undis- 
guised conduct  put  to  silence  those  who  wait  for  your  halt- 
ing."3 "What  you  herewith  receive  comes  not  from  the 
opulent,  but  mostly  from  the  industrious  yeomanry.  This 
is  considered  by  us  not  as  a  gift  or  an  act  of  charity,  but  of 
justice, — as  a  small  part  of  what  we  are  in  duty  bound  to 
communicate  to  those  truly  noble  and  patriotic  advocates 

1  Among  the  archives  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  are  two  Letter- 
Books,  one  containing  copies  of  letters  addressed  to  the  committee  appointed  by  the 
town  of  Boston  to  receive  and  distribute  the  donations  contributed  for  the  sufferers 
by  the  Port  Act;  and  the  other  containing  the  replies  to  these  letters.     This  corre- 
spondence was  printed  in  the  fourth  volume  of  the  Fourth  Series  of  the  Collections 
of  this  society,  1858,  with  notes  prepared  by  the  author  of  this  volume.    The  cor- 
respondence occupies  278  pages.     The  citations  in  the  text,  with  a  few  exceptions, 
are  taken  from  this  volume.     A  few  of  the  letters  were  printed  in  the  newspapers  at 
the  time,  but  nearly  the  whole  remained  in  manuscript  until  their  publication  by  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

2  Collections  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  4th  Series,  iv.  76. 
»  Ibid ,  200. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT   AND   ASSOCIATION.  383 

of  American  freedom  who  are  bravely  standing  in  the  gap 
between  us  and  slavery,  defending  the  common  interests  of 
a  whole  continent,  and  gloriously  struggling  for  the  caude 
of  liberty.  Upon  you  the  eyes  of  all  America  are  fixed :  wo 
can  with  truth  assure  you  we  are  engaged  to  a  man  in  your 
defence.  We  are  ready  to  communicate  of  our  substance 
largely  as  your  necessities  may  require ;  and  with  our  estates 
to  give  our  lives,  and  mingle  our  blood  with  yours  in  the 
common  sacrifice  to  liberty.  Since  we  have  no  asylum  on 
earth  to  which  we  may  fly,  before  we  will  submit  to  wear  the 
chains  of  slavery  a  profligate  and  arbitrary  ministry  are  pre- 
paring for  us,  we  are  determined  upon  an  emigration  through 
the  gate  of  death,  in  hope  of  inheriting  the  fair  land  of  prom- 
ise, and  participating  with  our  forefathers  in  the  glorious 
liberty  of  the  sons  of  God." l  The  donation  committee  re- 
plied: "  We  cannot  but  look  on  it  as  from  Divine  influence 
that  the  hearts  and  hands  of  our  brethren  are  so  opened  and 
so  united  in  assisting  this  distressed  town ;  and  we  hope  and 
believe  there  are  many  thanksgivings  going  up  to  Him  who 
is  the  author  of  all  good  to  his  creatures,  and  hope  you  will 
be  rewarded  in  temporal  and  spiritual  blessings." 2 

The  Connecticut  patriots  wrote :  "  Our  hearts  are  deeply 
impressed  with  the  feelings  of  humanity  towards  our  near 
and  dear  brethren  of  Boston."  3  "A  claim  to  divest  us  of  prop- 
eTty,  liberty,  and  life,  set  up  and  asserted  many  years  ago, 
and  now  attempted  by  the  grossest  violation  of  royal  faith  in 
tearing  up  by  the  roots  the  ancient  charter  of  your  province, 
by  all  the  evils  of  Pandora's  box  let  loose  in  the  new  form 
of  government  imposed  upon  you,  have  roused  our  zeal,  and 
determined  us  to  unite  with  our  brethren  through  the  conti- 
nent in  a  manly  struggle  for  our  liberties  and  rights,  which 
must  never  be  parted  with.  This  [the  contents  of  a  bill  of 
lading]  we  consider  the  first  payment  of  a  large  debt  we  owe 

1  Collections  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  4th  Series,  iv.  146. 

2  Ibid.,  202.    Among  the  names  of  the  signers  of  the  letter  for  this  colony  were 
John  Sullivan  and  Josiah  Bartlett. 

»  Ibid.,  50. 


384  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

you,  and  we  shall  be  ready  to  repeat  it  from  time  to  time,  as 
long  as  your  necessity  and  our  ability  shall  continue." 1  "  We 
had  a  meeting  of  delegates  from  the  committees  of  corres- 
pondence in  the  several  towns  in  the  counties  of  New  London 
and  Windham.  The  greatest  harmony  and  unanimity  of 
sentiment  appeared  in  all  our  debates  and  proceedings. 
The  cheek  of  every  member  glowed  with  resentment  and 
martial  fire.  Most  assuredly  rely  upon  it  that  the  people  in 
all  this  part  of  the  country  are  to  a  man  resolutely  deter- 
mined to  yield  you  all  the  assistance  in  our  power,  and  are 
willing  to  sacrifice  all  that  is  dear  and  valuable  to  us  rather 
than  suffer  the  patriotic  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston  to 
be  overwhelmed  by  the  adversaries  of  American  liberty."2 
"  Our  town  meeting  instructed  our  representative  to  raise  an 
army  in  this  colony  of  five  or  six  thousand  men  immediately, 
and  to  be  kept  as  an  army  of  observation ;  and  we  had  not 
one  dissenting  voice  to  the  contrary." 3  "  Oh  !  may  Almighty 
God  still  rouse,  and  further  unite  the  people  of  America,  as 
one  man,  to  a  sense  of  their  liberties,  and  [to  resolve]  never 
[to]  give  them  up  as  long  as  sun,  moon,  and  stars  shall  en- 
dure ;  and  never  submit  to  be  slaves,  but  be  willing  to  sacri- 
fice life  and  all  things  to  the  defence  and  preservation  of 
them."4  The  donation  committee  replied:  "Your  elegant 
and  benevolent  favor  yielded  us  that  support  and  consolation, 
amid  our  distresses,  which  the  generous  sympathy  of  assured 
friends  can  never  fail  to  inspire.5  There  was  a  time  when 
some  good  men  among  us  were  insensible  of  their  danger, 
and  seemed  to  prefer  obscurity  to  action ;  but  the  late  ma- 
noeuvres of  tyranny  have  roused  them  from  their  lethargy, 
and  they  now  pant  for  the  field  in  which  their  country  is  to  be 
decided.  Nothing  has  so  dampened  the  spirits  of  those  who 
aspire  to  be  our  masters  as  the  accounts  we  are  daily  receiv- 
ing of  the  glorious  spirit  that  inspires  the  different  parts  of 

1  Collections  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  4th  Series,  iv.  115. 

2  Ibid.,  73.  3  ibid.,  252.  *  Ibid.,  151. 
«  Hollister's  History  of  Connecticut,  ii.  156. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT   AND   ASSOCIATION.  385 

the  continent.  Some  have  believed,  or  pretended  to  believe, 
that,  if  the  faction  in  Boston  were  quelled,  the  provinces 
would  acquiesce  in  whatever  changes  administration  were 
pleased  to  make  in  the  charter  and  constitution  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay.  But  now  they  see  that  a  firm  bond  is  formed  in 
America,  which  the  most  powerful  monarch  on  earth  will  not 
easily  break.  You  will  be  pleased  to  accept  our  most  hearty 
wishes  for  a  continuance  of  your  friendship  ;  and  gratitude 
and  justice  oblige  us  to  tell  you  that  the  colony  of  Connecti- 
cut have  behaved  to  us  like  brothers,  and  signalized  them- 
selves in  the  cause  of  American  liberty  in  such  a  manner  as 
will  redound  to  their  honor  so  long  as  the  sun  and  moon 
endure."  1 

The  Rhode-Island  patriots  wrote :  "  We  sincerely  condole 
the  distresses  of  your  town  and  province,  and  at  the  same 
time  highly  applaud  your  firmness  and  prudence.  We  look 
on  your  troubles  as  our  own,  and  shall  not  fail  to  exert 
ourselves  for  your  future  support,  in  case  you  are  not  soon 
relieved ;  being  fully  convinced  that  at  all  events  you  must 
stand  out  against  the  present  arbitrary  and  cruel  proceed- 
ings, or  all  North  America  must  inevitably  fall  a  sacrifice  to 
the  most  oppressive  and  brutal  tyranny  that  ever  disgraced 
the  most  savage  nation  upon  the  face  of  the  earth."2  "You 
may  depend  that  all  due  care  will  be  taken  in  this  town  to 
afford  you  that  relief  your  circumstances  may  require  and 
our  abilities  will  afford,  to  enable  you  to  hold  out  in  so  just  a 
cause  against  the  combination  of  all  wicked  and  mischievous 
beings,  from  the  highest  source  of  evil  down  to  Lord  North."  3 
The  donation  committee  replied:  "  We  trust  our  cause  which 
indeed  is  a  common  cause  and  of  the  greatest  importance  to 
America,  is  a  righteous  cause,  and  that  God  will  maintain 
it."4  "  The  kindness  and  generosity  that  are  raised  in  the 
breasts  of  our  friends,  not  only  in  your  town  and  colony, 

1  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  4th  Series,  iv.  59.    Among  the  names  of 
the  signers  were  Israel  Putnam  and  William  Williams. 

2  Ibid.,  158.  8  ibid.,  192.  *  Ibid.,  193. 

25 


836  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

but  in  all  the  neighboring  governments,  surely  can  be  im- 
puted to  none  but  the  kind  hand  of  Providence."  1 

The  New- York  patriots  wrote :  "  We  want  language  to 
express  our  abhorrence  of  this  additional  act  [the  Port  Act] 
of  tyranny  to  America :  we  clearly  see  that  she  is  to  be 
attacked  and  enslaved  by  distressing  and  subduing  you."2 
The  donation  committee  replied:  "Assure  our  benefactors, 
the  citizens  of  New  York,  of  the  warmest  gratitude  for  such 
generous  donations ;  while  we  acknowledge  the  superin- 
tendency  of  Divine  Providence,  we  feel  our  obligations  to 
sister  colonies :  by  their  liberality  they  have  greatly  chagrined 
the  common  enemies  of  America,  who  flattered  themselves 
with  hopes  that  before  this  day  they  should  starve  us  into  a 
compliance  with  the  insolent  demands  of  despotic  power ; 
but  the  people,  relieved  by  your  charitable  donations,  bear 
the  indignity  with  becoming  patience  and  fortitude."3 

The  New- Jersey  patriots  wrote  :  "  Suffering  in  a  glorious 
and  common  cause,  sympathy  and  resentment,  with  peculiar 
energy,  fill  the  breasts  of  your  anxious  countrymen.  The 
King  of  kings  and  Ruler  of  princes  seems  in  a  remarkable 
manner  to  be  inspiring  these  colonies  with  a  spirit  of  union 
to  confound  the  councils  of  your  unrighteous  oppressors, 
and  with  a  spirit  of  humanity  and  benevolence  towards  an 
innocent  and  oppressed  people." 4  "  We  rely  under  God  upon 
the  firmness  and  resolution  of  your  people,  and  earnestly 
hope  they  will  never  think  of  receding  from  the  glorious 
ground  they  stand  upon,  while  the  blood  of  freedom  runs  in 
their  veins,  and  while  a  supply  can  be  found  from  the  other 
parts  of  America  for  their  needy  inhabitants."  5  The  donation 
committee  replied :  "  As  we  are  not  insensible  of  the  noble 
exertions  and  generous  donations  of  our  brethren  of  the 
Jerseys  and  throughout  the  colonies,  we  patiently  bear  the 
burdens  Providence  has  been  pleased  first  to  lay  on  us,  not 

1  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  4th  Series,  iv.  159.  2  Ibid.,  162. 

8  Ibid.,  165.    John  Jay  was  connected  with  this  action. 
*  Ibid.,  20.  6  ibid.,  110. 


THE  REGULATING  ACT   AND   ASSOCIATION.  387 

doubting  but  that  all  America  will  with  one  heart  oppose 
every  unconstitutional  Act  of  parliament  that  shall  any  way 
infringe  on  our  charters  and  the  rights  which,  as  men,  God 
and  Nature  have  given  us." l 

The  patriots  of  Pennsylvania  wrote :  "  Tenderly  feeling  for 
the  inexpressibly  distressed  situation  of  your  town,  we  wish 
you  a  happy  and  speedy  issue  from  the  exertions  of  tyranny 
to  the  full  enjoyment  of  peace,  liberty,  and  security." 2  The 
Boston  committee  replied :  "  Through  God's  goodness,  the 
hearts  of  our  brethren  have  been  opened  for  our  relief.  They 
have  enabled  us  to  bear  up  under  oppression,  to  the  aston- 
ishment of  our  enemies ;  and  we  trust  we  shall  be  enabled 
still  to  remain  firm,  and  never  desert  the  glorious  cause  of 
our  country."3 

The  patriots  of  Delaware  wrote:  "You  may  be  assured 
that  it  is  from  a  people  who  sincerely  sympathize  with  you  in 
your  distresses  and  are  anxious  for  your  relief"  ;4  and  they 
resolved  that  it  was  "  the  indispensable  duty  of  all  the  colo- 
nies to  join  for  a  removal  of  grievances,  and  for  re-estab- 
lishing the  rights  of  all  America  on  a  solid  and  permanent 
foundation."  6  The  donation  committee  replied :  "  It  seems 
somewhat  difficult  for  us  to  determine  whether  the  oppres- 
sion and  cruelty  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  or  the  Christian 
sympathy  and  liberality  of  our  dear  friends  and  countrymen 
(particularly  in  New  Castle),  is  most  affecting.  You  have 
greatly  refreshed  our  spirits,  and  strengthened  our  hands ; 
and  we  hope  we  shall  not  do  any  thing  that  shall  incur  a 
forfeiture  of  the  love,  confidence,  and  affection  of  our  brethren 
in  New  Castle  and  elsewhere."  6 

The  patriots  of  Maryland  wrote :  "  Could  we  remain  a 
moment  indifferent  to  your  sufferings,  the  result  of  your 
noble  and  virtuous  struggles  in  defence  of  American  liberties, 


1  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  4th  Series,  iv.  111. 

2  Ibid.,  150.  »  Ibid.,  157.  *  Ibid.,  232.  «  Ibid.,  32. 

•  Ibid.,  34.    Caesar  Rodney,  Thomas  McKean,  and  George  Read  are  among  the 
signers  of  the  letters  from  Delaware. 


388  THE   RISE    OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

we  should  unworthily  share  in  those  blessings  which  (under 
God)  we  owe  in  great  measure  to  your  perseverance  and 
zeal  in  support  of  our  common  rights,  that  they  have  not  ere 
now  been  wrested  from  us  by  the  rapacious  hand  of  power."1 
"  That  Heaven  may  grant  you  perseverance,  and  endow  you 
with  a  prudent  and  becoming  fortitude,  upon  this  unhappy, 
alarming,  and  very  interesting  contest  between  Britain  and 
her  colonies,  is  the  ardent  hope  and  desire  of,  gentlemen, 
your  sympathizing  friends  and  fellow-subjects."2  The  dona- 
tion committee  replied:  "Nothing  gives  us  a  more  animat- 
ing confidence  in  the  happy  event  of  our  present  struggle  for 
the  liberties  of  America,  or  offers  us  greater  support  under  the 
distress  we  now  feel,  than  the  assurances  we  receive  from  our 
brethren  of  their  readiness  to  join  with  us  in  every  salutary 
measure  for  preserving  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  of  their 
tender  sympathy  for  us  under  our  sufferings."  3 

The  Virginia  patriots  wrote :  "  We  wish  you  perseverance, 
moderation,  firmness,  and  success  in  this  grand  contest, 
which  we  view  as  our  own  in  every  respect.  Contributions 
for  your  relief  are  raising  throughout  this  dominion,  and 
will,  we  hope,  be  looked  upon  as  a  small  proof  how  much 
the  good  people  of  this  colony  are  attached  to  the  cause  of 
Boston  and  American  liberty."4  "The  universal  opinion 
entertained  here  of  the  real  wisdom  and  firmness  with  which 
your  unjustly  oppressed  town  has  defended  the  common 
rights  of  British  America,  as  well  as  its  own,  cannot  fail  to 
continue  it  the  assistance  and  support  of  this  place  ;  and  we 
doubt  not  but  the  same  just  sense  of  the  sufferings,  wisdom, 
and  spirit  of  Boston  will  secure  it  the  united  friendship  and 
support  of  all  North  America."  5  "  We  assure  you  that  the 
Virginians  are  warmly  disposed  to  assist  their  suffering 

1  Life  and  Times  of  Warren,  318. 

2  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  4th  Series,  iv.  79. 

8  Life  and  Times  of  Warren,  318.  Charles  Carroll,  William  Paca,  and  Thomas 
Chase  were  on  the  committee  in  Maryland. 

4  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Collections,  4th  Series,  iv.  160. 
6  Ibid.,  238. 


THE  REGULATING   ACT   AND   ASSOCIATION.  389 

brethren,  and  hope  for  their  steady  and  prudent  perseverance 
in  the  common  cause  of  our  country."  *  "In  that  tract  of 
Virginia  called  the  Northern  Neck,  they  have  lately  raised 
one  thousand  volunteers,  as  fine  fellows  and  as  good  woods- 
men as  any  on  our  continent,  who  have  put  themselves  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  George  Washington,  a  brave  and 
experienced  officer,  who,  it  is  said,  has  undertaken  the  com- 
mand of  them,  and  they  are  soon  to  march  for  your  place."  2 
The  donation  committee  replied :  "  Accept  our  grateful 
acknowledgments  for  the  very  generous  assistance  for  the 
inhabitants  of  Boston."3  "We  have  repeatedly  had  abun- 
dant evidence  of  the  firmness  of  our  brethren  of  Virginia  in 
the  American  cause,  and  have  reason  to  confide  in  them,  that 
they  will  struggle  hard  for  the  prize  now  contending  for."  4 
"  Encouraged  by  these  liberal  donations,  the  inhabitants  en- 
dure their  sufferings  with  patience.  As  men,  they  feel  the 
indignities  offered  to  them ;  as  citizens,  they  suppress  their 
just  resentment :  but  I  trust  in  God  that  this  much  injured 
colony,  when  urged  to  it  by  extreme  necessity,  will  exert 
itself  at  the  utmost  hazard  in  the  defence  of  our  common 
rights ;  while  they  deprecate  that  necessity,  they  are  active 
in  preparing  for  it."6  "Virginia  made  an  early  stand,  by 
their  ever  memorable  resolves  of  1765,  against  the  efforts 
of  a  corrupt  administration  to  enslave  America,  and  has 
ever  distinguished  herself  by  her  exertions  in  support  of  our 
common  rights.  The  sister  colonies  struggled  separately ; 
but  the  minister  himself  has  at  length  united  them,  and  they 
have  lately  uttered  language  that  will  be  heard.  It  is  the 
fate  of  this  town  to  drink  deep  of  the  cup  of  ministerial 
vengeance ;  but  while  America  bears  them  witness  that  they 
suffer  in  her  cause,  they  glory  in  their  suffering."  6 

The  patriots  of  North  Carolina  wrote :  "  A  patriotic  spirit 

i  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  4th  Series,  iv.  83.  2  ibid.,  187. 

«  Ibid.,  183.  *  Ibid.,  188.  6  Ibid.,  211. 

6  Ibid.,  185.  Among  the  signers  to  the  letters  from  Virginia  were  Archibald 
Carey  and  John  Augustine  Washington.  The  last  reply  cited  was  signed  by  Samuel 
Adams. 


390  THE  EISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

possesses  every  bosom,  which  all  ranks  of  persons  seem 
emulous  to  express  by  actions  as  well  as  by  words.  There 
is  apparent  in  almost  every  individual  a  proper  sense  of  the 
injury  done  to  the  colonies  in  the  tendency  of  those  oppres- 
sive Acts  of  parliament,  and  a  determined  spirit  of  opposi- 
tion and  resentment  worthy  of  a  human  bosom  in  the  great 
cause  of  liberty.  The  enclosed  resolves  speak  the  sentiments 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Cape  Fear,  and,  we  are  well  assured,  of 
this  province  in  general."1  "  They  have  hopes,  that,  when 
the  united  determinations  of  the  congress  reach  the  royal  ear, 
they  will  have  redress  from  the  cruel,  unjust,  and  oppressive 
Acts  of  the  British  parliament."  2  The  Boston  committee 
replied :  "  We  thank  you  for  the  resolves  of  your  provincial 
meeting  of  deputies.  We  esteem  them  as  manly,  spirited, 
and  noble,  —  worthy  of  our  patriotic  brethren  of  North  Caro- 
lina. God  grant  that  our  endeavors  to  restore  and  preserve 
the  rights  of  our  dear  America  may  be  attended  with  his 
favor  and  blessing !  "  3 

The  patriots  of  South  Carolina  said :  "  Be  comforted,  ye 
oppressed  Bostonians !  and  exult,  ye  Northern  votaries  of 
liberty !  that  the  sacred  rays  of  freedom,  which  used  to  beam 
from  you  on  us,  are  now  reverberated  with  double  efficacy 
back  upon  yourselves,  from  your  weaker  sister,  Carolina, 
who  stands  foremost  in  her  resolution  to  sacrifice  her  all  in 
your  defence."4 

The  patriots  of  Georgia  wrote  :  "  Many  among  us  sincerely 
espouse  the  great  cause  contended  for  by  you,  and  ardently 
wish  that  the  noble  stand  you  have  made  in  defence  of  those 
rights  to  which  as  men  and  as  British  subjects  we  are  enti- 
tled may  be  crowned  with  success.  The  manly  conduct  of 
the  brave  people  of  Boston  and  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  to 
preserve  their  liberty,  deserves  not  only  the  applause  and 
thanks  of  all  America,  but  also  the  imitation  of  all  man 
kind."  5 

1  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Collections,  4th  Series,  iv.  23. 

a  Ibid.,  85.  a  Ibid.,  88.  4  Ibid.,  179.  6  Ibid ,  274. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT   AND   ASSOCIATION.  391 

This  record  forms  a  rare  chapter  of  genuine  history.  It 
was  written  when  the  people  who  were  making  this  history 
were  inspired  by  the  consciousness  of  being  engaged  in 
defending  a  just  cause.  A  high  authority  remarks,  that 
"•  never  did  a  more  sincere  and  perfect  conviction  that  every 
principle  of  right  was  arranged  with  them  animate  the 
human  bosom,  than  was  now  felt  by  the  great  body  of 
Americans;"1  and  another,  that  "the  animation  of  the 
times  raised  the  actors  in  these  scenes  above  themselves, 
and  excited  them  to  deeds  of  self-denial  which  the  interested 
prudence  of  calmer  seasons  can  scarcely  credit."2  They 
were  uniting  in  the  bonds  of  law,  and  the  record  is  as  a 
window  admitting  a  view  of  their  inner  life, —  revealing 
their  thought,  their  hope,  their  faith,  their  passion,  their 
love ;  showing  how  they  felt  as  countrymen,  and  what  they 
regarded  as  their  country.  Nothing  could  be  more  generous 
than  the  expressions  of  admiration,  or  more  tender  than  the 
offerings  of  sympathy,  or  more  free  from  calculation  than 
the  enthusiasm  for  principle,  or  more  solemn  than  the 
pledge  of  fortune  and  life,  or  more  reverent  than  the  trust 
in  Providence.  The  noble  record  portrays  the  brotherhood 
that  constituted  the  real  union  of  the  colonies.  It  admits 
posterity  into  the  heart  of  the  Revolution.  It  is  a  Christian 
prologue  grandly  spoken  on  the  entrance  of  the  United 
Colonies  into  the  family  of  nations. 

The  public  eye  was  now  more  than  ever  fixed  on  Massa- 
chusetts. A  community  of  nearly  four  hundred  thousand 
persons,  by  the  nullification  of  the  Acts  altering  its  govern- 
ment, were  without  courts  of  law,  or  other  than  municipal 
authority.  The  pressure  became  strong  to  proceed  as  an 
independent  people  and  form  a  new  government.  The 
great  majority,  however,  wisely  determined  to  act  in  accord- 
ance with  the  advice  of  the  general  congress.  This  body 
counselled  the  inhabitants  to  keep  on  the  defensive,  to  resist 

l  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  ii.  184. 

«  Ramsay's  History  of  the  American  Revolution,  i.  146. 


892  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

with  arms  only  when  arms  should  be  used  to  execute  the 
new  Acts.  They  stopped  in  civil  affairs  where  this  advice, 
enforced  by  letters  in  the  same  tone,  implied  that  they 
ought  to  stop.  Immediately  on  receiving  the  resolve  of 
congress  of  the  8th  of  October,  pledging  the  continent  to 
support  the  people  of  Massachusetts  in  such  resistance,  they 
commenced  the  preparation  of  arming,  in  the  conviction 
that  resistance  "  was  the  Christian  and  social  duty  of  each 
individual." 

Governor  Gage  issued  a  precept  for  the  choice  of  repre- 
sentatives to  the  General  Court,  and  the  towns  elected  them ; 
but  before  the  time  for  their  meeting  the  Governor  prorogued 
them.  They  met,  however,  at  Salem,  where  they  were  sum- 
moned to  meet,  and  resolved  themselves  into  a  provincial 
congress,  chose  John  Hancock  President,  and  Benjamin 
Lincoln  Secretary,  and  then  adjourned  to  Concord.  The 
decisive  business  of  this  body  may  be  said  to  have  com- 
menced with  the  creation  (October  27)  of  "  The  Committee 
of  Safety."  On  the  next  day  this  committee  were  directed 
"to  take  care  of  and  lodge  in  some  safe  place  in  the  country 
warlike  stores."  The  congress  dissolved  on  the  10th  of 
December.  A  second  congress,  chosen  by  those  who  elected 
the  representatives,  met  at  Cambridge  on  the  1st  of  Feb- 
ruary ;  and  this  body  was  in  existence  until  the  spring. 
These  congresses  chose  a  committee  of  supplies,  provided 
for  the  organization  of  the  militia,  one  quarter  of  whom 
were  to  meet  at  a  moment's  warning,  and  appointed  general 
officers  to  command  the  militia.  The  committee  of  safety 
were  empowered  to  summon  this  force  to  the  field  whenever 
General  Gage  should  attempt  to  execute  the  Regulating 
Acts.  This  committee,  on  which  were  Hancock,  Warren, 
and  Samuel  Adams,  was  virtually  a  directory  appointed  to 
see  to  the  defence  of  the  Commonwealth. 

Such  was  the  local  public  authority  recognized  in  this 
crisis.  In  obedience  to  its  call,  the  towns,  during  the  autumn 
and  winter  of  1774  and  1775,  were  fairly  alive  with  military 


THE  REGULATING  ACT  AND   ASSOCIATION.  303 

preparations.  In  many  of  them  the  minute-men  signed  an 
agreement  pledging  themselves  to  take  the  field  at  a  minute's 
warning.  On  the  days  of  drill  the  citizen  soldiers  some 
times  went  from  the  parade-ground  to  the  church,  where  the} 
listened  to  exhortation  and  prayer.  The  scene  engrossed 
all  minds,  moved  all  hearts  ;  ordinary  business  gave  way  to 
the  demands  of  the  hour.  The  newspapers  are  laden  with 
political  articles  relating  to  the  issue.  One  of  the  ablest  of 
the  Tory  party,  Daniel  Leonard,  defended  that  side  of  the 
question,  under  the  signature  of  "  Massachusettensis,"  and 
was  answered  by  John  Adams,  under  the  signature  of 
"  Novanglus ; "  and  these  uncommonly  able  productions  pre- 
sent accurate  views  of  the  argument  as  the  Revolution 
reached  the  stage  of  physical  force.  In  some  instances  the 
cause  was  dishonored  by  personal  violence,  but  in  the  main 
was  kept  remarkably  true  to  social  order.  "  You,"  say  the 
provincial  congress,  "  are  placed  by  Providence  in  the  post 
of  honor,  because  it  is  the  post  of  danger.  And  while 
struggling  for  the  noblest  objects,  —  the  liberties  of  your 
country,  the  happiness  of  posterity,  and  the  rights  of  human 
nature, — the  eyes  not  only  of  North  America  and  the  whole 
British  Empire,  but  of  all  Europe,  are  upon  you.  Let  us  be, 
therefore,  altogether  solicitous  that  no  disorderly  behavior, 
nothing  unbecoming  our  characters  as  Americans,  as  citi- 
zens and  Christians,  be  justly  chargeable  to  us."1 

It  was  said,  during  the  session  of  the  general  congress, 
that  there  was  a  wide  difference  in  spirit  between  New 
England  and  the  other  colonies.2  The  letters,  however, 

1  The  Address  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  Dec.  10,  1774,  to  the  Freeholders  and 
other  Inhabitants  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  newspapers. 

2  The  "Massachusetts  Gazette  "  of  Oct.  24,  1774,  has  an  elaborate  paper,  "From 
the   'New-York  Gazette '  of  October  10,  to  the  Inhabitants  of  North  America," 
signed  "A  New-York  Freeholder,"  which  has  the  following:  — 

"  There  is  a  wide  difference  between  the  state  of  New  England  and  that  of  the  other 
colonies :  the  same  spirit  by  no  means  seems  to  actuate  their  conduct.  In  the  colonies 
south  of  New  England,  there  is  no  training  up  to  military  discipline,  nor  mustering 
forces  with  the  avowed  design  to  resist  the  king's  troops;  there  is  no  attempt  by  the 
populace  to  buy  up  arms  or  ammunition;  no  violence  or  persecution  is  offered  to 
officers  of  government,  or  to  such  as  do  not  choose  to  join  in  popular  tumults;  few  or 


394  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

flowing  into  Boston  manifested  that  one  feeling  animated 
them  all,  —  that  they  were  substantially  members  of  one 
body,  and  that  with  the  one  that  was  suffering  all  suffered. 
The  warning  of  the  congress  to  be  prepared  for  mournful 
events,  the  increase  from  time  to  time  of  the  army  under 
General  Gage,  and  the  determination  to  coerce  Massachu- 
setts into  subjection  to  arbitrary  power,  produced  a  profound 
impression  ;  and  the  colonies  south  of  New  England  began 
to  arm.  It  was  announced  in  the  public  prints  that  Virginia 
was  organizing  her  militia.  Washington  was  now  prompt 
to  volunteer  as  a  soldier.  His  name  went  through  the 
country  as  the  chairman  of  the  meeting  held  in  his  county 
(Feb.  2,  1775)  to  enroll  the  militia  and  levy  a  tax  to  pay 
for  their  service.1  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  also  were 
preparing  for  self-defence.  Indeed,  there  was  in  the  ranks 
of  the  popular  party  the  same  determination.  The  scene 
was  delineated  by  General  Charles  Lee,  then  recently  from 
England.  "  I  have  now  run  through  the  whole  of  the  colo- 
nies from  North  to  South.  I  have  conversed  with  every 
order  of  men,  from  the  first-estated  gentleman  to  the  poorest 
planters,  and  cannot  express  rny  astonishment  at  the  unani- 
mous, ardent  spirit  reigning  through  the  whole.  They  are 
determined  to  sacrifice  every  thing  —  their  property,  their 
wives,  children,  and  blood  —  rather  than  cede  a  tittle  of 
what  they  conceive  to  be  their  rights.  The  tyranny  over 


no  pulpits  resound  or  are  in  a  foam  with  politics.  You  may  travel  from  the  southern 
limit  of  Connecticut,  as  far  as  Florida,  without  meeting  with  any  of  these  untoward 
symptoms,  which  are  certainly  to  be  found  in  New  England.  The  other  colonies  pro- 
ceed no  further  than  to  assert  with  proper  firmness  and  spirit  what  they  conceive  to 
be  their  rights." 

i  The  "Essex  Gazette"  of  March  7,  1775,  has  the  resolves  of  the  county  of 
Fairfax,  Va.,  "  Col.  George  Washington  "  in  the  chair,  voting  a  tax  for  the  purchase 
of  arms,  &c.,  and  the  enrolment  of  the  inhabitants  from  sixteen  to  sixty  years  of  age, 
and  the  practice  of  the  military  exercise,  "as  recommended  by  the  provincial  congress 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  on  the  29th  of  October  last." 

The  officers  of  the  Virginia  Independent  Companies,  in  April,  1775,  countersigned 
a  spirited  declaration  of  a  pledge  to  maintain  and  defend  "  the  law,  the  liberty,  and 
rights  of  this  or  any  sister  colony,"  with  the  motto,  "  God  save  the  liberties  of 
America." — Rives's  Life  of  Madison,  i.  92. 


THE  REGULATING  ACT  AND   ASSOCIATION.  395 

Boston,  indeed,  seems  to  be  resented  by  the  other  colonies 
in  a  greater  degree  than  by  the  Bostonians  themselves." 

In  the  midst  of  these  scenes  the  popular  party  ratified  the 
Association,  provided  the  machinery  for  its  execution,  and 
gave  it  the  force  of  law.  In  some  cases,  as  in  Connecticut, 
the  general  assembly  was  the  first  to  approve  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  congress,  and  directed  the  towns  to  observe  its 
recommendations.  In  other  cases,  as  in  Virginia,  the  free- 
holders met  in  the  counties,  voted  that  the  Association 
should  be  their  sole  rule  of  conduct,  pledged  themselves, 
"  by  the  sacred  ties  of  honor,  virtue,  and  love  of  country," 
to  execute  it,  and  thanked  the  delegates  for  their  faithful- 
ness,—  thus  acting  directly  under  the  advice  of  congress. 
All  but  two  of  the  colonies  ratified  the  Association:  New 
York,  in  whose  assembly  a  motion  of  approval  was  voted 
down ;  and  Georgia,  in  which  the  patriots  were  not  strong 
enough  to  carry  it  in  the  commons.  The  approval  by  the 
municipalities,  in  meetings  of  the  qualified  voters,  called  in 
the  usual  form,  was  very  general.  One  meeting  voted  that 
it  expected  to  see  every  city,  town,  and  county  accept  the 
Association ;  another  expressed  satisfaction  that  every  town, 
city,  and  county  throughout  America  had  accepted  it,  —  and 
this  included  the  municipalities  in  Georgia  and  New  York. 
But  the  partial  ratification  of  these  two  colonies  was  not 
allowed  to  pass  in  silence.  The  general  committee  of  South 
Carolina  formally  presented  Georgia  as  inimical  to  the 
liberty  of  America ;  and  when  its  patriots  pleaded  that  St. 
John's  Parish  and  others  had  accepted  the  Association,  the 
general  committee  would  only  refer  the  matter  to  the  con- 
gress. The  Virginia  convention  instructed  its  committee 
of  correspondence  to  ascertain  authentically  whether  the 
New- York  assembly  "  had  deserted  the  union,"  and  report 
at  the  next  convention.  The  Tories  prepared  a  counter 
Association,  designed  to  defeat  the  Association  of  the  gen- 
eral congress ;  but  the  project  was  soon  abandoned.  The 
spirit  exhibited  in  the  municipalities  was  the  same,  whether 


396  THE   RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

they  had  grown  up  under  charter,  proprietary,  or  royal  forms 
of  government,  and  whether  the  individual  or  denominational 
sympathies  were  Congregational,  Presbyterian,  Episcopalian, 
or  Quaker:  underlying  all  were  Christian  brotherhood,  sym- 
pathy in  fundamental  political  ideas,  and  enthusiasm  for  the 
rights  of  human  nature.  These  sentiments  could  not  be 
bound  by  provincial  lines.  They  expressed  the  yearning  for 
American  unity,  —  and  this  for  the  sake  of  principles  as  wide 
in  their  application  as  the  common  humanity.1 

1  In  New  Hampshire,  a  convention  of  a  hundred  and  forty-four  deputies  from 
the  towns  met  at  Exeter,  January  25,  1775,  and  heartily  approved  of  "the  proceed- 
ings of  the  late  grand  continental  congress."  In  a  spirited  address  they  recom- 
mended the  inhabitants  "  strictly  to  adhere  to  the  Association." 

In  Massachusetts,  the  provincial  congress,  December  5,  in  an  elaborate  resolve, 
approved  the  proceedings  of  the  general  congress,  on  the  report  of  a  committee, 
ordered  to  be  attested  by  the  secretary  and  sent  to  all  the  towns  and  districts.  The 
report  and  resolve  are  in  the  "Massachusetts  Gazette,"  December  16.  In  some  of 
the  counties  the  inhabitants  signed  a  covenant  to  execute  the  Association. 

In  Connecticut,  the  delegates  reported  to  the  assembly  the  proceedings  of  the 
congress,  which  were  unanimously  approved.  The  assembly  sent  orders  to  the 
towns  for  the  strict  execution  of  the  Association. — Massachusetts  Gazette,  November 
14.  Hollister  (ii.  159)  says  nearly  all  the  towns  complied  with  the  order. 

In  Rhode  Island,  a  special  meeting  of  the  assembly  was  called  to  receive  the  report 
of  the  delegates.  The  proceedings  of  congress  were  approved  December  8.  The 
vote  is  in  the  "  Massachusetts  Gazette,"  December  22. 

In  New  Jersey,  Elizabeth  Town,  December  1,  and  Newark,  December  7,  unani- 
mously approved  the  Association;  Woodbridge,  January  7,  1775,  instructed  its 
committee  on  the  subject  "in  every  respect  [to]  follow  the  directions  of  the  Associa- 
tion as  much  as  if  it  was  a  law  of  this  province; "  Middlesex  County,  January  16, 
pledged  itself  to  enforce  it  "by  the  ties  of  virtue,  honor,  and  the  love  of  our  country." 
On  the  24th  of  February  the  delegates  from  this  colony  to  the  congress  laid  before 
the  assembly  the  proceedings  of  that  body,  when  the  house  unanimously  voted  to 
approve  of  them,  "  such  as  are  of  the  people  called  Quakers  excepting  only  to  such 
parts  as  may  have  a  tendency  to  force." 

In  Pennsylvania,  the  assembly,  December  10,  approved  the  proceedings,  and  most 
seriously  recommended  the  good  people  to  observe  them  inviolate.  (Force's  Archives, 
i.  1023.)  The  City  and  Liberties,  November  7,  had  chosen  by  ballot  an  inspection 
committee,  who  in  a  letter  say  they  met  with  no  impediments  in  executing  the  decrees 
of  congress.  (Force,  i.  1243.)  Reading  chose  its  committee  December  5 ;  Chester 
County,  December  20.  A  convention  of  delegates,  among  them  Dickinson,  Read, 
Wilson,  Clymer,  and  Mifflin,  met  January  23, 1775,  in  Philadelphia,  "most  heartily 
approved  of  the  measures  of  congress,  and  resolved  to  faithfully  endeavor  to  carry 
into  execution  the  Association ;  if  this  did  not*  effect  a  redress  of  grievances,  but, 
instead,  if  force  should  be  used  to  effect  submission,  then  to  resist  such  force,  and 
at  every  hazard  to  defend  the  rights  and  liberties  of  America."  —  Pennsylvania 
Evening  Post,  Jan.  31,  1775. 

In  Delaware,  the  counties  first  (New  Castle,  December  5),  and  then,  March  15, 


THE  EEGULATING  ACT  AND   ASSOCIATION.  397 

The  simple  narrative  of  the  progress  of  events  shows  how 
a  noble  spirit  spread  from  breast  to  breast,  and  from  colony 
to  colony,  beyond  the  power  of  human  calculation.  The 

1775,  the  assembly,  voted  to  approve  "  of  the  proceedings  of  the  late  congress."  Tne 
votes  are  in  the  "  Pennsylvania  Evening  Post "  of  March  21,  1775. 

In  Maryland,  a  provincial  meeting  of  deputies  from  the  several  counties  met  at 
Annapolis,  November  21,  unanimously  approved  the  proceedings,  and  voted  that 
every  person  ought  inviolably  to  adhere  to  the  Association.  The  counties  had  begun 
to  cho&se  committees  (Anne  Arundel,  November  9;  Baltimore,  November  12;  Cal- 
vert,  November  16;  Frederick,  November  18)  "to  carry  into  execution  the  Associa- 
tion agreed  on  by  the  American  Continental  Congress."  A  convention  representing 
all  the  counties  met  by  adjournment,  December  8,  and  in  addition  pledged  Maryland 
to  support  Massachusetts  in  resisting  by  force.  See  on  this  a  letter  of  John  Adams, 
Jan.  3,  1775  (Works,  ix.  353). 

In  Virginia,  the  freeholders  began  in  November  to  meet  in  their  several  counties, 
agreeing  to  stand  by  the  Association,  and  appointing  committees  to  carry  it  out; 
and  these  meetings  continued  through  the  winter.  Northampton  County,  after 
choosing  "  a  committee  to  see  the  Association  faithfully  executed,"  as  "directed  by 
the  late  continental  congress,"  voted  that  it  "  should  be  considered  as  the  sole  rule 
of  the  committee's  conduct,"  &c.  The  freeholders  of  James  City  met  November  25, 
when  the  Association  was  read  and  cordially  acceded  to,  and  the  meeting  bound 
themselves  "by  the  sacred  ties  of  virtue"  inviolably  to  keep  the  same,  chose  a 
committee  to  secure  a  due  observance  of  it,  and  voted  that  the  resolutions  of  the 
general  congress  "  ought  to  be  considered  by  the  committee  and  the  whole  country 
as  the  sole  rule  of  their  conduct  in  all  matters  respecting  their  present  political  en- 
gagements." The  address  of  Fincastle  County,  January  20,  to  the  Virginia  dele- 
gates, is  a  noble  production,  vowing  allegiance  to  the  lawful  sovereign,  but  faithful 
"  to  the  liberty  with  which  God,  nature,  and  the  rights  of  humanity  had  vested 
them."  On  the  20th  of  March,  "a  convention  of  delegates  for  the  counties  and 
corporations"  of  the  colony  was  held  at  Richmond,  when  one  hundred  and  eighteen 
members  were  present,  comprising  nearly  all  the  popular  leaders  of  the  colony,  by 
whom  it  was  voted  unanimously  "that  this  convention  doth  entirely  and  cordially 
approve  of  the  proceedings  of  the  American  Continental  Congress."  The  proceedings 
were  widely  circulated  in  the  newspapers. 

North  Carolina,  in  a  provincial  convention  of  August,  1774,  agreed,  in  advance, 
to  abide  by  the  decisions  of  the  General  Congress  and  to  cut  off  dealings  with  all 
towns  or  individuals  who  refused  or  neglected  to  do  this.  Its  assembly,  April  7, 
1775,  adopted  a  resolve  highly  approving  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress, pledging  adherence  to  its  resolutions  and  efforts  to  have  eveiy  individual  in 
the  colony  observe  them.  For  this  act  Governor  Martin,  April  8,  dissolved  the 
assembly.  A  provincial  convention  of  delegates  had  been  convened  at  the  same 
time  and  place.  Colonel  Casewell  presented  a  copy  of  the  Association  of  October 
20,  which  was  read,  when  the  convention  passed  a  resolve  (April  5)  '-highly  approv- 
ing of  it,  and  recommended  their  constituents  to  adhere  firmly  to  the  same."  Then 
all  the  members  but  one  subscribed  their  names  to  this  resolve.  The  proceedings  of 
both  bodies  are  in  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  ii.  266. 

In  South  Carolina,  a  provincial  congress,  consisting  of  "deputies  from  every 
parish  and  district"  in  the  colony,  with  Charles  Pinckney  as  the  president,  assem- 
bled m  the  7th  of  January,  and  voted  "  that  this  congress  do  approve  the  American 


398  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

time  having  come  for  the  people  to  pass  from  the  control  of 
the  mother  country,  the  Governor  of  the  Universe,  by  a 
secret  influence  on  their  minds,  disposed  them  to  union,11  and 
to  give  to  this  union  the  strength  of  law.  Hence  the  Twelve 
United  Colonies.  Hence,  while  the  old  forms  of  government 
remained,  the  Association  virtually  constituted  a  new  and 
independent  authority,2 — a  government  through  congresses 
and  committees.  Hence  the  manifestation,  in  the  pledge  to 
support  Massachusetts,  of  a  readiness  to  use  the  united 
strength  for  the  common  defence.  Hence  the  stern  deter- 
mination that  the  recommendations  of  the  general  congress 


Association,1 '  and  that  committees  should  be  appointed  in  each  parish  to  carry  it 
out.  A  letter  dated  Charleston,  March  1,  says:  "In  this  colony  the  Association 
takes  place  as  effectually  as  law  itself."  The  "Boston  Gazette"  of  March  27  has 
the  proceedings  of  "the  General  Committee,"  declaring  non-intercourse  with  Geor- 
gia, and  pronouncing  its  people  inimical  to  the  liberties  of  their  country,  because 
it  had  not  acceded  to  "the  continental  Association."  The  proceedings  were  sent 
to  the  Northern  colonies. 

The  patriots  of  Georgia  had  a  hard  struggle.  The  provincial  congress  assembled 
at  Savannah  on  the  18th  of  March,  and  forty -five  of  the  deputies  entered  into  an 
association  in  behalf  of  the  American  cause ;  but  the  colony,  as  a  unit,  did  not  adopt 
the  continental  Association  until  a  later  period. 

In  New  York,  though  the  assembly  refused  to  approve  the  proceedings  of  con- 
gress, yet  the  committee  of  correspondence  (November  7)  and  many  of  the  counties 
chose  inspection  committees.  The  committee  of  correspondence  of  Jamaica,  L.I.,  in 
a  letter  addressed  to  the  New-York  delegates,  expressed  the  hope  that  the  measures 
of  congress  might  be  adopted  "by  every  city,  town,  and  county  in  the  British 
colonies." 

The  "Edinburgh  Advertiser"  of  October  11,  1774,  says:  — 

"Private  letters  inform  us  that  the  late  measures  of  government  towards  the 
Massachusetts  province  have  united  all  America  beyond  what  could  have  been  imag- 
ined; and  it  is  thought  that  whatever  measures  are  recommended  by  the  congress, 
they  will  be  almost  unanimously  pursued  in  such  a  manner  as  will  surprise  the  world, 
reflect  lasting  honor  on  America,  and  prove  that  its  inhabitants  are  worthy  of  their 
claim  of  being  descended  from  British  ancestors." 

The  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post "  or  January  24,  1775,  has  the  following:  — 

"  All  the  provincial  assemblies  that  have  met  since  the  Continental  Congress  have 
fully  approved  and  adopted  the  measures  agreed  upon  and  recommended  by  that 
august  body,  and  have  taken  all  proper  measures  to  carry  the  whole  into  full  execu- 
tion. .  .  .  Where  the  assemblies  have  not  yet  met,  they  are  all  with  vigor  and  una- 
nimity exerting  themselves  in  the  same  important  and  glorious  cause,  so  that  it  is 
thought  there  never  was  framed  a  set  of  human  laws  that  were  more  strictly  and 
religiously  observed  than  these  will  be." 

i  Ramsay's  History  of  American  Revolution,  i.  145.  *  Ibid.,  144. 


THE  REGULATING   ACT  AND   ASSOCIATION.  399 

should  have  the  force  of  laws.  This  result  was  profounder 
than  any  ever  attained  by  the  States  of  Greece.  The  Am- 
phictyons,  often  called  to  view  in  those  times  in  the  public 
prints,  never  reached  the  dignity  of  a  federal  council  habitu- 
ally directing  and  habitually  ^obeyed.  "  Had  there  existed," 
Grote  forcibly  remarks*  "  any  such  commune  concilium  of 
tolerable  wisdom  and  patriotism,  and  had  the  tendencies 
of  the  Hellenic  mind  been  capable  of  adapting  themselves 
to  it,  the  whole  course  of  later  Grecian  history  would  prob- 
ably have  been  altered ;  the  Macedonian  kings  would  have 
remained  only  as  respectable  neighbors,  borrowing  civiliza- 
tion from  Greece,  and  expending  their  military  energies 
upon  Thracians  and  Illyrians,  while  united  Hellas  might 
even  have  maintained  her  own  territory  against  the  conquer- 
ing legions  of  Rome."1  The  Americans,  through  the  mod- 
ern instrumentality  of  representation,  inaugurated  a  general 
council ;  and  they  now  began  to  look  to  it  as  their  guide, 
and  to  consider  it  a  necessity  that  its  decisions  concerning 
the  common  welfare  should  be  respected  as  laws.  It  is 
scarcely  possible  to  overrate  the  importance  of  this  result. 
It  is  safe  to  say  that  it  influenced  the  whole  future  course  of 
American  history. 

Indeed,  union  had  not  only  passed  from  sentiment  into 
law,  but  had  become  a  power.  The  Loyalists  could  not  see 
this.  The  chain  that  appeared  to  the  Whigs  bright  and 
golden,  appeared  to  the  Tories  but  a  rope  of  sand.  Their  type 
may  be  studied  in  Galloway,  their  keenest  champion.  He 
could  see  only  the  old  diversity  ruling  as  the  law  of  society, 
and  held  that  it  was  impossible  for  the  colonies  to  unite 
"either  to  avoid  any  general  mischief  or  to  promote  any 
general  good."  Having  probably  in  mind  the  common 
language  of  the  public  prints,  most  likely  the  every-day 
talk,  as  to  the  vital  need  of  an  American  Constitution,  he 
said  in  congress :  "  I  know  of  no  American  Constitution  :  a 

1  Grote's  History  of  Greece,  ii.  35. 


400  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

Virginia  Constitution  we  have,  a  Pennsylvania  Constitution 
we  have ;  we  are  totally  independent  of  each  other." 1 
Patrick  Henry  was  a  type  of  the  American  who  stood  on 
the  top  of  the  mountain,  and  whose  vision  was  illumined 
by  the  glory  of  a  common  country.  When  the  old  diver- 
sity was  adjusting  itself  to  the  new  union,  he  exclaimed 
in  congress :  "  The  distinctions  between  Virginians,  Pennsyl- 
vanians,  New-Yorkers,  and  New-Englanders  are  no  more. 
I  am  not  a  Virginian,  but  an  American."  2  Glorious  man  ! 
His  instincts  were  ever  true  to  his  country,  if  his  judgment 
—  as  in  opposing  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution — 
was  sometimes  wrong.  It  is  but  just  to  add,  that  no  one  of 
the  great  men  of  those  times  was  more  opposed  to  the  fatal 
unity  that  runs  into  centralization. 

The  popular  leaders  estimated  justly  the  importance  of 
the  Union,  and  of  the  stand  which  the  Union  had  taken. 
Samuel  Adams  wished  the  ministers  would  consider  the  very 
momentous  truth,  that  a  regular  attempt  to  subdue  a  colony 
"  would  open  a  quarrel  which  would  never  be  closed  until 
that  what  [independence]  some  of  them  affect  to  apprehend, 
and  we  sincerely  deprecate,  would  take  effect." 3  Richard 
Stockton,  who  signed  the  Declaration,  wrote  :  "  There  is  not 
the  least  doubt  that,  if  the  British  government  should  attempt 
to  carry  its  Acts  into  execution  by  force,  but  that  the  associ- 
ated colonies  would  repel  force  by  force."4  John  Dickinson 
wrote :  "  The  first  act  of  violence  on  the  part  of  the  admin- 
istration in  America  will  put  its  whole  continent  in  arms  from 
Nova  Scotia  to  Georgia."  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  in  London, 

1  John  Adams's  Works,  ii.  390. 

2  John  Adams's  Works,  ii.  367.     Mr.  Innis,  in  the  Virginia  convention  of  1787, 
remarked  of  the  feeling  in  1775:  "It  was  not  a  Virginian,  Carolinian,  or  Pennsyl- 
vanian,  but  the  glorious  name  of  an  American  that  extended  from  one  end  ot 
the  continent  to  the  other  that  was  then  beloved  and  confided  in."  — Elliot's  Debates, 
iii.  633,  ed.  1866. 

»  Letter  to  Arthur  Lee,  Feb.  14, 1775.  A  part  of  this  letter  is  in  Wells's  "Life  of 
Adams,"  ii.  274. 

4  An  Expedient  for  the  Settlement  of  American  Disputes,  Dec.  12,  1774.  His- 
torical Magazine,  November,  1868,  p.  228. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT   AND   ASSOCIATION.  401 

wrote :  "  I  look  to  my  countrymen  with  the  feelings  of  one  who 
verily  believes  they  must  yet  seal  their  faith  and  constancy 
to  their  liberties  with  blood." 

The  prophecies  of  the  future  of  America  by  Herbert, 
Cowley,  and  Berkeley,  cited  in  this  narrative,  were  circulated 
in  the  newspapers :  which  contained  one  by  the  Earl  of 
Orrery,  —  the  old  thought  that  "  the  ball  of  empire  might  roll 
westward  and  stop  in  America;  a  world  unknown  when 
Rome  was  in  its  meridian  splendor,  —  a  world  that  might 
save  the  tears  of  some  future  Alexander." l  An  American 
also  cast  the  horoscope :  "  All  power  of  government  is 
derived  from  God  through  the  instrumentality  of  kings  or 
the  people.  Has  the  impartial  Governor  of  the  Universe 
communicated  his  attributes  of  power,  wisdom,  justice,  and 
mercy  to  kings  only,  and  denied  the  least  portion  of  them 
to  every  other  class  of  mankind  ?  .  .  .  The  American  con- 
gress derives  all  its  power,  wisdom,  and  justice,  not  from 
scrawls  of  parchment  signed  by  kings,  but  from  the  people. 
A  more  august  and  equitable  legislative  body  never  existed 
in  any  quarter  of  the  globe.  It  is  founded  on  the  principles 
of  the  most  perfect  liberty.  A  freeman,  in  honoring  and 
obeying  the  congress,  honors  and  obeys  himself.  .  .  .  The  least 
deviation  from  the  resolves  of  the  congress  will  be  treason. 
It  will  be  treason  against  the  present  inhabitants  of  the 
colonies,  against  the  millions  of  unborn  generations  who 
are  to  exist  hereafter  in  America,  against  the  only  liberty 
and  happiness  which  remain  to  mankind.  .  .  .  We  are  now 
laying  the  foundation  of  an  American  constitution.  Let  us 
therefore  hold  up  every  thing  we  do  to  the  eye  of  posterity. 
They  will  probably  measure  their  liberties  and  happiness  by 
the  most  careless  of  our  footsteps.  Let  no  unhallowed  hand 
touch  the  precious  seed  of  liberty.  .  .  .  Wise  and  good  men 
in  Britain  have  lifted  up  the  curtain  of  futurity  in  America. 
Let  us  not  be  afraid  to  look  through  it.  Ye  intuitive  spirits 
who  see  through  the  connection  of  cause  and  effect,  ye  holy 

i  Essex  Gazette,  March  1,  1774. 
26 


402  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

spirits  who  have  been  accustomed  to  trace  the  operations  of 
Divine  Providence,  ye  decisive  spirits  who  resolve  and  exe- 
cute at  once,  —  ye  know  what  I  mean.  i  In  osternitatem 
pingoj  said  a  poet.  Let  us  neither  think,  write,  speak,  nor  act, 
without  keeping  our  eyes  fixed  upon  the  period  which  shall 
dissolve  our  connection  with  Great  Britain.  The  deliverance 
of  the  present  ministry  may  precipitate  it,  but  the  ordinary 
course  of  human  things  must  accomplish  it.  Britain  may 
relax  from  her  present  arbitrary  measures ;  but  political 
necessity,  not  justice,  must  hereafter  be  the  measure  of  her 
actions.  Freemen  cannot  bear  a  middle  state  between  free- 
dom and  slavery.  It  is  essential  to  the  happiness  of  liberty 
that  it  should  be  secure  and  perpetual." 1 

1  Essex  Gazette,  Dec.  20,  1774.  A  piece  entitled  Political  Observations,  with- 
out order,  addressed  to  the  people  of  America,  copied  from  the  "  Pennsylvania 
Packet."  John  Adams,  in  a  letter  to  a  member  of  congress  in  Philadelphia,  dated 
Dec.  12,  1774  (Works,  ix.  349),  comments  on  this  piece.  The  "Massachusetts 
Gazette"  of  Jan.  28,  1773,  has  the  following  prediction,  copied  from  a  London 
paper:  — 

"  The  celebrated  Choiseul,  late  prime  minister  of  France,  being  a  few  weeks  ago 
asked  why  he  ceded  so  amazing  a  tract  of  country  as  all  Canada  to  Great  Britain  by 
the  last  peace,  replied :  '  I  ceded  it  on  purpose  to  destroy  the  English  nation.  They 
were  fond  of  American  dominion,  and  I  resolved  they  should  have  enough ;  for  I 
have  given  them  not  only  a  constant  drain  for  their  most  valuable  inhabitants,  but  a 
formidable  rival,  which  in  less  than  a  century  will  find  full  employment  for  the  coun- 
cils of  that  turbulent  people.'  Choiseul's  words  are  already  prophetic.  Our  own 
ministers  begin  to  discover  that  America  is  a  very  problematic  benefit  to  England, 
and  Lord  Hillsborough  actually  resigned  because  we  were  opening  on  the  Ohio  freah 
graves  for  tha  inhabitants  of  the  kingdom." 


CHAPTER    X. 

WHEN  THE  POPULAR  LEADERS  RECOGNIZED  THE  FACT  OF  REVOLU- 
TION AND  BEGAN   TO  AIM  AT  INDEPENDENCE,   AND   HOW  THEY  MET 

THE  QUESTION  OF  SOVEREIGNTY. 

1775. — JANUARY  TO  NOVEMBER. 

As  the  United  Colonies  were  organizing  to  support  Massa- 
chusetts in  resisting  the  acts  altering  its  charter,  the  admin- 
istration was  preparing  to  carry  them  into  effect,  when  a 
detachment  of  the  king's  troops,  sent  out  from  Boston  into 
the  country  to  destroy  a  collection  of  military  stores,  fired 
on  the  provincial  militia  at  Lexington  and  Concord,  killing 
some  and  wounding  others.  This  occurrence  brought  on 
hostilities,  changing  the  situation  from  commercial  war  to 
armed  resistance ;  whereupon  the  king,  by  proclamation, 
declared  divers  subjects  in  the  colonies  in  a  state  of  rebel- 
lion. The  popular  leaders  then  recognized  the  fact  of 
revolution,  resolved  to  aim  at  independence,  and  began  to 
deal  with  the  question  of  sovereignty  by  advising  the  colo- 
nies to  abrogate  authority  under  the  crown,  and  form  local 
governments. 

The  United  Colonies  contained  a  population,  according  to 
the  estimate  of  Congress,  of  three  millions  ;  other  estimates 
placed  it  lower.1  Pioneers  had  penetrated  the  forests  west 
of  the  Alleghanies,  and  begun  settlements  that  grew  into  great 
States  ;  but  the  body  of  the  people  lived  on  the  belt  of  land 
stretching  from  the  Atlantic  coast  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
The  relative  increase  in  twenty  years,  or  since  1754,  was  as 

1  The  estimates  of  the  population  of  the  colonies  in  1774  differ  widely.  One 
estimate  is  2,141,307;  another,  2,590,000;  another,  2,810,000;  that  of  Congress, 


404  THE   EISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

follows :  New  England  had  risen  from  436,000  to  690,000  ; 
the  Middle  Colonies  from  528,000  to  870,000  ;  the  Southern 
from  461,000  to  1,030,000. 

This  people  —  a  new  race,  moulding  their  institutions 
under  Christian  influences a  —  were  fixed  in  the  traits  that 
characterize  Americans.  Without  the  infection  of  wild 
political  or  social  theories,  they  were  animated  by  a  love  of 
liberty  and  a  spirit  of  personal  independence  unknown  to 
the  great  body  of  the  people  of  Europe,  while  at  the  same 
time  recognizing  the  law  which  united  the  individual  to  the 
family  and  to  the  society  in  which  he  is  appointed  to  live, 
to  the  municipality  and  the  commonwealth  which  gave  him 
protection,  and  to  a  great  nation  which  met  and  satisfied 
the  natural  sentiment  of  country.2 

The  colonies  had  reached  their  development  as  thirteen 
distinct  communities,  each  of  which,  though  claiming  a  com- 
mon property  in  certain  fundamental  ideas,  had  modes  of  life, 
likes  and  dislikes,  aims  and  ambitions,  and  an  internal  polity 

3,026,678.  Tucker,  in  his  "  History  of  the  United  States  "  (i.  96),  makes  the  follow- 
ing apportionment,  which  indicates  the  relative  importance  of  the  colonies :  — 

Massachusetts 360,000 

New  Hampshire 80,000 

Connecticut 200.000 

Rhode  Island 50,000 

New  York 180,000 

New  Jersey 130,000 

Pennsylvania 300,000 

Delaware 40,000 

Maryland 220,000 

Virginia 560,000 

North  Carolina 260.000 

South  Carolina 180,000 

Georgia 30,000 

2,590,000 

1  See  above,  p.  107. 

2  Winterbottom,  in  his  "View  of  the  United  States  "  (i.  409,  Am.  ed.  1796),  says: 
"  The  political  creed  of  an  American  colonist  was  short,  but  substantial.    He  believed 
that  God  made  all  mankind  originally  equal ;  that  he  endowed  them  with  the  rights 
of  life,  property,  and  as  much  liberty  as  was  consistent  with  the  rights  of  others ; 
that  he  had  bestowed  on  his  vast  family  of  the  human  race  the  earth  for  their  sup- 
port; and  that  all  government  was  a  political  institution  between  men  naturally 
equal,  not  for  the  aggrandizement  of  one  or  a  few,  but  for  the  general  happiness  of 
the  whole  community  " 


THE   KING'S  PROCLAMATION  AND  REVOLUTION.  405 

in  many  respects  local  and  peculiar.  They  had  attained  the 
condition,  in  Milton's  words,  long  wished  for  and  spoken  of, 
but  never  yet  obtained,  in  which  the  people  had  justice  in  their 
own  hands,  and  law  executed  fully  and  finally  in  counties 
and  precincts.1  They  were  not  like  the  United  Provinces  of 
Holland, — many  sovereignties  united  in  one  commonwealth, 
—  but,  unlike  any  previous  political  organization,  peoples 
consolidated  into  commonwealths,  all  having  separate  gov- 
ernments with  distinct  jurisdictions,  and  all  "  under  one 
united  and  intrusted  sovereignty,"2  allegiance  to  which  they 
were  proud  to  acknowledge.  They  could  present  in  science 
a  Franklin,  and  in  metaphysics  an  Edwards,  —  great  in 
these  provinces,  —  but  little  else  of  enduring  fame  in  art, 
philosophy,  or  literature.  They,  however,  had  made  a  great 
history.  They  had  taken  up  the  principles  of  the  revolution 
of  1640,  which  England  had  cast  down,  and  showed  their 
working  in  political  institutions,  —  how  they  tended  to 
make  a  people  "  virtuous,  noble,  and  high-spirited."  When 
called  upon  to  maintain  these  institutions,  they  evinced  a 
culture  and  intelligence  that  surprised  the  civilized  world. 
Edmund  Burke,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  spoke  of  them 
in  the  following  terms :  "  Nothing  in  the  history  of  man- 
kind is  like  their  progress.  For  my  part,  I  never  cast  an 
eye  on  their  flourishing  commerce  and  their  cultivated  and 
commodious  life,  but  they  seem  to  me  rather  ancient 
nations,  grown  to  perfection  through  a  long  series  of  for- 
tunate events  and  a  train  of  successful  industry  accumulating 
wealth  in  many  centuries,  than  the  colonies  of  yesterday."  3 
These  flourishing  colonies  were  in  the  relation  of  union. 
This  was  not  a  factitious  result,  but  a  providential  issue, 
having  as  its  inner  springs  fidelity  to  similar  political  ideas, 
a  feeling  of  brotherhood,  common  peril,  and  a  common  object. 
This  union  —  before  the  Constitution,  before  the  Confedera- 

1  A  Free  Commonwealth,  Prose  "Works,  Bohn's  ed.,  ii.  135. 

2  Milton,  Ibid.,  ii.  136. 

8  Speech  on  American  Taxation,  April  19,  1774.    Parliamentary  History,  scvii. 
1236. 


406  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

tion,  before  the  Declaration  —  was  familiar  in  the  speech  of 
Americans,  and  instinctively  clung  to  as  their  rock  of  sal- 
vation.1 The  spirit  animating  the  people  appeared  in  the 
interchange  of  sentiment  cited  in  the  preceding  chapter,  in 
which  the  terms  "country,"  "countrymen,"  "common- 
wealth," "nation,"  and  "America"  were  used  to  denote  a 
certain  collective  life.  These  terms  were  the  signs  of  a  fur- 
ther development, —  namely,  of  the  sentiment  of  nation- 
ality. The  people  of  these  dependent  colonies  in  union 
were  advancing  to  the  condition  of  people  of  independent 
States  in  union;  and  they  were  growing  into  the  relations 
with  each  other  which  such  a  development  required ;  or 
were  determining  what  powers  they  would  exercise  through 
the  existing  unit  of  the  colony  by  its  local  government,  and 
what  through  a  general  government  for  the  new  unit  of  the 
United  Colonies  or  States.  When  the  public  mind  attained 
convictions  on  vital  points,  it  became  the  province  of  states- 
men to  devise  a  written  Constitution  to  meet  the  require- 
ments of  the  unwritten  law.  The  early  formative  pro- 
cess was  rather  institutional  than  conventional,  —  rather 
the  instinctive  judgment  than  the  formal  compact.  The 
grand  result  was  the  oneness,  sovereignty,  and  nationality 
of  the  people,  within  prescribed  limits,  proudly  upheld  by  all 
parties  in  the  revolutionary  age.2 

The  people  waited,  in  keen  anxiety,  to  learn  the  effect 
produced  in  England  by  the  fact  of  union,  and  the  measures 
of  the  congress.  In  their  action,  they  pleaded  with  the 
sovereign,  not  that  they  had  attained  majority,  and  therefore 
were  entitled  to  separation  and  to  national  power,  but  that 

1  "If  I  am  called  an  enthusiast  for  it,  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  this  union 
among  the  colonies  and  warmth  of  affection  can  be  attributed  to  nothing  less  than 
the  agency  of  the  Supreme  Being."  —  Samuel  Adams,  March  12,  1775.     James 
Bowdoin,  Sept.  6, 1774,  wrote  to  Franklin  of  the  penal  measures:  "  The  spirit  those 
Acts  have  raised  throughout  the  colonies  is  surprising.     It  was  not  propagated  from 
colony  to  colony,  but  burst  forth  in  all  of  them  spontaneously  as  soon  as  the  Acts 
were  known;  and  there  is  reason  to  hope  that  it  will  be  productive  of  a  union  that 
will  work  out  the  salvation  of  the  whole."  —  Sparks' s  Franklin,  viii.  127. 

2  Writings  of  James  Madison,  iv.  320. 


THE   KING'S   PROCLAMATION   AND   REVOLUTION.  407 

the  proud  development  portrayed  by  Burke  was  the  fruit 
of  the  exercise  of  English  liberties  according  to  American 
interpretation  and  application,  and  that  their  progress  in  the 
future  depended  on  their  power  of  resistance  to  the  ideas  and 
practices  which  a  Tory  administration  was  trying  to  force 
upon  them  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  These  Tory  ideas 
were  impersonated  in  the  king.  He  continued,  to  a  great 
degree,  to  shape  the  measures  of  the  Cabinet.  However  his 
recently  published  correspondence  may  affect  our  estimate 
of  his  culture  and  judgment,  it  cannot  but  increase  respect 
for  his  honesty  and  fidelity  to  his  convictions  of  duty.  He 
now  wrote :  "I  entirely  place  my  security  in  the  protection 
of  the  Divine  Disposer  of  all  things,  and  shall  never  look  to 
the  right  or  left,  but  steadily  pursue  the  track  which  my 
conscience  dictates  to  be  the  right  one." 1  These  words  are 
expressive  of  the  intrepid  will,  and  corresponding  action  is 
all  that  can  .be  expected  of  a  statesman.  But  in  this  case 
the  action  marks  the  absence  of  clear  vision.  It  shows  that 
the  terrible  errors  of  the  Tory  school  had,  with  the  king,  the 
force  of  truth.  The  America  mirrored  in  his  mind  was  a 
picture  of  faction,  hypocrisy,  ingratitude,  and  treason ;  and 
its  great  characters,  who  were  adding  lustre  to  human 
nature,  were  but  actors  playing  their  parts.  He  looked 
upon  New  England  as  in  a  state  of  rebellion,  the  colonies 
as  ripe  for  mischief,  and  believed  that  blows  must  decide 
whether  they  were  subject  to  England  or  were  independent.2 
Nor  had  he  the  smallest  doubt  that  blows,  well  laid  on, 
would  produce  submission.  He  asked  simply  for  a  united 
England.  His  faith  in  the  nation,  in  this  state,  was  well- 
nigh  perfect.  He  thought  it  needed  only  to  lift  a  vigorous 
hand,  and  opposition  would  crumble.  He  even  expected  to 
see  a  resolve  of  Parliament  "  put  an  end  to  congresses.' 
Henceforth  he  approved  of  every  measure  for  distressing 
America,  as  the  means  of  bringing  about  a  return  to  duty.8 

1  Donne's  Correspondence  of  George  III.,  i.  229. 

2  Ibid.,  i.  215.  8  ibid.,  274. 


408  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

His  one  steadfast  purpose  was  subjection.  If  for  nothing 
more  than  the  monarchical  principle,  and  as  its  represent- 
ative, he  felt  moved  to  inflict  a  deadly  blow  on  the  repub- 
licanism which  he  had  been  brought  to  believe  had  long 
been  pressing  on 

"  To  tread  down  fair  respect  of  sovereignty." 

In  a  letter  of  the  18th  of  November  the  king  refers  to 
important  despatches  just  received  from  America.1  They 
probably  gave  the  information  that  Congress  had  approved 
the  resistance  offered  by  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  to 
the  Regulating  Act, —  a  fact  which  he  heard  with  profound 
emotion.  In  his  speech  at  the  opening  of  Parliament 
(November  29),  he  said  "  that  a  most  daring  spirit  of 
resistance  and  disobedience  to  the  law  still  unhappily  pre- 
vailed in  the  province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  had,  in 
divers  parts  of  it,  broke  forth  in  fresh  violences  of  a  very 
criminal  nature, "  and  that  "  these  proceedings  had  been 
countenanced  and  encouraged  "  in  the  other  colonies.  He 
assured  the  two  Houses  that  they  might  depend  on  his  firm 
and  steadfast  resolution  to  withstand  every  attempt  to  weaken 
or  impair  the  supreme  authority  of  the  imperial  legislature 
over  all  the  dominions  of  the  crown.2  Both  Houses,  in 
addresses  of  thanks  carried  by  great  majorities,  echoed  the 
language  from  the  throne,  and  pledged  themselves  to  co- 
operate in  the  measures  that  might  be  necessary  to  maintain 
the  dignity,  safety,  and  welfare  of  the  British  Empire.  On 
the  22d  of  December,  Parliament  adjourned  to  the  19th  of 
January. 

The  proceedings  of  Congress  now  appeared  in  the  public 
prints  of  England  and  Scotland,  eliciting  warm  tributes.3 

1  Donne  supposes  that  these  despatches  announced  that  congress  had  passed  the 
votes  of  October  8,  pledging  support  to  Massachusetts ;  but  the  series  of  votes  to  which 
he  refers  were  printed  in  the  "Edinburgh  Advertiser"  of  Dec.  23,  1774.     The 
despatches  probably  related  to  the  votes  of  September  approving  the  resistance  of 
Massachusetts. 

2  Parliamentary  History,  xviii.  33. 

«  The  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post,"  Jan.  28.  1775,  has  a  piece  from  the  "  Lon* 


THE   KING'S  PROCLAMATION  AND  REVOLUTION.  409 

The  petition  to  the  king  was  received  by  Franklin,  who  called 
a  meeting  of  the  colonial  agents  to  consult  on  the  manner  of 
presenting  it.  Three  declined  to  act,  and  hence  the  decision 
rested  with  Franklin,  Bollan,  and  Lee.  They,  after  con- 
sulting their  best  friends,  gave  the  petition  to  Lord  Dart- 
mouth, who  soon  (December  24)  informed  the  agents  "  that 
His  Majesty  had  been  pleased  to  receive  the  petition  very 
graciously,  and  to  command  him  to  tell  them  it  contained 
matters  of  such  importance,  that,  as  soon  as  Parliament  met, 
he  should  lay  it  before  them."  Soon  after  (Jan.  4,  1775), 
Lord  Dartmouth,  in  a  circular  to  the  governors  of  the  colo- 
nies, instructed  them  to  use  their  endeavors  to  prevent  the 
appointment  of  deputies  within  their  several  governments 
to  the  congress  appointed  for  May ;  and  he  reiterated  the 
orders  to  General  Gage,  to  use  the  force  at  his  command  to 
execute  the  Acts  altering  the  Massachusetts  charter.  On  the 
12th  of  January,  the  Privy  Council  decided  that  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  congress  did  not  supply  a  basis  for  reconcilia- 
tion ;  and  it  was  determined  that  the  force  of  the  nation 
should  be  used  to  protect  the  loyal  in  the  colonies,  and  that 
all  others  should,  by  proclamation,  be  declared  traitors. 

On  the  reassembling  of  Parliament  (Jan.  19,  1775),  the 
petition  to  the  king,  with  a  mass  of  papers  relating  to 
America,  was  laid  before  it.  Great  debates  followed.  Lord 
Chatham  submitted  a  motion  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops 
from  Boston,  and  Burke  delivered  his  immortal  speech  in 
favor  of  conciliation.  But  the  argument  in  support  of  a 
reversal  of  the  policy  of  the  administration  fell  powerless  on 

don  Public  Ledger,"  which  says:  "  I  look  on  the  dignity  of  the  American  Congress 
as  equal  to  any  assembly  on  earth,  and  their  deliberations  and  resolutions  more  impor- 
tant in  their  nature  and  consequences  than  any  which  were  ever  before  agitated  in 
council."  The  "Edinburgh  Advertiser"  of  December  23  issued  a  supplement 
containing  a  continuation  of  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  with  the  following  observa- 
tion :  "  The  letters  of  the  American  Congress,  written  with  so  much  spirit,  sound 
reason,  and  true  knowledge  of  the  Constitution,  have  given  more  real  uneasiness  than 
all  the  other  proceedings  of  the  Congress."  The  "  Boston  Evening  Post "  of  March 
27,  1775,  has  a  letter,  dated  London,  which  »says  of  the  proceedings  of  Congress : 
"It  is  impossible  that  any  production  could  have  done  more  honor  to  America,  or 
gained  more  universal  approbation." 


410  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

an  intense  nationality  stirred  by  wounded  pride.  The  intei 
esting  history  of  that  period  has  been  often  related.  Thw 
results  may  be  briefly  stated.  The  two  Houses  agreed  (Feb- 
ruary 7)  on  a  joint  address  ;  and,  to  give  it  the  more  impos- 
ing form,  both  Houses  waited  on  the  king  in  a  body  and 
presented  it.  They  declared  that  they  never  could  so  far 
desert  the  trust  imposed  on  them  as  to  relinquish  any  part 
of  the  sovereign  authority  over  all  His  Majesty's  domin- 
ions; and  assured  the  king,  in  the  most  solemn  manner, 
that  it  was  their  fixed  resolution,  at  the  hazard  of  their  lives 
and  properties,  to  stand  by  him.  The  king  returned  his 
thanks  for  this  affectionate  address,  and,  ten  days  later, 
called  for  an  augmentation  both  of  the  land  and  naval 
forces.  "  I  have  not  the  smallest  doubt,"  he  wrote  (February 
15),  "when  once  vigorous  measures  appear  to  be  the  only 
means  left  of  bringing  the  Americans  to  a  due  submission 
to  the  mother  country,  that  the  colonies  will  submit."  Thus 
neither  the  fact  of  union  nor  the  proceedings  of  the  con- 
gress, from  which  so  much  was  expected,  had  any  political 
significance  with  the  administration.  They  did  not  occasion 
even  a  pause  in  the  execution  of  the  coercive  measures. 
The  main  effect  of  the  action  of  the  Americans  seemed  to  be 
astonishment  that  they  should  conceive  it  possible  to  resist 
successfully  so  great  a  power  as  England.  The  culmination 
of  the  whole  series  of  measures  was  to  be  in  the  proposed 
proclamation.  This,  however,  for  the  present,  was  with- 
held. 

These  proceedings,  soon  followed  by  an  Act  shutting  the 
ports  of  New  England,  gratified  the  national  pride.  They 
were  popular.  In  a  short  time,  loyal  addresses  from  cities 
and  corporations,  from  churchmen  and  dissenters,  from  the 
great  seats  of  learning,  from  all  parts  of  the  kingdom  — 
indorsed  the  coercive  policy,  and  showed  a  public  sentiment 
strongly  in  sympathy  with  the  king.1  Thus  England  had  a 

1  In  Somerville's  "Life  and  Times"  (1861),  p.  187,  it  is  said:  "There  does  not 
perhaps  occur  in  the  annals  of  Britain  a  single  instance  of  a  war  more  popular  at  its 


THE   KING'S   PROCLAMATION   AND   REVOLUTION.  411 

strong  government,  or,  more  precisely,  a  strong  adminis- 
tration. But,  as  remarked  by  one  of  her  most  distinguished 
modern  statesmen,  an  administration  which  overleaps  wis- 
dom and  violates  justice  is  one  of  the  worst  evils  that  can 
befall  a  country : l  especially  if  it  disregards  the  Constitution 
and  still  retains  its  hold  on  public  sentiment :  for  then  the 
bonds  of  constitutional  morality  are  loosened,  error  has  pos- 
session of  the  popular  mind,  and  the  waters  of  political  life 
are  poisoned  at  the  fountain. 

The  popular  feeling  was  represented  in  Parliament,  when 
Lord  North  introduced  (February  20)  his  plan  of  concilia- 
tion. He  proposed  to  tender  to  each  colony,  as  a  separate 
community,  freedom  from  taxation,  except  such  duties  as 
might  be  necessary  for  the  regulation  of  the  commerce  of 
the  whole  empire,  on  its  making  provision  satisfactory  to 
His  Majesty  in  Parliament  for  the  general  defence  and  for 
the  support  of  the  civil  government.  The  high  prerogative 
party  pronounced  this  a  concession ;  their  dissatisfaction 
was  general  and  violent ;  and  the  storm,  for  two  hours,  was 
so  furious  that  many  thought  the  minister  was  about  to  be 
left  in  a  minority.  The  king's  friends,  however,  rallied  to 
his  support  ;  and  he  carried  the  resolution  embodying  his 
plan  by  the  usual  majority.  The  king  now  wrote,  that,  as 
this  measure  put  an  end  to .  congresses,  it  certainly  would 
have  a  good  effect  in  England,  and  he  hoped  it  would  have 
a  good  effect  also  in  at  least  some  of  the  colonies.2  With 
keener  insight,  Colonel  Barre*  said  that  it  was  intended  to 
divide  the  Americans,  —  to  dissolve  that  generous  union 
in  which  they  stood  as  one  man  in  defence  of  their  rights 


commencement  than  that  which  fatally  took  place  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
colonies,"  —  and  (p.  100)  "it  was  prompted  and  carried  on  by  the  desire  of  the 
British  nation  at  large." 

1  "  Thus  the  nation  had  the  satisfaction  of  finding  that  it  had  a  strong  govern- 
ment.     But  a  strong  government  which  overleaps  wisdom  and  violates  justice  is 
one  of  the  worst  evils  that  can  befall  a  country."  —  Lord  John  Russell's  Life  and 
Times  of  Charles  James  Fox,  i.  72. 

2  Donne's  Correspondence  of  George  III.,  i.  31. 


412  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

and  liberties ; a  and  Lord  Chatham  wrote :  "It  is  a  mere 
verbiage,  a  most  puerile  mockery.  Everything  but  justice 
will  prove  vain  to  men  like  the  Americans,  with  principles 
of  right  in  their  minds  and  hearts,  and  with  arms  in  their 
hands  to  assert  those  principles."2 

As  the  sword  suspended  by  a  thread  was  about  to  fall, 
Lord  North  caused  it  to  be  made  known  to  Franklin  that 
the  administration,  for  the  sake  of  peace,  might  repeal  the 
tax  on  tea  and  the  Port  Act,  but  "  that  the  Massachusetts 
Acts,  being  real  amendments  of  their  Constitution,  must, 
for  that  reason,  be  continued,  as  well  as  to  be  a  standing 
example  of  the  power  of  Parliament."  This  involved  the 
subjection  of  the  free  municipalities  of  America  —  indeed, 
its  whole  internal  polity  —  to  the  caprice  of  majorities  in 
a  legislative  body  three  thousand  miles  away,  in  which  they 
were  not  represented,  and  consequently  the  establishment 
of  centralization  in  its  worst  form.  Opposed  to  this 
assumption  was  the  principle  of  local  self-government, 
obscurely  realized  in  the  German  Fatherland,  the  basis  of 
the  polity  of  Saxon  England,  recognized  as  a  fundamental 
in  Magna  Charta,  guarantied  in  America  by  royal  char- 
ters, here,  by  usage,  become  written  and  unwritten  law,  and 
hence  inherent  and  inviolable.  Franklin  comprehended  the 
greatness  of  the  issue :  his  simple  method  of  diplomacy  was 
frankness  and  truth ;  and  he  answered  the  proposal  of  Lord 
North  by  saying  that  the  claim  of  Parliament  to  alter  the 
colonial  charters  and  laws  rendered  all  the  constitutions 
uncertain,  —  and  that  as  by  the  claim  to  tax  they  deprived 
Americans  of  their  property,  so  by  the  claim  of  altering 
charters  and  laws  at  will  they  deprived  them  of  all  privileges 
and  rights  whatever,  except  what  they  should  hold  at  the 
pleasure  of  Parliament.3  He  accordingly,  by  his  friend 

1  Parliamentary  History,  xviii.  334. 

2  Chatham's  Correspondence,  iv.  403. 

8  Sparks's  Works  of  Franklin,  v.  22,  where  is  an  account  of  the  negotiations  in 
London  just  before  Franklin  left  England,  dated  March  22,  1775.  Ramsay's  History 
of  the  Revolution,  i.  180. 


THE    KING'S   PROCLAMATION    AND   REVOLUTION.  413 

Lord  Howe,  sent  the  following  declaration,  to  be  delivered 
to  Lord  North:  "The  people  of  Massachusetts  must  suffer 
all  the  hazards  and  mischiefs  of  war,  rather  than  admit  the 
alteration  of  their  charter  and  laws  by  Parliament.  They 
that  can  give  up  essential  liberty  to  obtain  a  little  temporary 
safety  deserve  neither  liberty  nor  safety."  These  were  the 
last  words  which  the  illustrious  American,  on  leaving  Eng- 
land, addressed  to  the  obsequious  instrument  of  arbitrary 
power.1 

The  news  of  the  reception  of  the  petition  to  the  king  and  of 
the  address  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament  reached  America 
when  the  popular  party  was  in  a  state  of  great  excitement. 
The  numerous  public  meetings  were  demonstrations  that  one 
heart  animated  and  one  understanding  governed  this  party. 
In  Massachusetts,  John  Adams  was  urging  in  the  public 
prints  that  all  men  were  by  nature  equal,  and  that  kings  had 
but  delegated  authority,  which  the  people  might  resume.2 
A  South-Carolina  judge,  William  Henry  Drayton,  was  declar- 
ing from  the  bench  that  he  was  servant  not  to  the  king, 
but  to  the  Constitution,  which  he  charged  juries  they  were 
bound  to  maintain  at  the  hazard  of  their  lives.3  The  Assem- 
blies were  approving  the  measures  of  the  last  Congress,  and 
appointing  delegates  to  the  second  Congress.  The  colonies 
were  moving  so  compactly  and  firmly  as  to  elicit  the  remark, 
that,  if  any  should  neglect  to  choose  delegates,  the  effect 
on  it  would  be  ruinous,  as  all  intercourse  would  immediately 


1  Bancroft,  vii.  242.     The  last  sentence  was  much  used  in  the  Revolutionary 
period.   It  occurs  even  so  early  as  November,  1755,  in  an  Answer  by  the  Assembly  of 
Pennsylvania  to  the  Governor,  and  forms  the  motto  of  Franklin's  "Historical  Review 
of  Pennsylvania."  printed  in  1759,  appearing  also  in  the  body  of  the  work,  —  thus: 
"  There  is  not  in  any  volume,  the  sacred  writings  excepted,  a  passage  to  be  found 
better  worth  the  veneration  of  freemen  than  this :  '  Those  who  would  give  up  essen- 
tial liberty  to  purchase  a  little  temporary  safety  deserve  neither  liberty  nor  safety.'  " 
These  words  were  sometimes  put  at  the  head  of  the  calls  of  the  patriots  for  public 
meetings,  an  instance  of  which  is  found  in  the  "Boston  Chronicle,"  Aug.  8,  1768. 
A  portrait  of  Franklin,  in  the  fifth  volume  of  Almon's  "Remembrancer,"  printed 
in  1778,  has  this  motto  engraved  on  it. 

2  Novanglus,  in  Essex  Gazette,  Feb.  21,  1775. 
»  Charge  in  Essex  Gazette,  Feb.  21,  1775. 


414  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

cease  "between  that  colony  and  the  whole  continent.1  And 
when  the  adherents  of  the  ministry  in  England  were  arriving 
at  the  conclusion  that  "  the  Americans  were  a  nation  of  noisy 
cowards,"  Joseph  Warren  uttered  the  prediction,  "America 
must  and  will  be  free.  The  contest  may  be  severe ;  the  end 
will  be  glorious.  We  would  not  boast;  but  we  think,  united 
and  prepared  as  we  are,  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  of  suc- 
cess, if  we  should  be  compelled  to  make  the  last  appeal ;  but 
we  mean  not  to  make  that  appeal,  until  we  can  be  justified 
in  doing  it  in  the  sight  of  God  and  man."2  This  prediction 
was  based  on  the  fact  of  union.  The  faith  of  the  patriots  in 
a  United  America  was  as  strong  as  that  of  the  king  in  a 
United  England. 

The  appeal  to  which  these  words  referred  was  at  hand. 
The  Massachusetts  militia,  as  before  related,3  were  organized, 
and  the  committee  of  safety  were  empowered  to  call  them 
into  the  field  whenever  the  attempt  should  be  made  to  exe- 
cute by  force  the  Regulating  Acts  ;  while  General  Gage  was 
instructed  to  disarm  the  inhabitants.  As  the  news  from 
England  became  more  warlike,  the  committee  of  safety 
authorized  the  purchase  of  military  stores,  a  portion  of 
which  were  carried  to  Concord,  a  rural  town  about  eighteen 
miles  from  Boston ;  and  they  organized  express  riders  to 
summon  the  militia,  in  case  the  king's  troops  should  take  the 
field.  In  this  preparatory  work  Joseph  Warren  was  partic- 
ularly active. 

The  military  stores  deposited  in  Concord  General  Gage 
resolved  to  destroy,  and  for  this  purpose  planned  an 
expedition  which  he  intended  should  be  a  secret  one.  A 
detachment  left  Boston  stealthily  on  the  evening  of  the 
18th  of  April,  and  continued  their  march  during  the  night. 
Warren,  however,  obtained  intelligence  of  the  movement  in 
season  to  despatch  two  expresses,  by  different  routes,  into  the 
country,  with  directions  to  call  out  the  militia.  The  mes- 

l  Letter  of  Joseph  Warren,  April  3,  1775.  2  ibid. 

«  See  page  392. 


THE   KING'S   PROCLAMATION  AND   REVOLUTION.  415 

sengers  mounted  horses  and  spurred  on  from  town  to  town 
on  their  eventful  errand.  "  The  fate  of  a  nation  was  riding 
that  night." 

At  sunrise  on  the  nineteenth  of  April,  the  detachment 
reached  Lexington,  a  small  town  eleven  miles  from  Boston, 
on  the  road  to  Concord.  The  militia  of  this  place  had 
promptly  answered  the  summons  to  parade,  and  were  fired 
upon  by  the  troops,  who  killed  some  and  wounded  others. 
The  detachment  then  moved  on,  reached  Concord,  about  six 
miles  from  Lexington,  at  seven  o'clock,  and  halted  in  the 
centre  of  the  town,  whence  parties  were  sent  in  different 
directions  to  destroy  the  military  stores.  A  guard  of  a 
hundred  men  was  stationed  at  the  old  North  Bridge.  About 
ten  o'clock,  as  a  body  of  the  militia  were  approaching  this 
bridge,  the  guard  fired  upon  them,  when  more  citizens  were 
killed  and  wounded.  No  mausoleum  ever  commanded  such 
honor  as  Americans  attach  to  the  graves  of  these  early  mar- 
tyrs to  American  liberty.  This  precious  blood  roused  right- 
eous indignation  in  the  breasts  of  the  yeomanry,  who  had 
been  flocking  in,  and  stood  with  their  old  firelocks  in  their 
hands  on  that  village  green.  They  resolved  to  avenge  the 
death  of  their  brethren.  Two  hours  after  the  firing  at  the 
bridge  the  king's  troops  began  their  march  for  Boston,  when 
the  militia  fell  upon  them  in  such  fiery  spirit,  and  with  such 
deadly  effect,  that  the  march  was  soon  turned  into  a  run. 
The  proud  veterans  were  saved  from  total  destruction  by  a  re- 
inforcement which  left  Boston  in  the  morning  and  joined  them 
at  Lexington ;  and  they  found  security  only  in  the  shelter  of 
ships  of  war  at  nightfall,  when  by  the  light  of  the  flashing 
musketry  they  entered  Charlestown  and  rested  on  Bunker  Hill. 

The  news  of  this  scene  of  blood  roused  the  spirit  of  the 
patriots  throughout  the  colonies.  John  Stark  in  New  Hamp- 
shire, Israel  Putnam  in  Connecticut,  the  military  oracles  of 
their  neighborhoods,  leaving  unfinished  the  work  on  their 
farms,  and  mounting  their  horses  to  join  their  brethren  in 
peril, — the  committee  of  Orange  County,  James  Madison 


416  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

one  of  the  number,  pronouncing  the  blow  struck  in  Massu 
chusetts  an  attack  on  Virginia  and  every  other  colony,1  — 
the  patriots  of  the  Carolinas  entering  into  associations  pledg- 
ing their  lives  and  fortunes  to  defend  an  injured  country,2  — 
are  illustrations  of  the  general  uprising  to  support  at  every 
hazard  a  common  cause.  The  high  resolve  of  that  his- 
toric hour  is  embodied  in  the  calm,  sorrowful,  determined 
words  of  Washington,  penned  in  the  quiet  retreat  of  Mount 
Vernon.  "  Unhappy,"  he  wrote,  "  is  it  to  reflect  that  a 
brother's  sword  has  been  sheathed  in  a  brother's  breast, 
and  that  the  once  happy  and  peaceful  plains  of  America  are 
to  be  either  drenched  with  blood  or  inhabited  by  slaves.  Sad 
alternative  !  But  can  a  virtuous  man  hesitate  in  his  choice? " 
—  language  in  which  the  yearnings  of  the  patriot  give  affect- 
ing solemnity  to  the  implied  resolve  of  the  soldier.3  The 
use  of  force  to  repel  force  without  a  thought  of  consequences 
was  instinctively  and  universally  justified  by  the  popular 
party,  and  the  preparation  for  it  which  foresight  had  enjoined 
proved  efficient  at  least  for  the  crisis.  The  bands  appearing 
on  the  roads  leading  to  Massachusetts  had  been  organized 
and  delegated  by  the  public  authorities  to  bear  the  sword 

1  The  address  of  the  committee,  May  9,   1775,  was  from  Madison's  pen.     His 
father  signs  it  as  chairman.  —  Rives's  Life  of  Madison,  i.  95. 

2  An  "Association"  was  unanimously  agreed  to  in  the  provincial  congress  of 
South  Carolina,  on  the  3d  of  June,  1775,  and  signed  by  all  the  members.     It  runs 
thus:  "  The  actual  commencement  of  hostilities  against  this  continent  by  the  British 
troops,  on  the  19th  of  April  last,  and  the  dread  of  insurrections  .  .  .  are  causes  suffi- 
cient to  drive  an  oppressed  people  to  arms.     We,  the  subscribers,  inhabitants  of 
South  Carolina,  holding  ourselves  bound  by  that  most  sacred  of  all  obligations,  the 
duty  of  good  citizens  towards  an  injured  country,  and  thoroughly  convinced  that 
under  our  present  distressed  circumstances  we  shall  be  justified  before  God  and  man 
in  resisting  force  by  force,  do  unite  ourselves  under  every  tie  of  religion  and  honor, 
and  associate  as  a  band  in  her  defence  against  every  foe ;  hereby  solemnly  engaging 
that,  whenever  our  continental  or  provincial  councils  shall  deem  it  necessary,  we 
will  go  forth,  and  be  ready  to  sacrifice  our  lives  and  fortunes  to  secure  her  freedom 
and  safety,  and  hold  all  those  persons  inimical  to  the  liberty  of  the  colonies  who  shall 
refuse  to  subscribe  this  Association."    This  was  printed  in  the  "  Massachusetts  Spy  " 
of  July  12,  1775.    The  form  was  used  in  North  Carolina,  and  is  nearly  word  for  word 
the  "celebrated  Cumberland  Association,"  dated  June  20,  1775,  which,  Jones  says, 
in  his  "  Defence  of  North  Carolina"  (p.  179),  was  the  composition  of  Robert  Rowan. 
He  remarks  that  these  associations  prevailed  throughout  the  province. 

3  Irving's  Life  of  Washington,  i.  439. 


THE   KING'S  PROCLAMATION   AND   REVOLUTION.  417 

for  the  common  defence.  They  met  in  the  towns  around 
Boston,  and  here  pitched  their  tents.  They  placed  the 
British  army  in  a  state  of  siege,  and  thus  rendered  it  useless 
for  the  purposes  for  which  it  was  sent  over.  These  events 
created  the  stage  of  armed  resistance.  Thus  the  ten  years 
of  discussion,  formation  of  public  opinion,  political  organi- 
zation, and  military  preparation  culminated  in  "  a  Runny mede 
in  America." 

In  the  midst  of  the  impulses  and  passions  incident  to  an 
outburst  of  war,  the  governors  of  the  colonies  received  Lord 
North's  plan  of  conciliation,  which  the  king  termed  an  olive- 
branch,  and  the  administration  commended  in  a  pamphlet  it 
caused  to  be  written  and  circulated  in  the  colonies.  It  was 
ordered  to  be  submitted  to  the  Assemblies.  Several  were 
petitioning  the  king.  Connecticut  sent  a  mission  to  confer 
with  General  Gage.  The  Plan  accorded  with  this  separate 
action,  and  was  designed  to  tempt  local  pride  and  consequence  : 
much  was  expected  from  it  in  England,  and  especially  from 
the  course  of  New  York  with  regard  to  it. 

Governor  Penn  of  Pennsylvania  was  the  first  to  lay  the 
Plan  before  an  Assembly,  giving  the  assurance  in  a  message 
(May  2,  1775)  that  they  would  be  revered  to  the  latest  pos- 
terity, if  they  should  be  instrumental  in  rescuing  both  coun- 
tries from  the  dreadful  calamities  of  civil  war.  He  most 
earnestly  urged  separate  action.  The  Assembly  was  prompt 
to  answer,  that  they  would  deem  it  a  dishonorable  desertion 
of  sister  colonies  joined  in  a  union  conducted  by  general 
councils,  to  adopt  a  measure  of  so  extensive  a  consequence 
without  the  consent  of  those  engaged  by  solemn  ties  in  the 
same  common  cause ;  and  they  could  form  no  prospect  of 
any  lasting  advantages  for  Pennsylvania  but  such  as  must 
arise  from  a  communication  of  rights  and  property  with  the 
other  colonies.1  The  New  Jersey  Assembly,  convened  by 

1  The  "  Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of  May  6  has  the  Governor's  Message  and 
the  answer.  The  latter  (dated  May  4)  was  "passed  without  one  dissenting  voice." 
It  had  the  following  sentence:  "Your  Honor,  from  your  long  residence  and  conver- 

27 


418  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

Governor  Franklin  expressly  to  receive  this  plan,  informed 
the  Governor  (May  19)  that  they  had  not  the  least  design  of 
deserting  the  common  cause,  declined  to  act  separately  on 
it,  and  declared  that  they  should  abide  by  the  united  voice  of 
Congress.  The  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses,  in  an  address 
(June  12)  to  Governor  Dunmore,  —  a  masterly  paper,  pre- 
pared by  Jefferson,  —  remark,  that,  "  as  an  individual  part 
of  the  whole  empire,"  they  express  their  sentiments  freely 
against  an  acceptance  of  this  plan;  but  that  they  left  the 
final  determination  to  the  General  Congress,  in  the  hope  that 
this  body  would  so  strongly  cement  their  former  union  that 
no  partial  application  would  produce  the  slightest  departure 
from  the  common  cause.1  The  action  of  other  bodies  was  in 
a  similar  tone.  The  general  committee  of  New  York  in  a 
circular  to  the  other  colonies,  say,  that  the  inhabitants  had 
resolved  to  "  stand  or  fall  with  the  freedom  of  the  conti- 
nent." 2  The  committee  of  South  Carolina  depicted  the 
danger  of  the  several  provinces  entering  into  separate  nego- 
tiations, and  urged  the  duty  of  preserving  the  great  conti- 
nental chain  unbroken.3  Subsequently  every  Assembly 
refused  to  treat  separately  with  Great  Britain,  or  otherwise 
than  through  the  General  Congress.  In  this  manner  it 
was  irrevocably  settled  that  this  body  should  exercise  the 

sation  with  us,  must  be  persuaded  that  the  people  we  represent  are  as  peaceable  and 
obedient  to  government,  as  true  and  faithful  to  their  sovereign,  and  as  affectionate 
and  dutiful  to  their  superior  state,  as  any  in  the  world;  and  though  we  are  not 
inattentive  to  the  opinion  of  posterity,  as  it  might  reflect  honor  upon  our  country, 
yet  higher  motives  have  taught  us  upon  all  occasions  to  demonstrate,  by  every 
testimony,  our  devotion  to  our  king  and  parent  state." 

1  The  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of  June  22,  1775,  says:  "The  printer  was 
favored  with  the  following  address  this  morning  by  a  gentleman  from  Williamsburg." 
It  is  entitled,  "  To  His  Excellency,  John  Earl  of  Dunmore,  His  Majesty's  Lieutenant, 
and  Governor-General  of  the  Colony  and  Dominion  of  Virginia,  and  Vice-Admiral 
of  the  same."   It  says:  "  Next  to  the  possession  of  liberty,  my  Lord,  we  should  con- 
sider such  a  reconciliation  as  the  greatest  of  all  human  blessings  " 

2  The  circular,  dated  May  5,  is  in  the  "  Pennsylvania  Evening  Post "  of  May  15. 
8  The  circular,  dated  April  27,  1775,  is  in  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of 

May  20.  The  South  Carolina  Assembly,  April  6,  1776,  resolved  that  this  colony 
should  not  enter  into  any  treaty  or  correspondence  with  the  court  of  Great  Britain, 
or  with  an}7  person  or  persons  under  that  authority,  but  through  the  medium  of 
the  Continental  Congress.  —  Almon's  Remembrancer,  iii.  200. 


THE   KING'S  PROCLAMATION  AND  REVOLUTION.  419 

national  function  of  peace  and  war ;  and  this  carried  with 
it  the  power  to  establish  prize  courts,  the  cases  in  which  are 
determined  by  the  laws  of  nations.  This  was  the  beginning 
in  America  of  what  in  matters  of  international  law  is  termed 
sovereignty. 

The  members  elect  to  the  General  Congress  were  now  on 
their  way  to  Philadelphia,  often  receiving  hearty  testimonials 
of  affection  and  respect  from  the  communities  through  which 
they  passed.  On  the  10th  of  May  they  convened  in  the 
building  long  known  as  the  State  House.  This  was  the 
beginning  of  the  uses  and  associations  which  invest  this 
venerable  structure  with  national  interest.  It  is  a  large, 
plain  building  of  brick,  two  stories  high.  At  that  time  it 
had  a  small  belfry  to  contain  the  bell  for  the  town  clock, 
which  still  continues  an  object  of  curiosity.  The  provincial 
assembly  held  its  sessions  in  one  room,  the  supreme  court 
of  judicature  in  the  other.1  The  upper  story  had  a  long 
gallery,  used  for  festivals,  and  here  the  members  of  the  last 
Congress  had  been  entertained.  The  Congress  assembled 
in  the  lower  room,  now  Independence  Hall,  which  still 
retains  the  style  of  finish  it  had  then.  The  walls  are  graced 
with  rich  historic  memorials  of  the  days  of  the  Revolution. 

Nearly  all  the  delegates  elect  had  been  members  of  the 
last  Congress.  Among  those  who  appeared  for  the  first 
time  in  this  body  were  George  Clinton,  one  of  the  great 
characters  of  New  York,  subsequently  Vice-President, — 
and  Franklin,  rich  in  fame  and  wisdom,  and  fresh  from  the 
inner  circles  of  British  politics.  Georgia  was  at  first  par- 
tially and  afterwards  fully  represented.  The  former  presi- 
dent, Peyton  Randolph,  was  unanimously  re-elected,  —  also 
the  former  secretary,  Charles  Thomson.  After  providing  for 
an  invitation  to  the  Reverend  Jacob  Duch6  to  read  prayers, 
and  the  appointment  of  a  door-keeper  and  messenger,  Con- 
gress adjourned  until  the  next  day. 

On  the  llth  they  proceeded  to  business,  when  the  creden- 

1  History  of  Independence  Hall,  52. 


420  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

tials  were  submitted.1  They  term  the  members  delegates, 
or  deputies,  —  or  simply  say  that  the  persons  named  were 
chosen  to  represent  the  colony,  or  to  attend  the  session  of 
the  Continental  Congress.  The  credentials  which  state  the 
object  of  the  meeting  say,  "  to  obtain  redress  of  American 
grievances,"  "  to  recover  and  establish  American  rights 
and  liberties,"  "to  restore  harmony  between  Great  Britain 
and  her  colonies,"  and  "  to  advance  the  best  good  of  the 
colonies"  ;  and  they  confer  power  to  consult  and  agree  upon 
such  measures  as  seem  calculated  to  bring  about  these  results. 
The  Congress  formed  a  general  council,  representing  majori- 
ties in  thirteen  colonies  who  had  agreed  to  abide  by  its 
decisions,  and  embodied  the  will  of  the  people.  It  did  not 
possess  the  machinery  by  which  to  carry  its  decrees  into 
effect ;  and  yet  so  fixed  was  the  determination  to  have  them 
respected,  that  ways  and  means  were  found  through  various 
committees  to  give  its  acts  the  force  of  law.  Hence  it  was 
the  public  authority,  or  head  of  a  great  movement  based 
on  the  general  consent,  and  as  such  was  recognized  and 
obeyed.2 

The  credentials  being  approved,  the  doors  closed,  and  the 
members  under  the  strongest  obligations  of  honor  enjoined 
to  secrecy,  business  was  formally  brought  before  them  in 
official  papers.  A  letter  from  the  agents  in  England  stated 
that  the  petition  to  the  king  had  been  laid  before  Parlia- 
ment, "  but  undistinguished  from  a  variety  of  papers  and 
letters  from  America,"  and,  relating  the  fate  of  other  peti- 
tions, contained  the  remark  that  this  mode  could  afford  no 
reliance.3  John  Hancock  presented  a  paper  from  the  Mas- 
sachusetts congress,  dated  May  3,  1775,  reciting  the  events 

1  The  credentials  are  printed  in  the  Journals  of  Congress,  i.  70-76. 

2  Ebenezer  Hazard,  the  editor  of  the  invaluable  Collections  bearing  his  name, 
in  a  letter  to  Silas  Deane,  April  7,  1775,  says  of  the  Congress:  "Had  I  the  honor  of 
being  appointed  a  member  of  that  truly  august  assembly  (whose  memory  latest  pos- 
terity will  revere  as  that  of  the  saviour  of  their  country  and  liberties),  I  would  not 
give  it  up  for  a  kingdom."  — 2  Col.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.,  213. 

3  The  letter  was  dated  London,  Feb.  5,  1775,  and  signed  by  William  Bollan, 
Benjamin  Franklin,  and  Arthur  Lee.  — Journals,  i.  76. 


THE   KING'S   PROCLAMATION    AND   REVOLUTION.  421 

occasioned  "  by  the  sanguinary  zeal  of  the  ministerial  army," 
the  patriots,  Washington  wrote,  could  not  prevail  on  them- 
selves to  call  this  army  the  king's  troops.1  And  the  paper 
stating  that  the  emergency  precluded  the  possibility  of  their 
waiting  for  the  direction  of  Congress  in  their  military  action, 
urged  that  a  powerful  army  on  the  side  of  America  was  the 
only  means  left  to  stem  the  rapid  progress  of  a  tyrannical 
ministry.  In  a  paper  of  May  16  this  body  dwelt  more  fully  on 
the  political  situation,  declaring  "  that  government  in  full 
form  ought  to  be  taken  up  immediately,"  but,  though  urged 
by  the  most  pressing  necessity,  declining  to  assume  the 
"reins  of  civil  government  without  the  consent  of  Con- 
gress." They  stated  that  they  were  ready  to  submit  to  such 
general  plan  as  it  might  direct  for  all  the  colonies,  or  would 
study  to  form  such  a  government  as  would  not  only  promote 
their  advantage,  but  the  union  and  interest  of  all  America, 
and  that  they  anxiously  waited  explicit  advice  on  this  sub- 
ject.2 The  city  and  county  of  New  York,  through  their 
delegates,  requested  (May  15)  to  be  advised  how  to  conduct 
towards  the  British  troops  expected  there.  The  taking  of 
Ticonderoga  required  a  decision  relative  to  the  military 
stores  that  were  captured.  The  New-Hampshire  convention, 
in  a  letter  of  the  23d  of  May,  stated,  that,  when  the  alarm 
sounded  that'  the  foe  had  begun  a  scene  of  blood  on  the  lives 
of  their  brethren,  they  generally,  listening  only  to  the  calls 
of  humanity,  ran  to  give  aid  with  all  the  speed  of  common 
interest  and  friendship ;  that  there  was  not  time  "  to  consult 
America  at  large,"  and  they  voted  to  raise  two  thousand 
men ;  that  they  ardently  desired  to  preserve  the  connection 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies,  yet  many  among 
them  were  disposed  to  conclude  that  the  voice  of  God  and 
Nature,  since  the  late  hostile  attempt,  was  that  they  were 
bound  to  look  to  their  whole  political  affairs  ;  that  they  had 
"  not  yet  largely  and  fully  consulted  with  one  another  on 

1  Sparks' s  Works  of  Washington,  ii.  406. 

2  Journals  of  Congress 


422  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

this  article,"  and  trusted  they  should  keep  self-defence  *n 
view  until  they  heard  "  the  united  plan  of  the  colonies  in  the 
general  council,  which  they  prayed  and  trusted  might  be 
under  the  influence  of  Heaven."1  The  committee  of  Meck- 
lenburg County,  North  Carolina,  in  a  series  of  resolves, 
declared  that  the  address  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament  in 
February  annulled  and  vacated  all  civil  and  military  com- 
missions granted  by  the  crown,  provided  a  set  of  rules  for 
their  county  to  meet  the  exigency,  by  which  officers  were 
to  exercise  their  powers  by  virtue  of  the  choice  of  the  people 
independently  of  the  crown,  and  sent  the  resolves  to  Con- 
gress.2 The  Massachusetts  papers  were  referred  to  a  special 


1  Letter  by  Order  of  the  Convention,  in  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  ii ,  696. 
This  noble  letter  was  signed  by  Matthew  Thornton.     It  contains  the  earliest  sugges- 
tion on  the  subject  of  independence,  by  an  organized  body,  that  I  have  met  with.     It 
was  received  and  read  in  Congress  June  2,  1775.     I  have  not  seen  it  in  the  news- 
papers of  the  time. 

2  The  North-Carolina  convention  of  August,  1774,  and  the  Continental  Associa- 
tion of  the  succeeding  October,  advised  the  choice  by  the  several  counties  of  com- 
mittees to  carry  out  the  plan  of  the  General  Congress.    Mecklenburg  County,  with 
thirty-five  other  counties  of  this  colony,  chose  its  committee.     There  are  notices  in 
the  newspapers  of  monthly  meetings  of  these  committees,  at  which,  it  is  said,  persons 
not  members  were  present.     The  committee  of  Mecklenburg  met  in  Charlotte  on  the 
31st  of  May,  1775,  other  persons  also  being  probably  present.     The  committee  ex- 
pressed its  sentiments  on  public  affairs  in  a  preamble  and  nineteen  resolves,  admirably 
worded,  from  the  pen  of  Dr.  Ephraim  Brevard.      They  affirmed  that  the  joint 
address  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  in  February,  declaring  the  colonies  in  rebellion, 
annulled  and  vacated  all  offices  and  suspended  the  constitution  of  the  colonies ;  and, 
for  the  better  preservation  of  order,  provided  a  set  of  rules  to  serve  for  the  county 
until  the  provincial  congress  should  "regulate  the  jurisprudence  of  the  province," 
or  until  Parliament  should  resign  its  arbitrary  pretensions,  —  also  for  the  choice  of 
county  officers,  to  exercise  authority  by  virtue  of  this  choice,  and  independently 
of  the  crown  of  Great  Britain. 

These  resolves  were  read  to  the  people  from  the  steps  of  the  court-house,  and 
printed  in  "The  Cape  Fear  Mercury,"  "The  South-Carolina  Gazette"  of  June 
13,  1775,  and,  among  Northern  journals,  in  "The  New-York  Journal"  of  June  29, 
1775,  and  four  of  the  resolves,  with  the  preamble,  in  the  "Massachusetts  Spy,"  at 
Worcester,  July  12,  1775.  The  publication  in  the  "Spy  "  had  the  following  head: 
"  Charlotte  Town,  Mecklenburg  County,  May  31,  1775.  This  day  the  committee  of 
this  county  met  and  passed  the  following  resolves."  On  the  20th  of  June,  1775, 
Governor  Wright,  of  Georgia,  sent  the  whole  series  in  the  "  South-Carolina  Gazette  " 
to  Lord  Dartmouth.  (Wheeler,  North  Carolina,  ii.  255.)  On  the  30th  of  June, 
1775,  Governor  Martin,  in  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  says,  he  sends  him  a 
newspaper  containing  "the resolves  of  the  committee  of  Mecklenburg,"  and  states 
that  he  wa*  informed  that  a  copy  was  sent  off  by  express  to  the  Congress  in  Phila- 


THE   KING'S  PROCLAMATION  AND   REVOLUTION.  423 

committee,  and  the  New- York  request  to  the  committee  of 
the  whole.  The  Mecklenburg  resolves  were  not  formally 
laid  before  Congress. 

delphia  as  soon  as  they  were  "  passed  in  committee."  On  the  8th  of  August,  1775,  he 
issued  a  long  and  bitter  proclamation,  recounting  the  practices  of  the  colony  of  North 
Carolina,  which  he  alleged  to  have  been  treasonable.  This  occupies  more  than  one 
side  of  the  "Pennsylvania  Journal  "  of  Nov.  1,  1775.  In  it  he  says,  "I  have  seen 
a  most  infamous  publication  in  the  'Cape  Fear  Mercury,'  importing  to  be  resolves 
of  a  set  of  people  styling  themselves  a  committee  for  the  county  of  Mecklenburg,  most 
traitorously  declaring  the  entire  dissolution  of  the  laws,  government,  and  Constitution 
of  this  country,  and  setting  up  a  rule."  The  inference  is  fair  that  this  was  the  news- 
paper which  Governor  Martin  sent  to  Lord  Dartmouth.  It  will  be  observed  that  in 
all  these  authorities  the  word  "committee  "  is  used. 

The  first  resolve,  here  copied  from  the  "Massachusetts  Spy,"  is  as  follows. 
"That  all  commissions,  civil  and  military,  heretofore  granted  by  the  crown,  to  be 
exercised  in  these  colonies,  are  null  and  void,  and  the  constitution  of  each  particular 
colony  wholly  suspended."  The  second  is:  "That  the  provincial  congress  of  each 
province,  under  the  direction  of  the  great  Continental  Congress,  is  invested  with  all 
the  legislative  and  executive  powers  within  their  respective  provinces,  and  that  no 
other  legislative  or  executive  power  does  or  can  exist  at  this  time  in  any  of  these 
colonies."  These  resolves  are,  word  for  word,  like  those  printed  in  the  "South- 
Carolina  Gazette." 

This  action,  though  bold  in  the  direction  of  self-government,  was  still  in  the  spirit 
of  subordination  of  the  county  to  the  colony,  or  to  the  decision  of  the  provincial 
congress  and  the  Continental  Congress,  — that  is  to  say,  in  entire  harmony  with  the 
revolutionary  movement.  North  Carolina  may  point  to  it  with  pride  as  evincing 
the  spirit  of  the  people,  and  even  as  taking  substantially  the  position  that  was  taken 
on  the  15th  of  May,  1776,  when  Congress  recommended  all  the  colonies  to  form  local 
governments. 

This  record,  however,  found  no  place  in  the  early  histories  of  the  State  or  of  the 
United  States,  because  their  authors  did  not  search  the  newspapers.  The  silence 
of  the  historians  probably  induced  the  actors  in  the  proceeding  to  think  it  had  been 
forgotten,  and  to  make  the  laudable  attempt  to  supply  the  supposed  loss  of  the 
record  from  recollection.  This  was  done  in  a  series  drawn  up  before  1793,  which 
remained  twenty-five  years  in  manuscript.  At  length  the  "  Raleigh  Register  "  of 
April  30,  1819,  printed  five  resolves,  termed  "The  Mecklenburg  Declaration  of 
Independence,"  bearing  the  date  of  May  20,  1775.  They  contain  ideas  and  matter 
relative  to  local  affairs  to  be  found  in  the  resolves  of  May  31,  1775,  with  a  few 
phrases  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  of  1776 :  some  accounts  say,  adopted  at 
a  convention  of  delegates  held  in  Charlotte;  other  accounts,  at  a  meeting  "of 
perhaps  half  the  men  in  the  county."  The  largest  number  named  as  being  present 
is  twenty-nine.  The  modern  history  of  this  proceeding  culminated  in  1842,  in  a 
memorial  addressed  to  the  Assembly  of  North  Carolina,  in  which  it  is  presented  as 
"full  of  moral  sublimity,  and  a  source  of  elevating  State  pride,"  that  the  sons  of 
N  orth  Carolina  should  assemble  at  Charlotte,  and  without  assurance  of  support  from 
any  quarter  should  "declare  themselves  a  free  and  independent  people,  and  of  right 
ought  to  be  sovereign  and  self-governing."  (Wheeler's  North  Carolina,  ii.  259.) 
The  five  resolves,  much  altered,  were  printed  in  1829,  by  Martin,  in  his  "  History  of 
Xorth  Carolina,"  together  with  an  additional  resolve.  In  a  North-Carolina  publica- 
tion, in  1853,  it  was  stated,  that  it  was  not  known  where  Martin  obtained  his  copy 


424  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

These  applications  forced  on  the  popular  leaders  in  Con- 
gress an  issue  which  in  their  local  assemblies  they  had 
endeavored  to  avoid,  —  the  issue  of  sovereignty,  the  influ- 
ence of  which,  latent  or  obvious,  direct  or  indirect,  gives 
to  communities  their  tendencies  and  their  fate.1  Sovereignty 
is  the  fountain  of  power.  Its  definition  by  the  jurists  of 
the  Old  World  was  colored  by  customs,  ideas,  and  preju- 
dices which  time  had  rendered  venerable.  It  "  had  some- 
times been  viewed  as  a  star,  which  eluded  our  investigation 
by  its  immeasurable  height ;  sometimes  it  had  been  consid- 
ered as  a  sun,  that  could  not  be  distinctly  seen  by  reason 
of  its  insufferable  splendor." 2  It  was  regarded  as  some- 
thing more  than  human,  and  held  in  mysterious  and  pro- 
found awe.  As  such,  it  had  been  the  dispenser  of  political 
rights,  —  and  especially  when  a  nation,  however  diversified 
as  to  race,  was  regarded  as  one  community,  and  was  ruled 
from  a  single  central  point.  The  terms  in  which  Americans 
throughout  the  colonial  period  expressed  their  loyalty  to  the 
king  indicated  that  they  shared  largely  the  old  feeling  as  to 

which  was  described  as  "evidently  a  polished  edition"  of  the  copy  printed  in  1819. 
(Randall's  Life  of  Jefferson,  hi.  575.)  The  copy  of  1819  was  widely  circulated. 
Its  genuineness  was  questioned,  and  it  occasioned  a  voluminous  controversy.  The 
aged  patriots,  in  letters  and  certificates,  supplied  recollections  of  events  that  occurred 
when  the  resolves  were  passed,  which,  with  the  resolves  of  May  20,  were  printed  by 
the  assembly  of  North  Carolina,  in  1831,  in  a  pamphlet. 

The  resolves  of  May  20,  1775  (the  Mecklenburg  Declaration  of  Independence), 
are  examined  with  critical  acumen  by  Hon.  Hugh  Blair  Grigsby,  in  his  admirable 
"Discourse  of  the  Virginia  Convention  of  1776"  (1855),  and  by  Dr.  Randall,  in 
iiis  thorough  "Life  of  Jefferson,"  Appendix  No.  2,  vol.  iii.  (1858),  who  present  facts 
and  reasonings  adverse  to  their  genuineness  which  seem  to  be  conclusive.  I  have 
not  met  with  any  contemporary  reference,  in  manuscript  or  in  print,  to  the  conven- 
tion or  the  public  meeting  which  is  said  to  have  passed  these  resolves. 

1  "What  is  the  source  of  the  sovereign  power,  and  what  is  its  limit?  Whence 
does  it  come,  and  where  does  it  stop  ?  In  the  answer  to  this  question  is  involved 
the  real  principle  of  government;  for  it  is  this  principle  whose  influence,  direct  or 
indirect,  latent  or  obvious,  gives  to  societies  their  tendency  and  their  fate."  — 
Guizot,  History  of  Representative  Government,  57. 

2  Works  of  James  Wilson,  i.  25.  Wilson  was  born  in  Scotland,  studied  law  in 
Edinburgh  and  Glasgow,  and  was  a  member  of  the  Pennsylvania  Convention,  a 
delegate  in  the  Congress  of  1775,  and  subsequently  Judge  of  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court,  and  Professor  in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.  His  lectures  and 
speeches  are  well  worthy  the  study  of  Americans. 


THE   KING'S  PROCLAMATION  AND  REVOLUTION.    '       425 

sovereignty.  Their  training,  however,  in  the  municipality 
and  the  general  assembly  in  the  exercise  of  self-government, 
and  the  convictions  they  had  attained  as  to  what  should  be 
made  fundamentals  in  a  system  of  public  liberty,  qualified 
them  for  the  practical  solution  of  the  problem ;  and  when, 
forced  back  on  themselves,  they  were  obliged  to  grapple 
with  it,  "  to  trace  the  dread  and  redoubtable  sovereign  to 
his  ultimate  and  genuine  source,  he  was  found,  as  he 
ought  to  have  been  found,  in  the  free  and  independent 
man." 1  Sovereignty  is  in  the  people.  In  them  are 
"  those  inherent  powers  of  society,  which  no  climate,  no 
time,  no  constitution,  no  contract,  can  ever  destroy  or  di- 
minish." In.  them,  as  the  supreme  power,  resides  the  right 
of  command,  or  the  right  to  institute  organic  law,  —  to 
establish  public  authority,  and  to  compel  obedience  to  it. 
On  this  foundation  rose  the  American  superstructure  of 
government. 

The  architects  of  this  superstructure,  however,  did  not 
feel  themselves  called  upon  to  cut  loose  from  the  past  or 
to  deal  with  man  according  to  any  untried  theory  of  natural 
rights  ;  but,  regarding  him  as  a  political  being,  they  dealt 
with  him  as  he  stood  related,  by  the  cumulative  law  of 
ages,  to  the  institutions  of  family  and  society,  and  as 
related  to  the  commonwealth  by  a  polity  which  he  had 
moulded.  They  regarded  him  as  thus  entitled  to  a  great 
inheritance  of  order,  but  subject  to  correlative  obligations 
of  duty.  Hence,  instead  of  yielding  to  the  demands  of 
amiable  enthusiasts,  or  of  confident  theorists,  or  of  merci- 
less iconoclasts,  and  trying  to  cast  society  into  a  new  mould, 
on  the  flattering,  but  deceitful,  promise  that  in  the  process 
every  wrong  should  disappear,  they  dealt  with  man  on  the 
basis  of  existing  facts.  They  concentrated  their  efforts  to 
preserve  what  had  been  gained,  in  the  faith  that  time  would 
bring  whatever  was  wrong  in  existing  law  nearer  to  that 
justice  which  is  "  the  only  true  sovereign  and  supreme 
majesty  on  earth." 

1  Works  of  James  Wilson,  i.  25. 


426  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Thus,  throughout  their  work,  the  founders  of  the  Repub- 
lic recognized  the  fact  that  the  people  had  not  been  ruled 
from  a  single  central  point,  but  were  divided  into  commu- 
nities, or  bodies  politic,  each  of  which  had  exercised  a  share 
of  political  power.  Each  community  occupied  a  territory  of 
definite  boundaries,  each  had  a  regular  government  and  a 
distinct  code  of  laws,  each  was  a  unit.  In  changing  the  base 
of  the  sovereignty,  or  in  effecting  a  revolution,  they  used,  in 
each,  so  far  as  it  was  practicable,  existing  forms  of  law. 
Except  in  Pennsylvania,  they  did  not  attempt  to  change 
the  qualifications  of  voters  until  after  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  Hence  the  political  action  which  brought 
about  this  change  was  determined  by  those  qualified  under 
the  law  to  vote  in  elections.  They  were  summoned  to  act 
on  test  questions  through  the  regular  forms  of  proceed- 
ing in  the  municipalities,  and  transmitted  their  views  by 
representation  to  the  larger  bodies,  expressing  the  voice  of 
the  unit  called  the  Colony  or  State.  The  will  of  the 
majority,  collected  and  declared  in  this  manner,  was  held 
to  be  binding  as  the  law,  whether  it  related  to  the  domes- 
tic concerns  of  the  Colony  or  State,  or  to  the  general  wel- 
fare of  the  Colonies  or  States  in  union,  or  the  nation.  This 
fidelity  to  a  vital  principle  in  republics  —  submission  to  the 
regularly  collected  will  of  the  majority  —  may  be  traced 
through  all  the  confusion  and  turmoil  unavoidable  in  the 
transition  from  the  old  to  the  new,  during  which  influence 
had  necessarily  to  supply  the  place  of  established  public 
authority.  The  period  of  transition  was  brief  in  the  case 
of  the  local  governments,  which,  in  each  community,  were 
developments  gradually  adjusted  to  their  circumstances  and 
wants  ;  but  to  adjust  the  powers  of  a  general  government, 
adequate  to  the  needs  of  a  nation  composed  of  independent 
States,  required  the  experience  and  deliberations  of  several 
years.  The  basis  of  both  governments  was  the  same,  —  the 
people.  The  qualified  voters,  it  was  assumed,  expressed 
the  will  of  the  whole  people.  This  will  was  embodied  m 


THE   KING'S  PROCLAMATION  AND   REVOLUTION.  427 

written  constitutions,  or  organic  laws.  These  were  acts  by 
which  the  sovereignty  prescribed  the  spheres  and  degrees  of 
the  power  which  officers  chosen  periodically  should  exercise 
in  the  unit  of  the  State,  or  of  the  States  in  union,  or  United 
States,  —  in  other  words,  the  rules  that  should  govern  the 
conduct  of  the  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  agencies 
in  the  functions  of  government.  The  formative  process  was 
termed  taking  up,  ordaining,  instituting  government.  In 
doing  this,  the  qualified  voters  were  practically  the  sover- 
eigns.1 The  result  which  they  reached  —  a  republican  gov- 
ernment —  was  a  solution  practically  of  the  profound  ques- 
tion of  sovereignty ;  and  the  infant  nation  was  saved  from 
being  offered  up  by  enthusiasts  as  a  sacrifice  on  the  unsettled 
shrine  of  political  ideas.2 

The  case  of  Massachusetts  involved  not  merely  the  ques- 
tion of  sovereignty,  but  that  of  cooperation  also,  —  whether 
the  Congress  should  advise  its  inhabitants  uto  set  up  a 
government  in  full  form,"  or  take  a  step  equivalent  to 
independence,  before  it  could  be  known  whether  the  other 
colonies  would  join  in  such  a  measure.  It  had  long  been 
presented  in  the  public  prints  as  the  only  step  that  could 
place  American  liberty  on  a  permanent  foundation ;  and  the 
foremost  of  the  popular  leaders  were  convinced,  that,  in  the 
progress  of  events,  it  was  inevitable.  But  the  popular  party 
generally,  through  their  various  organizations,  disclaimed 
such  a  purpose,  and  averred  that  they  aimed  only  at  a  redress 
of  grievances.  Thus,  the  Virginia  Convention,  in  dealing  with 
Lord  North's  plan  of  conciliation,  averred,  that,  next  to  the 
possession  of  liberty,  they  would  regard  reconciliation  as 


1  The  late  Joaiah  Quincy,  in  relating  the  circumstance  that  he  and  the  late 
Lord  Lyndhurst,  the  son  of  John  Singleton  Copley,  were  born  the  same  year  iu 
Boston,  said:  "It  fell  to  the  lot  of  young  Copley  to  emigrate  to  a  land  the  natural 
growth  of  which  was  lords,  and  so  he  became  a  lord :  it  fell  to  my  lot  to  be  reared  in 
a  land  the  natural  growth  of  which  is  sovereigns,  and  so  I  became  a  sovereign." 

2  Necker,  after  independence  had  been  won,  said  to  Americans:  "Do  not  offer 
up  your  nation  as  a  sacrifice  at  the  unsettled  shrine  of  political  ideas."  —  Taken 
ttora  Wilson's  speech  in  Elliot's  Debates,  ii.  529. 


428  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

the  greatest  of  all  human  blessings ; l  and  the  Massachu- 
setts Provincial  Congress  declared  that  the  bloody  mark  of 
ministerial  vengeance,  made  on  the  day  of  Lexington  and 
Concord,  had  not  detached  them  from  their  lawful  sover 
eign.  John  Adams  had  recently,  in  print,  pronounced  the 
assertion  that  the  inhabitants  panted  after  independence 
"  as  great  a  slander  on  the  province  as  ever  was  committed 
to  writing."2  Nothing  was  clearer  than  that  the  public 
mind  was  not  ripe  for  independence,  and  to  take  such  a 
step  prematurely  was  to  invoke  division  and  ruin.  The 
debates  on  this  case,  in  the  committee  of  the  whole,  were 
long  and  earnest.  Congress  were  quite  unanimous  in  declin- 
ing to  give  such  advice  as  in  their  judgment  involved  the 
point  of  sovereignty,  and  would  close  the  door  of  reconcilia- 
tion. They  decided  the  case  on  a  consideration  of  its 
special  circumstances,  rather  than  on  general  principles. 
It  was  judged  that  the  English  precedent  of  the  conven- 
tion that  deposed  King  James  would  meet  it.  The  charter, 
given  by  the  king,  was  held  to  be  in  the  nature  of  permanent 
declaratory  law,  irrevocable  and  unalterable ;  and  hence  the 
two  penal  Acts  of  Parliament  were  judged  illegal,  and  so  null 
and  void.  As  the  Governor  and  Lieutenant-Governor  recog- 
nized these  Acts,  they,  like  James  II.,  were  considered  absent, 
and  their  offices  vacant.  But  as  the  evils  of  suspended 
authority  were  intolerable,  the  Provincial  Congress  was 
advised  to  write  letters  calling  for  an  election  of  representa- 
tives under  the  charter,  who,  in  the  customary  mode,  should 
choose  councillors,  "  to  exercise  the  powers  of  government 
until  a  governor  of  His  Majesty's  appointment  consent  to 
govern  the  colony  according  to  its  charter." 

The  answer  given  to  New  York  was  in  the  same  spirit  of 
moderation.     The  inhabitants  were  advised  to  remove  the 


1  Jefferson,  in  his  "Notes  on  Virginia"  (p.  165,  ed.  1825),  says  of  Virginia: 
"It  is  well  known  that  in  July,  1775,  a  separation  from  Great  Britain  and  establish- 
ment of  republican  government  had  never  yet  entered  into  any  person's  mind." 

2  Novanglus,  dated  March  13,  1775. 


THE   KING'S   PROCLAMATION   AND   REVOLUTION.  429 

warlike  stores  from  the  town ;  to  allow  the  British  troops, 
daily  expected,  to  land,  and  occupy  barracks,  so  long  as 
they  were  peaceable  ;  but  to  resist  the  erection  of  fortifica- 
tions, and  the  cutting  off  the  communication  between  town 
and  country,  and  to  repel  force  by  force.  Congress  ordered 
an  inventory  to  be  taken  of  the  cannon  and  stores  captured 
at  Ticonderoga,  with  the  view  of  returning  them  when  it 
should  be  consistent  with  the  overruling  law  of  self-preser- 
vation. 

The  delegates  from  North  Carolina  advised  the  committee 
of  Mecklenburg  County  to  be  a  little  more  patient,  until 
Congress  should  adopt  the  measure  thought  to  be  best.1 

Other  action  of  Congress  evinced  its  stern  determination. 
When  its  president,  Peyton  Randolph,  returned  to  Virginia, 
it  unanimously  chose  (May  24)  John  Hancock  as  his  suc- 
cessor ;  elevating  to  the  highest  post  of  honor  one  who  was 
identified  with  the  action  of  the  colony  pronounced  in  rebel- 
lion by  the  king.  Two  days  later  (May  26),  "  ardently 
wishing  for  a  restoration  of  harmony,"  it  resolved  to  present 
"  an  humble  and  dutiful  petition  to  His  Majesty ; "  but  at 
the  same  time,  "  for  the  express  purpose  of  securing  and 
defending  these  colonies,"  it  further  resolved  that  they 
"  be  immediately  put  into  a  state  of  defence."  It  accord- 
ingly thereupon  assumed  the  force  besieging  Boston,  and 
adopted  a  code  of  rules  for  the  government  of  the  army  of 
the  United  Colonies. 

Now  arose  the  delicate  question  of  the  appointment  of  the 
commander-in-chief.  Successive  opportunities  had  made 
known  the  qualities  and  resources  of  George  Washington. 
Service  in  the  French  war  had  developed  in  him  singular 
military  ability,  in  union  with  marked  personal  character ; 
and  his  merits  were  discussed  not  only  in  America,  but  in 

1  The  recollections  of  Captain  James  Jack,  in  1819,  at  the  age  of  eighty-eight, 
who  bore  the  Mecklenburg  resolve  to  Philadelphia,  and  of  Rev.  Francis  Cummins, 
a  student  in  Charlotte  in  1775,  are  as  applicable  to  the  resolves  of  March  31,  1775, 
as  to  those  dated  May  20.  The  fact  in  the  text  is  from  the  letter  of  Cummins.  — 
Pamphlet  of  the  State  of  North  Carolina  in  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  ii.  856 


430  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

Europe.  He  was  so  much  of  a  public  man  that  his  move- 
ments were  chronicled  in  the  journals.  His  political  course, 
during  the  long  controversy  with  the  mother  country,  had 
been  decisive  and  manly.  His  name  went  through  the  colonies 
as  a  signer  of  the  Virginia  non-importation  agreement,  arid 
as  chairman  of  the  county  meeting  where  contributions  were 
made  for  Boston,  where  Massachusetts  was  enjoined  to  resist 
the  Regulating  Acts,  and  where  the  militia  was  organized. 
Then,  without  thought  of  an  independent  fortune  at  risk,  he 
gave  utterance  to  the  most  eloquent  speech  in  the  Virginia 
convention,  —  that  he  would  raise  a  company,  and  march  at 
its  head  for  the  relief  of  Boston.  In  the  first  Congress,  he 
ranked  foremost  among  its  great  men  for  solid  wisdom  and 
sound  judgment ;  and  in  the  second  Congress,  being  then  a 
colonel  of  the  Virginia  militia,  and  commanding  four  com- 
panies, he  appeared  in  uniform.  In  this  way  Providence 
revealed  to  America  the  treasure  reposing  in  her  bosom. 
This  simple  record  will  account  for  the  expectation  that 
he  would  be  selected  to  lead  the  American  armies,  seen  in 
the  letters  of  James  Warren,  and  of  Elbridge  Gerry  for 
himself  and  Joseph  Warren.  It  is  to  the  honor  of 
John  Adams  that  he  expressed  the  general  conviction  in 
the  debate  on  the  adoption  of  the  army,  when  he  said :  "  I 
had  but  one  gentleman  in  my  mind  for  that  important  com- 
mand, and  that  was  a  gentleman  from  Virginia,  who  was 
among  us,  and  very  well  known  to  all  of  us,  —  a  gentle- 
man whose  skill  and  experience  as  an  officer,  whose  inde- 
pendent fortune,  great  talents,  and  excellent  universal 
character  would  command  the  approbation  of  all  America, 
and  unite  the  cordial  exertions  of  all  the  colonies  better 
than  any  other  person  in  the  Union."  Thomas  Johnson, 
of  Maryland,  nominated  him  commander-in-chief  of  the 
armies  raised  and  to  be  raised  for  the  defence  of  America, 
and  John  Adams  seconded  the  motion.  The  election  (June 
15)  was  by  ballot,  and  it  was  unanimous.  The  vote  repre- 
sented the  popular  feeling  and  judgment.  The  great  selec- 


THE   KING'S  PROCLAMATION  AND  REVOLUTION.  431 

tioD  was  accompanied  by  no  competition,  and  was  followed 
by  no  envy  worth  the  naming.1  The  trust  was  conferred 
with  the  simple  charge  to  see  to  it  "that  the  liberties  of 
the  country  receive  no  detriment."  The  character  thus 
advanced  to  the  position  of  the  representative  man  of  the 
cause  and  the  personification  of  the  sentiment  of  union  was 
the  product  of  the  times.  It  was  wholly  and  grandly 
American. 

When  Washington  left  Philadelphia  to  engage  in  the 
work  which  was  to  gain  for  him  the  appellation  of  Father 
of  his  Country,  Thomas  Jefferson  (June  21)  entered  Con- 
gress. Several  productions  written  by  him  were  passed 
round  among  the  members,  as  evidence  of  his  talent  in  the 
use  of  the  pen.  During  the  preceding  year,  he  published 
his  "  Summary  of  the  Rights  of  British  America,"  in  which 
he  held  that  expatriation  was  a  natural  right,  in  the  face  of 
the  old  law  maxim,  Once  a  subject,  always  a  subject ; 2  and 
he  brought  the  answer  of  Virginia  to  Lord  North's  plan, 
already  referred  to,  a  paper  which  came  up  to  the  ideas  of 
the  great  men  who  were  wisely  guiding  the  Revolution. 
These  productions,  for  soundness  of  views,  felicity  of  lan- 
guage, and  genuine  American  sentiment,  will  bear  the  test 
of  the  severest  criticism.  Their  author  was  received  with 

1  Silas  Deane,  June  16,  1775,  wrote  that  he  was  "elected  to  that  office  by  the 
unanimous  voice  of  all  America."  —  Connecticut  Historical  Collections,  ii.  264. 

Washington,  in  a  letter  to  his  wife,  on  his  appointment,  said:  "It  has  been  a 
kind  of  destiny  that  has  thrown  me  upon  this  service";  to  his  brother  Augustine : 
"  I  have  been  called  upon,  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  colonies,  to  take  the  com- 
mand of  the  Continental  Army";  and  to  the  independent  companies  in  Virginia, 
"It  was  an  honor  I  was  solicitous  to  avoid,"  but  "the  partiality  of  Congress, 
assisted  by  a  political  motive,  rendered  my  reasons  unavailing."  John  Adams,  in 
his  "Autobiography"  (Works,  ii.  415),  and  his  grandson,  Hon.  Charles  Francis 
Adams,  in  an  interesting  paper  (Proceedings  of  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
1858-60,  p.  68),  give  the  only  details  of  this  great  measure  I  have  met  with.  Ram- 
say (History  of  the  Revolution,  i.  216)  says:  "It  was  a  fortunate  circumstance 
attending  his  election,  that  it  was  accompanied  by  no  competition  and  followed  by 
no  envy.  That  same  general  impulse  on  the  public  mind  which  led  the  colonists 
to  agree  in  many  other  particulars  pointed  to  Washington  as  the  most  proper 
person,"  &c. 

2  The  "  Edinburgh  Advertiser"  of  Nov.  18  and  Dec.  9, 1774,  has  long  extracts 
from  "  The  Summary  View  of  the  Rights  of  British  America." 


432  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

open  arms  by  the  members,  was  at  once  called  upon  for 
important  service,  and  soon  took  rank  among  the  leaders. 

Congress  aimed  to  act  as  dutiful  subjects  contending  for 
their  constitutional  rights,  —  herein  representing  the  great 
majority  of  their  constituents.  While  they  invoked  the 
blessing  of  Almighty  God  on  George  III.,  the  lawful  sover- 
eign, they  reasserted  the  grounds  on  which  the  liberties  and 
immunities  of  the  colonies  were  based,  declaring  their  cause 
just  and  their  union  perfect.  They  solemnly  averred  that 
the  United  Colonies,  having  advanced  from  commercial  op- 
position to  armed  resistance  to  the  arbitrary  measures  of 
Government,  would  not  lay  down  their  arms  until  the  hos- 
tilities which  had  been  invoked  in  support  of  these  measures 
ceased,  the  grievances  which  they  had  been  so  long  suffering 
were  redressed,  and  —  the  new  feature  —  a  guaranty  was 
provided  for  the  future.  This  was  the  ultimatum. 

The  points  in  controversy  were  treated  in  elaborate  pa- 
pers, prepared  with  care,  and  characterized  by  great  ability. 
In  an  earnest  appeal  to  the  Canadians,  it  was  contended 
that  the  issue  embraced  freedom  of  conscience,  —  that  the 
sun  did  not  shine  on  a  single  freeman  in  all  their  extensive 
dominions,  —  that  the  destiny  of  the  Catholic  and  Prot- 
estant colonies  were  strongly  linked  together,  —  and  a  cor- 
dial invitation  was  extended  to  that  people  to  join  the  Union. 
In  a  declaration  of  the  causes  of  taking  up  arms,  it  was 
averred  that  there  was  no  wish  to  dissolve  the  connection 
which  had  so  long  and  happily  subsisted  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  colonies,  but  only  to  invoke  reconciliation. 
In  an  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain,  calling 
them  "  friends,  countrymen  and  brethren,  fellow-subjects," 
Congress  entreated  them  to  disclaim  the  acts  of  injustice 
of  the  administration,  and  affirmed  that  the  charge  that  the 
colonies  were  aiming  at  independence  was  supported  only 
by  the  allegations  of  the  ministry,  not  by  the  actions  of  the 
colonies.  In  a  letter  to  the  Lord  Mayor  of  London,  they 
declared  that  "  North  America  "  wished  most  ardently  for  a 


THE    KING'S   PROCLAMATION  AND   REVOLUTION.  433 

lasting  connection  with  Great  Britain  on  terms  of  just  and 
equal  liberty,  "  less  than  which  generous  minds  would  not 
offer,  nor  brave  and  free  ones  be  willing  to  receive."  In  an 
address  to  the  Assembly  of  Jamaica,  they  dwelt  on  the 
ministerial  insolence,  which  had  become  lost  in  ministerial 
barbarity.  In  an  appeal  to  the  people  of  Ireland,  they 
remarked :  "  Though  vilified  as  wanting  spirit,  we  are  deter- 
mined to  behave  like  men ;  though  insulted  and  abused,  we 
wish  for  reconciliation ;  though  defamed  as  seditious,  we  are 
ready  to  obey  the  laws ;  and,  though  charged  with  rebellion, 
will  cheerfully  bleed  in  defence  of  our  sovereign,  in  a  right- 
eous cause.  What  more  can  we  say  ?  What  more  can  we 
offer  ?  "  And,  as  though  gifted  with  prophetic  insight,  they 
remarked  that,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  Supreme  Disposer 
of  all  human  events,  they  anticipate  already  the  golden  period, 
when  Liberty,  with  all  the  gentle  arts  of  peace  and  humanity, 
shall  establish  her  mild  dominion  in  this  Western  World, 
and  erect  eternal  monuments  to  the  memory  of  those  virtuous 
patriots  and  martyrs  who  shall  have  fought  and  bled  and 
suffered  in  her  cause. 

Franklin  submitted  to  Congress  a  plan  of  confederation 
and  perpetual  union,  with  the  name  of  "  The  United  Colo- 
nies of  North  America."  It  contemplated  the  accession  of 
Canada  and  the  West-India  Islands,  and  even  provided  for 
the  admission  of  Ireland.  It  recognized  the  old  local  self- 
government  in  the  unit  of  the  colony,  while  it  aimed  at  a 
general  government  of  limited  powers  for  the  whole.  It 
proposed  that  each  colony  should  retain  and  enjoy  as  much 
as  it  might  think  fit  of  its  present  laws,  customs,  and  pecu- 
liar jurisdictions  within  its  own  limits,  and  the  right  of 
amending  its  constitution ;  that  the  Union  should  have  an 
annual  congress  to  make  general  ordinances  relating  to 
commerce,  the  currency,  the  post-office,  an  army,  and  a 
common  treasury ;  that  this  congress  should  determine  on 
war  and  peace,  and  settle  disputes  between  colony  and 
colony ;  and  that  it  should  choose  an  executive  council 

28 


434  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

to  manage  the  continental  business,  and  to  deal  with  for-' 
eign  nations.  The  power  of  taxation  was  to  remain  with 
the  several  colonies.  The  plan  was  to  be  submitted  to  the 
colonies  for  their  ratification,  and  provided  for  future  amend- 
ments. It  was  not  acted  on  at  this  session.1 

The  plan  of  Lord  North  for  conciliation  had  been  referred 
to  the  Congress  by  three  Assemblies.  On  the  30th  of  May,  a 
paper  in  the  handwriting  of  Grey  Cooper,  Under-Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  was  laid  before  Congress,  as  having  been 
sent  by  the  minister.  It  stated  that  no  further  relaxation 
could  be  admitted,  as  the  temper  and  spirit  of  the  nation 
were  so  much  against  concessions,  that  the  administration, 
if  it  were  their  intention  to  propose  any,  could  not  carry 
them.  A  committee,  consisting  of  Franklin,  Jefferson, 
John  Adams,  and  Richard  Henry  Lee,  was  appointed 
(July  22)  to  consider  this  plan.  The  European  world  could 
not  show  four  greater  statesmen.  They  agreed  upon  a 
report,  prepared  by  Jefferson ;  and  it  was  adopted  in  Con- 
gress on  the  31st  of  July. 

According  to  Lord  North's  plan,  each  colony  was  to  enjoy 
exemption  from  all  taxation,  except  duties  for  the  regu- 
lation of  commerce,  as  soon  as  its  Assembly  should  make 
such  provision  for  its  proportion  of  the  common  defence  and 
for  the  support  of  civil  government  as  would  be  satisfactory 
to  the  King  and  Parliament.  This  offer  was  pronounced  by 
Congress  a  high  breach  of  the  privilege  of  determining  the 
purposes  for  which  moneys  should  be  granted.  It  was 
characterized  as  unreasonable,  because  it  obliged  the  colo- 
nies to  purchase  the  favor  of  Parliament  without  knowing  the 
price ;  insidious,  as  likely  to  produce  a  division  of  the  colonies, 
by  grants  to  some  of  easy  terms,  and  compelling  others 
to  renewed  opposition,  separate  from  their  sister  colonies  ; 
insulting,  since  the  presence  of  fleets  and  armies  seemed  to 
present  the  proposition  as  addressed  rather  to  their  fears 

1  This  plan  was  submitted  on  the  21st  of  July,  1775.  It  is  in  Sparks's  "Work* 
of  Franklin,  v.  91. 


THE   KING'S   PROCLAMATION   AND   REVOLUTION.  435 

than  to  their  free  determination ;  unnecessary,  as  the  objects 
specified  had  been  fully  provided  for  in  their  character  as 
freemen ;  unjust,  as  it  required  equality  of  contributions, 
while  the  monopoly  of  trade  possessed  by  Great  Britain  cut 
them  off  from  the  commerce  of  the  world ;  a  violation  of 
the  plan  of  civil  government  within  their  own  jurisdiction, 
which  was  suited  to  their  circumstances,  and  which  they 
claimed  to  enjoy  without  molestation  as  freely  as  the  plan 
of  civil  government  by  Parliament  was  enjoyed  within  their 
jurisdiction;  unsatisfactory,  as  the  proposition  was  only  a 
suspension  of  the  existing  mode  of  taxation,  but  not  a  renun- 
ciation of  the  right ;  and,  what  was  of  more  importance  than 
all,  deceptive,  being  held  up  before  the  world  to  induce  a 
belief  that  there  was  nothing  in  dispute  but  the  levying  of 
taxes,  whereas  the  claim  to  alter  the  charters  and  establish 
the  laws  of  the  colonies  was  still  persisted  in,  which  would 
leave  them  without  any  security  for  their  lives  and  liberties. 
In  conclusion,  Congress  say,  that  nothing  but  their  own 
exertions  can  defeat  the  ministerial  scheme  of  death  or 
abject  submission.1  In  this  remarkable  answer,  the  United 
Colonies  took  the  position  which  Franklin,  in  his  last  word 
to  Lord  North,  assigned  to  Massachusetts,  —  deliberately 
choosing  the  hazards  of  war,  rather  than  give  up  their 
ancient  right  of  self-government.  Thus  they  proceeded  as 
though  they  were  one  nation  dealing  with  another  nation, 
when  the  ministry  had  resolved  to  deal  with  them  only  as 
separate  units. 

A  second  petition  to  the  king  was  now  agreed  upon, 
through  the  efforts  of  a  party  represented  by  Dickinson  and 
Jay,  who  had  faith  in  its  efficacy  in  procuring  a  redress  of 
grievances.  Those  who  lacked  this  faith  considered  the 
united  cooperation  of  the  colonies  as  the  condition  of 
success.  The  people  had  been  far  from  being  unanimous. 

1  This  answer  to  Lord  North's  resolution  was  printed  in  the  "  Pennsylvania  Even- 
ing Post"  of  Aug.  8,  1775.  It  is  dated  July  31,  and  signed  by  John  Hancock, 
President.  It  is  in  every  newspaper  I  have  been  able  to  consult. 


436  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  Tories  had  opposed  the  Association.  Numbers  even 
of  Whigs,  though  acquiescing  in  it  as  an  instrument  of  self- 
defence,  were  reluctant  to  push  it  so  far  as  to  make  it  law : 
some,  on  the  principle  that  it  was  a  duty  to  submit  to  the 
sovereignty ;  many,  from  self-interest ;  the  mass,  for  fear 
of  the  mischievous  consequences.1  Whigs  of  the  stamp  of 
Dickinson  involuntarily  shrank  from  the  step  of  independ- 
ence. It  was  alleged,  that,  if  the  proposed  petition  met 
with  the  fate  of  former  petitions,  the  moderate,  who  thus 
far  had  held  back,  and  had  not  taken  sides,  when  they  were 
convinced  there  was  no  hope  but  in  war,  would  heartily 
unite  in  prosecuting  it  with  efficiency.2  The  petition,  drawn 
up  by  Dickinson,  spoke  in  affectionate  terms  of  the  king, 
and  expressed  the  wish  that  his  lot  might  be  the  signal  and 
lasting  glory  achieved  by  illustrious  personages,  who,  in 
extricating  states  from  dangerous  convulsions,  had  erected 
noble  monuments  to  their  fame.  It  averred  that  the  colonists 
entertained  too  tender  a  regard  for  the  kingdom  from  which 
they  derived  their  origin  to  ask  such  a  reconciliation  as 
might  in  any  manner  be  inconsistent  with  its  dignity  or 
welfare  ;  and  it  besought  the  king  that  he  would  be  pleased 
to  direct  some  mode  by  which  the  united  applications  of 
his  faithful  colonists  to  the  throne,  in  pursuance  of  their 
common  councils,  might  be  improved  into  a  happy  and  per- 
manent reconciliation.  It  was  signed  by  the  members  indi- 
vidually, as  the  previous  petition  had  been,  and  was  intrusted 
to  the  care  of  Richard  Penn,  a  loyalist,  who  immediately 
sailed  for  England.  It  was  composed  with  great  elegance, 
and,  Gordon  says,  deserved  to  be  written  in  letters  of  gold, 
for  the  sentiments  it  breathed  toward  the  parent  state.3 

1  Gordon,  History  of  the  American  War,  i.  426. 

2  The  "Essex  Gazette,"  July  21,  1775,  has  a  letter  from  Philadelphia,  dated 
July  6,  which  says:    "The  Congress  have  determined  to  petition  the  King  once 
more,  under  this  idea,  that,  if  it  should  be  rejected,  those  moderate  people  who  now 
keep  back  will,  when  they  find  no  hopes  but  in  the  success  of  a  war,  most  heartily 
unite  with  us  in  prosecuting  it  effectively." 

8  Gordon,  ii.  71.     He  says  (ii.  32)  that  Dickinson  labored  hard  to  procure  this 
second  petition,  and  that  the  opposition  occasioned  strong  debates.     Sparks  sayi 


THE   KING'S  PROCLAMATION  AND  REVOLUTION.  437 

Congress,  on  the  first  day  of  August,  adjourned  to  the 
5th  of  September.  The  public  prints  stated  that  it  had 
established  postal  communication  from  New  Hampshire  to 
Georgia,  and  appointed  Franklin  postmaster ;  had  designated 
two  persons  to  act  as  joint  treasurers  of  the  United  Colo- 
nies, and  taken  the  control  of  Indian  affairs  from  the  officers 
of  the  crown ;  but  had  made  no  other  alteration  of  "  the 
Continental  Association  "  except  to  permit  vessels  bringing 
powder  into  the  colonies  to  carry  away  merchandise.  Only 
defensive  measures  were  adopted.  These  were  heartily  wel- 
comed. "  You  cannot  conceive,"  one  wrote,  "  what  univer- 
sal joy  diffused  itself  through  every  breast,  and  triumph  in 
every  countenance,  on  publication  of  the  glorious  resolu- 
tions of  the  Continental  Congress."  :  Moderation  was  then 
acceptable  to  the  public  mind.  While  the  popular  party 
throughout  the  colonies  were  determined  to  assert  their 
rights,  and  to  do  this  jointly,  they  involuntarily  shrank  from 
revolution,  even  when  it  was  fairly  upon  them. 

The  loyalists,  in  their  habit  of  ascribing  to  the  patriots 
aims  which  were  indignantly  disavowed,  charged  that  Con- 
gress, in  this  second  petition,  treated  the  king  with  "  the  fal 
lacy,  treachery,  and  deceit "  which  had  characterized  all  its 
proceedings  ; 2  and  history,  constructed  from  their  point  of 
view,  treats  its  course  as  a  piece  of  dissimulation.3  It  is, 
however,  certain  that  civil  war,  though  it  roused  bitter 
hatred  to  the  ministry,  had  not  effaced  the  old  affection  for 
the  mother  country,  and  that  the  majority  of  the  popular 
party  still  looked  yearningly  towards  her.  When  the  case 
was  presented,  that  the  next  step  must  necessarily  be  revo- 
lution, with  a  separation  of  the  empire  into  two  peoples,  with 
war  between  them  as  between  two  nations,  the  recoil  in  the 

(Life  of  John  Jay,  i.  36)  that  the  measure  originated  with  Mr.  Jay.  Governor 
Penn,  in  his  examination  before  the  House  of  Lords,  said  that  the  petition  had 
been  considered  as  an  olive  branch,  and  he  had  been  complimented  by  his  friends 
as  the  messenger  of  peace.  — Philadelphia  Evening  Post,  Feb.  20, 1776. 

1  Connecticut  Historical  Society  Collections,  ii.  237. 

2  General  Gage  uses  these  words. 

*  Adolphus,  History  of  England,  ii.  234. 


438  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

public  mind  was  involuntary  and  powerful.  This  fidelity 
was  honorable.  One  of  the  lessons  of  the  late  civil  war  is 
to  make  Americans  more  appreciative  of  the  nature  of 
national  life,  and  of  the  profound  sentiment  of  country;  and 
they  can  now  better  understand  the  feelings  of  the  founders 
of  the  Republic,  when  they  were  called  upon  to  give  up  the 
old  flag. 

The  theory  that  the  popular  leaders  were  playing  a  game 
of  hypocrisy  may  be  tested  in  the  case  of  Washington, 
whose  sterling  patriotism  was  not  more  conspicuous  than 
his  irreproachable  integrity.  The  New- York  Provincial 
Congress,  in  an  address  to  him  (June  26,  1775),  on  his 
journey  from  Philadelphia  to  the  American  camp  around 
Boston,  say  that  accommodation  with  the  mother  country 
was  "  the  fondest  wish  of  each  American  soul."  Washing- 
ton, in  reply,  pledged  his  colleagues  and  himself  to  use 
every  exertion  to  reestablish  peace  and  harmony.  "  When 
we  assumed  the  soldier,"  he  said,  "  we  did  not  lay  aside 
the  citizen ;  and  we  shall  most  sincerely  rejoice  with  you 
in  that  happy  hour  when  the  establishment  of  American 
liberty  on  the  most  firm  and  solid  foundations  shall  enable 
us  to  return  to  our  private  stations,  in  the  bosom  of  a  free, 
peaceful,  and  happy  country."  1  There  was  no  incompati- 
bility in  the  position  of  military  leader  of  a  great  uprising 
with  a  desire  to  preserve  the  old  political  ties.  When  the 
Barons  at  Runnymede,  surrounded  by  their  armed  retainers, 
wrested  from  King  John  the  Great  Charter,  they  meant  not 
to  renounce  their  allegiance,  but  simply  to  preserve  the  old 
government.  Though  an  act  of  apparent  rebellion,  yet  it 
was  in  the  strictest  sense  an  act  of  loyalty.2  So  the  popular 
leaders,  in  their  attitude  of  armed  resistance,  were  loyal  to 
what  they  conceived  to  be  essential  to  American  liberty. 
They  were  asserting  the  majesty  of  Constitutional  Law 

1  The  "London  Chronicle"  of  Aug.  8,  1775,  has  the  speech  of  the  New-York 
Provincial  Congress,  and  the  reply  of  Washington,  of  the  26th  of  June,  1775. 

2  Maurice,  in  his  "  Social  Morality,"  p.  183. 


THE   KING'S   PROCLAMATION   AND   REVOLUTION.  439 

against  those  who  would  have  destroyed  it,  and  thus  were 
more  loyal  to  the  Constitution  than  was  George  III.  There 
is  really  110  ground  on  which  justly  to  question  the  sincer- 
ity of  declarations  like  those  of  Congress  and  Washington. 
The  condition  of  things  at  this  interesting  point  of  time  was 
stated  precisely  in  a  letter  written  by  Franklin,  and  read 
in  the  House  of  Commons.  "  If  you  flatter  yourselves," 
he  says,  "  with  beating  us  into  submission,  you  know 
neither  the  people  nor  the  country.  The  Congress  .  .  . 
will  wait  the  result  of  their  last  petition."1  The  word 
italicized  by  Franklin  was  prophetic.  The  popular  leaders 
said  what  they  meant.  They  aimed  at  a  redress  of  griev- 
ances ;  and  the  idea  was  quite  general,  of  a  Bill  of  Rights, 
or  an  American  Constitution,  embodying  the  conditions  on 
which  the  integrity  of  the  empire  might  be  preserved.  This 
was  their  last  appeal  for  a  settlement  on  such  a  basis.  The 
Tory  judgment  on  their  course  in  again  petitioning  the  king 
is  tinctured  with  the  injustice  of  this  school  in  regard  to 
the  spirit  and  aim  of  the  popular  party  and  the  integrity  and 
sincerity  of  its  leaders.2 

It  was  now  said  that  "  several  colonies  continued  to  be 
much  embarrassed  between  their  respect  for  their  old  form 
of  government  and  its  officers  and  their  regard  for  their 
freedom  and  the  rights  of  human  nature,  which  it  had  been 
long  the  avowed  object  of  these  forms  and  officers  to  abolish."8 

1  Sparks' s  Works  of  Franklin,  viii.  161.    Sparks  states  that  the  letter,  dated  Oct.  3, 
1775,  was  probably  addressed  to  David  Hartley,  and  was  first  printed  in  Vaughan's 
edition  of  Franklin's  Works.     Hartley  was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  read  the  letter  in  this  body  in  1775,  a  few  days  after  receiving  it;  and  again 
used  it  in  his  speech  of  Dec.  5,  1777,  which  was  printed  in  the  "  London  General 
Advertiser,"  Jan.  23,  1778.     In  this  speech  he  remarked  as  to  the  first  reading: 
"  You  were  then  confident  of  having  America  under  your  feet,  and  despised  every 
proposition  recommending  peace  and  lenient  measures." 

2  Rives' s  Life  of  Madison,  i.  109. 

3  The  "Essex  Gazette,"  July  21,  1775,  under  the  date  of  New  York,  July  13, 
has  the  following:  — 

"  The  people  of  Virginia  and  some  other  American  colonies  continue  to  be  much 
embarrassed  between  their  respect  to  the  ancient  form  of  government,  and  officers 
which  according  to  those  forms  were  appointed  to  the  administration  of  public 


440  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  New- York  Provincial  Congress  declined  to  refuse  sup- 
plies to  the  British  army :  at  the  same  time  the  mayor  of 
New- York  city  and  the  Committee  of  Safety  earnestly  desired 
Governor  Tryon  to  continue  his  residence  there,  and  he  freely 
visited  the  Continental  camp  of  General  Wooster,  making 
inquiries  as  to  the  numbers  of  the  men  and  their  arms.1 
The  North-Carolina  Provincial  Congress  pronounced  it  cruel 
to  assert  that  they  desired  to  cut  off  their  connection  with 
Great  Britain.  The  South-Carolina  committee  informed 
Governor  Campbell  that  they  would  insure  to  him  the 
respect  which  they  ever  wished  to  show  to  the  representative 
of  their  sovereign.  Governors  Dunmore  of  Virginia,  Eden 
of  Maryland,  Franklin  of  New  Jersey,  and  Penn  of  Penn- 
sylvania were  recognized  in  their  official  capacity.  Papers 
from  several  of  these  loyal  officials,  ending  "  God  save  the 
king,"  appear  in  the  public  prints  by  the  side  of  the  details 
of  the  progress  of  hostilities.2 

It  was  regarded  as  important  to  confine  the  war  to  Massa- 

affairs,  and  their  regard  to  their  own  freedom  and  the  most  important  rights  and 
privileges  of  human  nature,  which  it  has  long  been  the  avowed  business  of  these 
forms  and  officers  to  take  away  and  abolish.  Instead  of  trying  and  punishing  these 
officers  as  traitors  against  the  Constitution,  the  most  horrid  of  all  traitors,  the  respect 
Bhown  them,  and  the  attempts  made  to  reconcile  natural  inconsistencies,  are  truly 
ridiculous,  at  the  same  time  that  they  obstruct  and  have  the  most  pernicious  effect  on 
public  affairs.  Lord  Dunmore  still  continues  to  injure  and  insult  the  people  of  Vir- 
ginia with  impunity." 

1  Connecticut  Historical  Collections,  ii  278. 

2  The  Governor  of  Virginia  having  taken  up  quarters  on  board  a  man-of-war, 
the  Council  and  House  of  Burgesses,  June  23, 1775,  in  a  joint  address,  besought 
him  to  return  to  the  capital.     (Pennsylvania  Evening  Post,  July  18.)     A  Proclama 
tion  of  John  Penn,  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware,  Oct.  5,  1775,  ends  with 
"  God  save  the  king."    (Ibid.,  Oct.  10, 1775  )   The  correspondence  between  Governor 
Tryon  and  Mayor  Hicks  and  the  committee  of  New  York  is  in  the  "  Pennsylvania 
Evening  Post"  of  Oct.  21, 1775;  and  that  between  Governor  Campbell  and  the  gen- 
eral committee  of  South  Carolina,  in  the  issue  of  Nov.  2, 1775.     The  letter  of  the 
committee  is  signed  by  Henry  Laurens.     The  North- Carolina  Provincial  Congress, 
consisting  of  delegates  from  forty -four  counties  and  towns,  in  an  address,  on  Sept. 
8,  1775,  say:  "  We  have  been  told  that  independence  is  our  object:  that  we  seek  to 
shake  off  all  connection  with  the  parent  State.     Cruel  suggestion !     Do  not  all  our 
professions,  all  our  actions,  uniformly  contradict  this?"     Mecklenburg  County  was 
represented  in  this  congress,  and  among  the  delegates  two  are  named  as  having  been 
present,  May  20,  1775,  when  the  alleged  Declaration  of  Independence  of  this  county 
was  adopted.  —  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  iii.  201. 


441 

chusetts,  the  operations  in  Canada  being  considered  merely 
defensive.  The  great  scene  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill, 
with  the  sacrifice  of  Warren,  lent  its  varied  influence  to  the 
cause.  It  was  a  revelation  of  character  that  was  felt  through- 
out the  war.  It  demonstrated  that  Americans  would  fight. 
While  the  battle  was  going  on,  a  messenger  arrived  in  the 
camp  with  the  news  that  Congress  had  adopted  the  army, — 
had  even  ordered  the  purchase  of  military  supplies  to  be 
paid  for  out  of  the  continental  treasury,  which,  however,  was 
directed  to  be  kept  secret.  This  messenger  was  also  the 
bearer  of  the  advice  to  Massachusetts  to  use  the  old  charter. 
Though  a  disappointment  to  the  patriots,  who  desired  to 
form  a  government  worthy  of  freemen,  they  nevertheless 
complied  with  the  advice,  therein  exhibiting  a  spirit  of 
subordination  of  the  local  feeling  to  the  judgment  of  Con- 
gress characteristic  of  the  time.  "  We  are  all  submissive," 
wrote  James  Warren.  A  government  was  soon  established. 

Congress  reassembled  on  the  5th  of  September;  but 
so  few  of  the  members  appeared  that  it  adjourned  to  the 
13th,  when  it  proceeded  to  business.  The  colony  of  Geor- 
gia was  now  fully  represented.  Its  Provincial  Congress,  in 
declaring  that  all  men  were  born  free  and  equal  and  were 
entitled  to  the  natural  rights  of  mankind,  accepted  an  idea 
thoroughly  identified  with  the  American  cause  ;  and,  in 
adopting  the  Association,  it  complied  with  the  condition  of 
admission  to  the  Union.  Its  delegates  differed  widely  in 
their  politics.  Noble  Wimberly  Jones  had  rendered  large 
service  to  the  cause,  and  continued  its  steadfast  supporter ; 
tne  Reverend  Dr.  Zubly  looked  upon  a  republican  govern- 
ment as  little  better  than  a  government  of  devils,1  and  soon 
found  his  proper  place  in  the  ranks  of  the  loyalists.  From 
this  period  the  Union  was  called  "  The  Thirteen  United 
Colonies." 

Congress  was  anxiously  waiting  the  fate  of  its  second 
petition.  Much  was  thought  to  depend  on  this.  The  key  to 

1  Works  of  John  Adams,  ii.  469. 


442  THE  RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  action  of  the  popular  leaders  down  to  this  time  is  Union  l 
they  aimed  at  such  measures  as  would  secure  the  coopera- 
tion of  the  people  of  thirteen  colonies  —  it  was  hoped  more 
than  thirteen  —  in  efforts  to  obtain  a  redress  of  grievances. 
Seemingly,  the  course  of  Congress  was  marked  by  hesitation 
and  vacillation:  one  day  a  measure  would  be  pressed,  in 
order  to  the  more  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war ;  the  next 
day  it  was  urged  that  nothing  should  be  done  to  widen  the 
breach.2  Its  debates  concerned  the  important  matters  of 
forming  local  governments,  creating  a  navy,  opening  the 
ports,  dealing  with  the  Tories,  entering  into  foreign  alliances, 
and  declaring  independence.  It  was  the  talk  of  Samuel 
Adams  in  private  (September  24),  that,  if  the  "  second 
petition  to  the  king  were  rejected  or  neglected,  or  not 
answered  and  answered  favorably,  he  would  be  for  acting 
against  Britain  or  Britons,  as  in  open  war  against  France 
or  Frenchmen, — fit  privateers,  and  take  their  ships  any- 
where." 3 

In  the  course  of  the  debates  in  Congress,  Thomas  Johnson 
of  Maryland  said  (October  6)  that  he  saw  every  day  less 
and  less  prospect  of  reconciliation,  but  that  he  was  not  yet 
ready  to  render  reconciliation  impossible,  for  he  dreaded  the 
effect  of  such  a  stand  on  North  Carolina,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
Pennsylvania,  and  New  York.  "  If,"  said  he,  "  what  we 
have  done  had  been  proposed  two  years  ago,  four  colonies 
would  not  have  been  for  it " :  in  sixteen  months  thirteen 
colonies  had  been  brought  to  the  position  of  armed  resistance 
to  the  claims  of  Great  Britain ;  hence,  he  concluded  "  the 
line  we  have  pursued  is  the  line  we  ought  to  have  pursued."4 

1  John  Adams  says,  in  the  number  of  Novanglus  in  the  "Essex  Gazette"  of 
Feb.  28,  1775:  "The  grand  aphorism  of  the  policy  of  the  Whigs  has  been  to  unite 
the  people  of  America  and  divide  those  of  Great  Britain.     The  reverse  of  this  has 
been  the  maxim  of  the  Tories:  viz.,  to  unite  the  people  of  Great  Britain  and  divide 
those  of  America.      All  the  movements,  marches,  and  counter-marches  of  both 
parties,  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  may  be  reduced  to  the  one  or  the  other  of  these 
rules." 

2  Letter  of  Samuel  Ward,  Life,  p.  324. 

8  Works  of  John  Adams,  ii.  428.  *  Ibid.,  459. 


THE    KING'S   PROCLAMATION   AND   REVOLUTION.  443 

The  simultaneous  manifestations  in  various  quarters  of  the 
state  of  the  public  mind  on  the  subject  of  independence 
illustrate  the  force  of  this  remark.  In  Hanover  County, 
Virginia,  a  person  who  had  said  that  the  country  aimed  at 
independence  more  than  opposition  to  Parliamentary  taxa- 
tion, was  compelled  by  the  county  committee  to  confess  his 
sorrow  for  such  an  offence.1  In  Pennsylvania,  the  committee 
of  Chester  County  being  charged  with  aiming  at  independ- 
ence, they  declared  that  they  held  in  horror  so  pernicious 
an  idea.2  In  South  Carolina.,  the  Provincial  Congress  in- 
structed its  delegates  to  refuse  their  consent  to  any  plan 
of  confederation.  In  North  Carolina,  the  Assembly,  the 
County  Convention,  and  the  Provincial  Congress  averred, 
with  fervent  expressions  of  loyalty,  that  reconciliation  was 
their  object;  and  the  Provincial  Congress,  after  all  the 
members  had  (Aug.  23,  1775)  signed  a  test  containing  a 
declaration  of  allegiance  to  the  king,  voted  (September  4) 
that  the  plan  of  a  general  confederation  "  was  not  at  present 
eligible,"  but  that  "  the  present  Association  ought  to  be 
relied  upon  for  bringing  about  a  reconciliation  with  the 
parent  state."3  It  certainly  was  the  part  of  wisdom  in 
the  Congress  to  heed  public  opinion  and  to  wait.  A  high 
authority  expresses  the  judgment  that  "  nothing  could  have 
been  wiser,  at  that  time,  than  moderation."4 

There  was  a  pressure  on  Congress  to  authorize  the  for- 
mation of  local  governments.  A  request  of  this  nature  was 
presented  from  New  Hampshire,  which  was  experiencing  the 
intolerable  evils  of  an  absence  of  authority,  and  asked  per- 
mission "  to  regulate  its  internal  police."  The  two  delegates 
in  Congress  (October  2)  suggested,  in  a  joint  letter  to  Matthew 
Thornton,  that  the  convulsed  state  of  the  colony  should  be 
represented  to  Franklin,  Lynch,  and  Harrison,  a  committee 
appointed  to  visit  the  camp  around  Boston,  and  the  absolute 

1  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  iii.  744. 

2  Ibid.,  774.     This  was  Sept.  25,  1775. 

*  Ibid.,  186.     This  was  Aug.  24,  1775. 

*  Ramsay's  History  of  the  United  States,  i.  214. 


444  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

necessity  urged  of  forming  a  government;  they  likewise 
laid  before  Congress  (October  18)  their  instructions  on  this 
point.  Congress,  however,  hesitated  to  give  the  desired 
advice.1  Another  request  of  this  nature  came  from  beyond 
the  Alleghanies.  Pioneers,  among  them  Daniel  Boone, 
having  satisfied  the  Indians  for  the  territory  now  Kentucky, 
founded  four  towns.  They  elected  representatives  to  a 
House  of  Delegates,  who  agreed  on  a  form  of  government, 
and  then,  by  a  memorial  to  Congress,  asked  that  then 
colony,  Transylvania,  might  be  admitted  one  of  the  United 
Colonies.  The  agent  who  bore  this  memorial  gives  at  much 
length  the  details  of  his  interviews  with  several  of  the 
members.  He  states  the  objection  of  the  two  Adamses. 
They  held  that  there  would  be  an  impropriety  in  Congress 
engaging  to  protect  a  people  who  defied  the  king's  procla- 
mation ;  "  for  it  would  be  looked  upon  as  a  confirmation 
of  that  independent  spirit  with  which  Congress  was  daily 
reproached."  2  Although  no  members  were  more  decided  on 
the  question  of  independence,  yet  this  statement  is  con- 
clusive as  to  their  views  at  this  time.  No  measure  was  taken 
in  October  designed  to  alter  the  political  situation  of  the 
colonies. 

In  the  mean  time  Richard  Penn  hastened  to  England  with 
the  second  petition.  The  king  was  now  continually  occupied 
with  American  affairs.  He  directed  that  General  Gage 
should  be  ordered  "  instantly  to  come  over  "  on  account  of 


1  It  was  not  until  the  26th  of  October  that  this  subject  was  referred  to  a  com- 
mittee, consisting  of  Messrs.  Rutledge,  John  Adams,  Ward,  Lee,  and  Sherman. 
On  that  day  the  New-Hampshire  delegates  wrote  to  their  constituents:  "  We  some 
time  since  made  a  motion  for  the  regulation  of  our  civil  government,  and  this  day  a 
committee  was  appointed  to  consider  the  motion  and  report  thereon.     Could  have 
wished  that  a  petition  from  our  Congress,  setting  forth  all  the  reasons,  had  been  trans- 
mitted us,  which  would  have  helped  the  matter  much." 

2  The  interview  between  Mr  Hogg,  the  agent,  and  the  Adamses,  took  place  on 
the  24th  of  October.    (John  Adams's  Works,  ii.  430. )    He  says :  "  I  showed  them  our 
memorial,  to  convince  them  that  we  did  not  pretend  to  throw  off  our  allegiance  to  the 
king,  but  intended  to  acknowledge  his  sovereignty,  whenever  he  should  think  us 
worthy  of  his  regard.     They  were  pleased  with  our  memorial,  and  thought  it  very 
proper."     This  memorial  is  in  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  iv.  544. 


THE    KING'S   PROCLAMATION   AND   REYOLUTION.  445 

the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  thought  Admiral  Graves  ought  to 
be  recalled  from  Boston  "  for  doing  nothing," 1  and  completed 
the  arrangements  for  the  employment  of  Hanoverians  in 
America.  Impatient  at  the  delay  of  the  Cabinet  in  acting  on 
the  proclamation  agreed  upon,  he  put  this  in  train  by  order- 
ing one  to  be  framed,  and  submitted  August  18  to  Lord 
North,  and  fixed  the  day  for  its  promulgation.  He  was  con- 
firmed in  his  extreme  views  by  General  Haldimand,  fresh 
from  America,  who  reported  that  "  nothing  but  force  could 
bring  the  colonies  to  reason,"  and  that  it  would  be  danger- 
ous to  give  ear  to  any  propositions  they  might  submit.  The 
king  was  convinced  that  it  would  be  better  "  totally  to  aban- 
don "  the  colonies  than '"  to  admit  a  single  shadow  "  of  their 
doctrines.2  Five  days  after  penning  these  words,  he  issued 
(August  23)  a  proclamation  for  suppressing  rebellion  and 
sedition.  It  charged,  that  many  subjects  in  divers  parts 
of  the  colonies  in  North  America,  forgetting  their  allegi- 
ance, and  after  obstructing  the  lawful  commerce  of  loyal 
subjects  carrying  it  on,  had  proceeded  to  open  and  avowed 
rebellion,  and  that  this  rebellion  had  been  promoted  by  the 
counsels  of  divers  wicked  and  desperate  persons  within  the 
realm  of  England ;  and  commanded  all  civil  and  military 
officers,  and  all  loyal  subjects,  to  use  their  utmost  endeavors 
to  suppress  this  rebellion,  and  to  give  full  information  of  all 
persons  corresponding  with  the  persons  in  arms  in  North 
America,  in  order  to  bring  them  to  condign  punishment. 
This  proclamation,  unlike  Lord  North's  plan,  ignored  the 

1  Donne's  Correspondence  of  George  III.,  i.  257. 

2  Ibid.,  i.  263.    Aug.  18,  1775,  when  the  king  wrote  to  Lord  North:  "There 
has  been  much  delay  in  framing  a  proclamation  declaring  the  conduct  of  the  Amer- 
icans rebellious,  and  warning  persons  from  corresponding  with  them.  ...  I  have 
directed  Lord  Suffolk  to  have  it  shown  to  you."     The  king's  words  given  in  the  text 
are  from  the  letter.     They  were  accurately  stated  in  the  "Philadelphia  Evening 
Post"  of  Nov.  16,  1775:    "A  private  letter,  by  Captain  Collins,  lately  arrived  from 
London,  says  that  on  the  19th  of  August  General  Haldimand  was  closeted  with  His 
Majesty  two  hours,  giving  him  a  state  of  the  American  colonies;  and  that,  in  the 
course  of  the  conversation,  His  Majesty  expressed  his  resolution  in  these  memorable 
words :  '  I  am  unalterably  determined,  at  every  hazard  and  at  the  risk  of  every  con 
sequence,  to  compel  the  colonies  to  absolute  submission.'  " 


446  THE   RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

colonies  as  political  units.  It  is  levelled  against  individuals 
in  rebellion,  and  all  within  the  realm  who  should  aid  them. 
At  that  period,  Burke  wrote  of  the  king,  "  Nothing  can 
equal  the  ease,  composure,  and  even  gayety  of  the  great 
disposer  of  all  in  this  lower  orb  "j1  of  his  minister,  "  I  am 
told  by  one  who  has  lately  seen  Lord  North,  that  he  has 
never  seen  him  or  anybody  else  in  higher  spirits";2  and 
that  "  the  violent  measures  were  fairly  adopted  by  a  majority 
of  individuals  of  all  ranks,  professions,  or  occupations  in 
this  country."3 

It  was  to  such  parties  that  Richard  Penn  tendered  the 
American  olive  branch,  or  the  second  petition.  He  handed 
a  copy  of  it  to  Lord  Dartmouth  on  the  21st  of  August, 
and  named  the  23d  as  the  day  for  the  formal  presenta- 
tion of  the  original ;  but  on  that  day  the  king  issued  his 
proclamation,  which  six  days  later  was  read  by  the  heralds 
in  Palace  Yard,  Westminster,  and  Temple  Bar,  —  also  at 
the  Royal  Exchange  by  one  of  the  Lord  Mayor's  officers. 
On  the  first  day  of  September  Lord  Dartmouth  received  the 
original  petition,  but  Penn  was  not  asked  a  single  question 
relative  to  American  affairs.  The  king  would  not  see  him. 
On  being  pressed  for  an  answer,  Lord  Dartmouth  replied, 
"  that,  as  His  Majesty  did  not  receive  the  petition  on  the 
throne,  no  answer  would  be  given."  On  the  22d  he  wrote 
to  General  Howe,  who  (Aug.  2,  1775)  superseded  General 
Gage  as  the  commander  of  the  British  army,  that  there  was 
"  no  room  left  for  any  other  consideration  but  that  of  pro- 
ceeding against  the  twelve  associated  colonies  in  all  respects 
with  the  utmost  rigor,  as  the  open  and  avowed  enemies  of 
the  state."4 

Intelligence  of  the  fate  of  the  second  petition  reached 
America  when  the  public  mind  was  stirred  by  profound 
impulses,  and  "  anxiety  possessed  every  heart."  It  came 

1  Correspondence  of  Edmund  Burke,  ii.  41. 

2  Ibid.,  38.  8  Ibid.,  68. 
4  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  in.  773. 


THE   KING'S   PROCLAMATION   AND   EEVOLUTION.  447 

by  an  arrival  at  Philadelphia  on  the  31st  of  October;1  and 
the  city  newspapers  of  the  next  day  contained  the  king's 
proclamation.  They  also  had  the  statement,  that  ten  thou- 
sand Hanoverians  were  about  to  join  the  British  forces  in 
America,  and  that  the  Elector  of  Hanover  had  a  rescript 
from  George  III.  for  the  subsidies  to  embark  for  their  desti- 
nation. And  on  this  day  an  express  from  Washington  sup- 
plied a  lurid  commentary  on  the  king's  proclamation,  in  the 
news  of  the  burning  of  Falmouth.  These  were  truly  mo- 
mentous advices,  such  as  leave  a  mark  in  the  progress 
of  events. 

Congress,  through  the  month  of  October,  had  debated,  in 
committee  of  the  whole,  the  state  of  the  United  Colonies. 
On  receiving  the  advices,  members  who  had  held  back  were 
ready  to  act  with  decision.  "  Thank  God!"  Samuel  Ward, 
a  member  from  Rhode  Island,  now  wrote,  "  the  happy  day 
which  I  have  long  wished  for  is  at  length  arrived  :  the  South- 
ern colonies  no  longer  entertain  jealousies  of  the  Northern ; 
they  no  longer  look  back  to  Great  Britain."  One  member 
very  jealous  of  New  England,  addressing  him  as  Brother 
Rebel,  said :  "  We  have  got  a  sufficient  answer  to  our  peti- 
tion :  I  want  nothing  more,  but  am  ready  to  declare  ourselves 
independent."  Ward  continued:  "My  anxiety  is  at  an  end: 
I  feel  a  calm,  cheerful  satisfaction  in  having  one  great  and 
just  object  in  view,  and  the  means  of  obtaining  it  certainly, 
by  the  Divine  blessing,  in  our  hands."2  Samuel  Adams 
had  now  a  majority  with  him  ready  to  take  a  decisive  and 
irrevocable  step  forward.  This  was  the  adoption,  on  the 

1  A  paragraph  in  the  newspapers,  dated  Philadelphia,  November  1,  announces  the 
arrival  of  two  vessels  with  advices  from  London  to  August  26,  with  the  following: 
"It  is  reported  that  no  answer  has  yet  been  given,  nor  will  any  be  given,  to  the 
petition  of  the  Continental  Congress,  as  it  is  thought  beneath  the  dignity  of  the 
government  to  acknowledge  an  assembly  which  has  no  constitutional  or  legal  exist- 
ence."    This  news  was  soon  authenticated  by  a  card  having  the  signature  of  Charles 
Thomson,  Secretary  of  Congress.     The  "Pennsylvania  Journal"  of  November  1 
printed  the  king's  proclamation. 

2  Gammell's  Life  of  Samuel  Ward,  323.     This  letter  bears  date  November  2.     It 
says  that  the  advices  the  two  ships  brought,  naming  the  Proclamation,  were  of  im- 
mense service  to  the  patriots. 


448  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

report  of  the  committee1  to  whom  had  been  referred  the 
memorial  of  New  Hampshire,  of  a  recommendation  (Novem- 
ber 3)  to  the  Provincial  Convention  of  that  colony, "  to  call 
a  full  and  free  representation  of  the  people  and  the  represen- 
tatives, if  they  think  it  necessary,  and  establish  such  a  form 
of  government  as  in  their  judgment  will  best  promote  the 
happiness  of  the  people,  and  most  effectually  secure  peace 
and  good  order  in  the  province  during  the  continuance  of 
the  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies."  A 
people  are  here  recommended  to  exercise  their  inherent 
right  of  forming  a  government.  The  next  day,  Congress, 
on  the  report  of  the  committee,  gave  similar  advice  to 
South  Carolina,  with  the  important  addition  of  making  pro- 
vision for  an  army  to  defend  the  colony  at  "  the  continental 
expense."  This  was  an  earnest  that  the  combined  strength 
of  the  colonies  should  be  used  for  their  defence,  —  the  germ 
of  the  provision  in  the  Constitution  which  guaranties  to 
every  State  protection  and  a  republican  government.  The 
advice  to  these  colonies  gave  the  American  interpretation  to 
vital  political  principles,  hitherto  hardly  more  than  abstrac- 
tions. It  was  revolution,  for  it  contemplated  a  change  in 
the  base  of  the  sovereignty.  Its  friends  so  understood  it, 
and  were  ready  and  anxious  to  make  the  recommendation 
general.  Those  who,  in  the  hope  of  reconciliation,  still 
hesitated,  so  regarded  it,  and  pronounced  it  the  first  step 
towards  independence.  Indeed,  the  popular  leaders  of 
largest  insight  now  shaped  measures  with  a  view  to  a 
Republic.  Samuel  Adams,  the  Palinurus  of  the  Revolu- 
tion,2—  if  there  was  one, —  now  wrote,  as  he  labored  in 

1  The  report  of  the  committee  was  made  on  the  2d  of  November.    On  the  3d 
Congress  appointed  a  committee  of  five,  — Messrs.  Harrison,  Bullock,  Hooper,  Chase, 
and  Samuel  Adams,  — to  take  into  consideration  certain  papers  and  letters  relating  to 
South  Carolina. 

2  Jefferson  said :  "  If  there  ever  was  any  Palinurus  to  the  Revolution,  Samuel 
Adams  was  the  man.     Indeed,  in  the  Eastern  States,  for  a  year  or  two  after  it  began, 
he  was  truly  the  man  of  the  Revolution."     (Randall's  Jefferson,  i.  182.)     Samuel 
Adams's  letters,  freely  cited  from  time  to  time  in  the  text,  give  his  position  in  his  own 
words.   He  was  now  urging  on  Congress  the  measure  of  independence.   The  memoir  of 


THE  KING'S  PROCLAMATION  AND  REVOLUTION.  449 

the  committees,  and  as  if  under  a  spell  of  prophecy  :  "  Every 
moment  should  be  improved  to  some  serious  purpose.  It  is 
the  age  of  George  III. ;  and,  to  do  justice  to  our  most  gra- 
cious king,  I  will  affirm  it  is  my  opinion  that  his  councils 
and  administration  will  necessarily  produce  the  grandest 
revolutions  the  world  has  ever  seen.  The  wheels  of  Provi- 
dence seem  to  be  in  their  swiftest  motion.  Events  succeed 
each  other  so  rapidly,  that  the  most  industrious  and  able 
politicians  can  scarcely  improve  them  to  the  full  purposes  for 
which  they  seem  to  be  designed.  You  must  send  your  best 
men  here :  therefore  recall  me  from  this  service.  Men  of 
moderate  abilities,  especially  when  weakened  by  age,  are  not 
fit  to  be  employed  in  founding  empires." 1  This  letter,  writ- 

him,  written  by  James  Sullivan,  a  Revolutionary  patriot,  and  printed  in  the  "  Boston 
Chronicle,"  Oct.  10,  1803,  has  the  following  remark:  "There  is  no  doubt  among  his 
intimate  friends,  and  indeed  it  is  well  known  to  his  confidential  compatriots,  that  he 
was  the  first  man  in  America  who  contemplated  a  separation  of  the  colonies  from  the 
mother  country."  A  memoir  of  him  by  Samuel  Adams  Wells,  MS.,  has  the  follow- 
ing: "  It  was  thought  during  the  Revolution,  and  it  is  still  said,  that  he  first  con- 
ceived and  dared  to  announce  the  grand  design  of  independence.  We  believe  this  to 
be  true ;  but  the  time  when  he  had  fully  determined,  and  was  willing  to  avow  this 
opinion,  is  a  question  of  some  magnitude,  and  cannot  be  accurately  determined." 
(p.  143.)  A  little  further  on  (p  154),  Mr.  Wells  says:  "  We  doubt  not  that  he  went 
to  the  Congress  of  1775,  fully  prepared  for  the  adoption  of  that  decisive  measure." 
The  sentiment  expressed  in  his  letters  harmonizes  perfectly  with  this  view.  He  was 
then  ready  to  advocate  a  step  which  down  to  the  day  of  Lexington  he  was  in  the  habit 
of  disavowing  privately  and  publicly,  but  which  he  had  long  thought  the  colonies 
would  be  forced  to  adopt  by  the.  aggressive  policy  of  the  British  administration. 

i  This  is  taken  from  a  letter  dated  Philadelphia,  Nov.  4,  1775,  addressed  to 
James  Warren,  the  President  of  the  Massachusetts  Provincial  Congress.  There  are 
two  letters  of  this  date:  one  mentioning  the  vote  on  New  Hampshire  only,  the 
other  the  vote  on  South  Carolina  also ;  probably  the  one  being  written  in  the  morn- 
ing and  the  other  in  the  evening  of  this  day.  They  have  not  been  printed.  The 
following  are  extracts:  — 

"  I  wish  I  was  at  liberty  to  communicate  to  you  some  of  our  proceedings ;  but  I  am 
restrained ;  and,  though  it  is  painful  to  me  to  keep  secrets  from  a  few  confidential  friends, 
I  am  resolved  that  I  will  not  violate  my  honor.  I  may  venture  to  tell  you  one  of  our 
resolutions,  which,  in  the  nature  of  it,  must  be  immediately  made  public ;  and  that  is,  to 
recommend  to  our  sister  colony,  New  Hampshire,  to  exercise  government  in  such  a  form 
as  they  shall  judge  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  peace  and  good  order,  during  the 
continuance  of  the  present  contest  with  Britain.  This  I  would  not  have  you  mention 
abroad  till  you  see  it  published,  or  hear  it  publicly  talked  of.  The  government  of  the 
New-England  colonies,  I  suppose,  will  soon  be  nearly  on  the  same  footing;  and  I  am  of 
opinion  that  it  will  not  be  long  before  every  colony  will  see  the  necessity  of  setting  up 
government  within  themselves,  for  reasons  that  appear  to  me  to  be  obvious." 

"  I  confess  I  am  giving  my  friend  as  much  information  as  I  dare  of  things  which  are 

29 


450  THE  EISE   OF   THE  REPUBLIC. 

ten  on  the  morning  after  the  vote  relative  to  New  Hampshire, 
and  when  the  writer  was  maturing  the  thorough  action  with 
respect  to  South  Carolina,  and  the  letter  just  cited  of  Samuel 
Ward,  who  was  on  the  committee  who  reported  the  advice 
to  New  Hampshire,  penned  on  the  day  before  this  vote, 
reveal  the  inner  springs  of  momentous  political  action,  and 
the  spirit  in  which  the  popular  leaders  crossed  the  Rubicon. 
In  this  action  they  accepted  the  fact  and  laid  out  the  work 
of  revolution.  They  no  longer  contemplated,  in  their  aims 
and  plans,  a  union  in  unnatural  conformity  with  allegiance 
to  the  crown,  but  wholly  an  American  union,  identified  with 
a  new  national  power. 

Congress  now  assumed  a  bolder  tone,  and  went  forward 
steadily,  with  great  deference  to  the  common  statements, 
yet  leading,  not  following,  popular  sentiment.  In  passing 
judgment  on  its  measures,  it  ought  to  be  borne  in  mind, 
that  it  had  entered  an  untrodden  field,  which  presented 
obstacles  at  every  step  onward,  —  but  that  the  path  it  laid 
out,  which  was  strictly  kept  to,  at  least  at  this  early  stage, 
led  to  the  greatest  political  result  in  human  history.  Each 
successive  step  might  not  always  have  been  the  wisest ;  but, 
from  the  time  it  gave  these  vital  recommendations  to  New 
Hampshire  and  South  Carolina,  it  took  no  step  backwards. 
It  put  forth  no  more  disclaimers  of  a  purpose  of  independ- 
ence. It  sought  no  longer  to  confine  hostilities  to  Massa- 
chusetts. It  was  for  war  in  earnest,  — for  offensive  war,  as 
though  it  were  war  against  France  and  Frenchmen  ;  and 
this  was  its  injunction  to  the  colonies.  It  advised  (Novem- 
ber 4)  South  Carolina  to  seize  and  destroy  British  ships-of- 
war,  and  to  resist  all  attempts  to  occupy  Charleston.  It 
framed  (November  9)  a  new  pledge  of  secrecy,  which  each 
member  was  required  to  sign.  It  took  steps  (November 

nf  such  a  nature  as  that  they  cannot  long  be  kept  secret,  and  therefore,  I  suppose,  it 
never  was  intended  they  should  be.  I  mention  them,  however,  in  confidence  that  you 
will  not  publish  them.  I  wish  I  was  at  liberty  to  tell  you  many  of  the  transactions  of 
this  body,  but  I  am  restrained  by  the  ties  of  honor ;  and,  though  it  is  painful  to  me, 
you  know,  to  keep  secrets,  I  will  not  violate  my  honor  to  relieve  myself  or  please  my 
friend." 


THE   KING'S   PROCLAMATION   AND   REVOLUTION.  451 

17)  to  create  a  naval  code.  It  raised  a  committee  (Novem- 
ber 29)  to  correspond  with  foreign  powers.1  It  declared 
(December  4)  that  it  would  be  very  dangerous  to  the  welfare 
of  America,  if  any  colony  separately  should  petition  the 
King  or  Parliament ;  and  the  same  day  it  advised  the  inhab- 
itants of  Virginia  to  resist  by  force  the  arbitrary  measures 
of  their  governor,  Lord  Dunmore,  and  recommended  its 
Convention  to  call  a  full  and  free  representation  of  the 
people  and  form  a  local  government.  These  votes  are  in 
marked  contrast  to  the  votes  of  the  preceding  June.  There 
had  been  progress.  The  determined  tone  of  Congress  is 
seen  in  its  answer  to  the  king's  proclamation.  In  this  paper 
it  was  declared,  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  the  colonies, 
and  "  by  authority,  according  to  the  purest  maxims  of 
representation,  derived  from  them,"  that  the  punishment 
that  might  be  inflicted  on  the  supporters  of  the  cause  of 
American  liberty  should  be  retaliated  on  the  supporters  of 
ministerial  oppression. 

The  news  that  caused  "  the  daybreak  of  revolution  "  2  in 
Independence  Hall  produced  a  profound  impression  on  the 
popular  heart.  The  public  prints  abound  with  evidences  of 
the  rising  spirit.  One,  on  reading  the  "  late  most  extraordi- 
nary proclamation,"  gave  expression  to  his  feelings  in  the 
following  verses :  — 

"REBELS,  — avaunt  the  inglorious  name! 
To  those  who  burn  with  virtue's  flame,  — 
The  hero,  whose  undaunted  soul 
Spurns  haughty  B 's  rude  control, 

And  mocks  the  tyrant's  nod.         , .  ; 
Usurper,  'tis  in  vain  thy  sway: 
True  Courage  deigns  not  to  obey, 

Or  bow  beneath  the  rod. 


1  Nov.  29,  1775.    Resolved,  "That  a  committee  of  five  be  appointed  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  corresponding  with  our  friends  in  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  other 
parts  of  the  world,  and  that  they  lay  their  correspondence  before  Congress,  when 
directed. "     Mr    Harrison,  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.   Johnson,  Mr.  Dickinson,  and  Mr. 
Jay  were  appointed  the  committee.  —  Secret  Journals,  ii.  5. 

2  Bancroft,  viii.  137. 


452  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

True  Courage,  roused  by  Honor's  laws, 

Will  perish  in  her  country's  cause; 

Her  claim,  the  heaven-born  rights  which  Freedom  gave : 

Though  worlds  against  her  league,  she  will  not  sink  a  slave."  1 

Every  newspaper  circulating  these  verses  was  an  American 
minstrel  stirring  the  blood  by  his  song. 

The  idea  of  independence  was  now  boldly  advocated  by  the 
press.  One  wrote :  "  We  expect  soon  to  break  off  all  con- 
nection with  Britain,  and  to  form  a  Grand  Republic  of  the 
American  United  Colonies,  which  will  by  the  blessing  of 
Heaven  soon  work  out  our  salvation,  and  perpetuate  the  lib- 
erties, increase  the  wealth,  the  power,  and  the  glory  of  this 
Western  World."  2  Another  wrote  :  "  When  the  throne  of 
independence  rises  before  the  eyes  of  the  admiring  world, 
when  our  seas  and  our  harbors  are  thronged  with  ships  from  the 
remotest  corners  of  the  earth,  when  our  farmers  are  princes 
and  our  merchants  kings,  what  conscious  pleasure  must 
be  ours  !  And  what  praise  shall  be  given  us  who  are  engaged 
in  all  the  danger  and  heat  of  the  day ! " 3  The  voices  of  the 
dead  in  the  battle-fields,  and  the  valor  of  the  living,  were 
summoned  to  nerve  the  people  to  worthy  effort  for  the  cause. 
A  relation  of  the  deeds  of  a  lad  of  sixteen  at  Bunker  Hill, 
who  fired  all  his  cartridges  and  then  began  afresh  with  the 
cartridges  of  a  comrade  slain  at  his  side,  closes, — 

"  Dear  Liberty!  thou  dost  our  youths  inspire 
With  more  than  Grecian,  more  than  Roman  fire." 

Private  letters  evince  the  same  resolute  spirit.  "  The 
king's  silly  proclamation,"  wrote  James  Warren,  "  will  put 
an  end  to  petitioning :  movements  worthy  your  august  body 
are  expected,  —  a  declaration  of  independence,  and  treaties 
with  foreign  powers."  4  Joseph  Hawley  wrote :  "  The  eyes 
of  all  the  continent  are  fastened  on  your  body,  to  see  whether 

1  Pennsylvania  Evening  Post,  Nov.  16,  1775. 

2  Essex  Gazette,  Nov.  23,  1775. 

»  This  is  from  a  piece  entitled  "  A  Reverie,"  by  a  soldier,  dated  Dec.  11,  1775. 
*  James  Wa*ren  to  Samuel  Adams,  cited  in  Bancroft,  viii.  136. 


453 

you  on  this  occasion  act  with  firmness  and  integrity,  and 
with  the  spirit  and  despatch  which  our  situation  calls  for. 
It  is  time  for  your  body  to  fix  on  periodical  annual  elections, — 
nay,  to  form  into  a  parliament  of  two  houses."1  Abigail 
Adams  wrote :  "  I  could  not  join  to-day  in  the  petitions  of 
our  worthy  pastor  for  a  reconciliation  between  our  no  longer 
parent  state,  but  tyrant  state,  and  these  colonies.  Let  us 
separate."  2  George  Mason  expressed  the  feeling  roused  in 
Virginia,  when,  at  a  later  day,  reverting  to  these  occur- 
rences, he  wrote :  "  When  the  last  dutiful  and  humble  peti- 
tion from  Congress  received  no  other  answer  than  declaring 
us  rebels  and  out  of  the  king's  protection,  I  from  that  mo- 
ment looked  forward  to  a  revolution  and  independence  as 
the  only  means  of  salvation."  8 

The  disclosures  of  opinion  in  the  halls  of  Congress  and 
among  the  people,  together  with  the  subsequent  recollec- 
tions of  the  actors  in  these  events,4  fix  the  time  when  the 


1  Joseph  Hawley  to  Samuel  Adams,  Nov.  12, 1775.    MS. 

2  Abigail  Adams  to  John  Adams,  Nov.  12,  1775.    Letters,  61. 

8  George  Mason,  Oct.  2,  1778,  in  Virginia  Historical  Register,  vol.  ii.  28. 

4  Sparks,  in  the  valuable  note  entitled  "  American  Independence,"  in  the  second 
volume  of  the  Writings  of  Washington,  says:  "  It  is  not  easy  to  determine  at  what 
precise  date  the  idea  of  independence  was  first  entertained  by  the  principal  persons 
in  America."  (p.  496.)  Samuel  Adams,  after  the  events  of  the  19th  of  April,  1775, 
was  prepared  to  advocate  it.  (Seep.  449.)  Members  of  the  Provincial  Congress 
of  New  Hampshire  were  of  the  same  opinion.  ( See  p.  422. )  President  Dwight  ( Travels 
in  New  England  and  New  York.  i.  159)  says:  "  In  the  month  of  July,  1775, 1  urged, 
in  conversation  with  several  gentlemen  of  great  respectability,  firm  Whigs,  and  my 
intimate  friends,  the  importance,  and  even  the  necessity,  of  a  declaration  of  independ- 
ence on  the  part  of  the  colonies,  .  .  .  but  found  them  disposed  to  give  me  and  my 
arguments  a  hostile  and  contemptuous,  instead  of  a  cordial  reception.  .  .  .  These 
gentlemen  may  be  considered  as  the  representatives  of  the  great  body  of  thinking 
men  of  this  country."  In  the  note  of  Sparks,  just  cited,  are  embodied  the  recollec- 
tions of  Madison,  Jay,  and  others,  and  the  contemporary  statements  of  Franklin  and 
Penn.  They  are  in  harmony  with  the  statements  and  quotations  in  the  text,  and 
sustain  the  judgment  of  Dr.  Ramsay  (History  of  South  Carolina,  i.  164),  who  says: 
"  Till  the  rejection  of  the  second  petition  of  Congress,  a  reconciliation  with  the 
mother  country  was  the  unanimous  wish  of  Americans  generally." 

The  "Massachusetts  Spy"  of  Feb.  2,  1776,  contains  a  piece  entitled  "Remark- 
able Events  in  the  Year  1775."  The  twentieth  and  last  is  the  following:  — 

"  XX.  The  colonies  at  last  were  roused  to  a  proper  sense  of  the  injuries  they  had 
sustained  from  the  usurpations  of  the  British  Parliament,  from  the  insolence  of  the 


454  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

movement  advanced  from  the  simple  aim  of  a  redress  of 
grievances.  What  Royal  Instructions  were  to  the  organiza 
tion  of  the  popular  party,  what  the  Tea  Act  was  to  Ameri 
can  union,  what  the  Regulating  Act  was  to  association, 
the  Proclamation  was  to  revolution.  Then  the  inspiring 
sentiment  of  union  became  identified  with  the  still  more  in- 
spiring sentiment  of  nationality.  Then  the  popular  leaders 
recognized  the  mission  of  that  generation  to  found  a  repub- 
lic. The  thought  lifted  them  up  to  the  heights  of  their 
cause,  strengthening  their  convictions  of  its  justice,  deepen 
ing  the  faith  that  they  were  co-workers  with  Providence,  and 
investing  their  action  with  the  highest  moral  dignity. 

But,  however  great  became  the  influence  of  the  religious 
element  over  the  minds  of  the  popular  leaders,  it  never  led 
them  into  the  extravagance  of  fanaticism.  They  kept  in 
mind  the  fact  that  Providence  works  by  human  means.  They 
estimated  the  magnitude  of  the  task  before  them.  It  was 
easy  to  suggest  an  American  commonwealth,  or  republic ; 
it  was  not  difficult  to  speculate  on  what  might  follow  from 
the  establishment  of  such  a  polity  ;  it  was  pleasant  to  in- 
dulge in  visions  of  the  rising  glory  of  America  :  but  it  was 
quite  another  thing  to  devise  the  means  of  achieving  the 
grand  object  of  these  aspirations.  It  required  great  insight 
to  determine  the  steps  which  the  state  of  public  opinion  in 
thirteen  different,  and  in  many  respects  widely  diverse,  com- 
munities would  sanction,  bring  them  to  act  in  concert,  and 
thus  reach  the  condition  of  success.  A  plan  mentioned  by 
some  who  were  in  favor  of  separation  was  for  the  people  of 
the  several  colonies  to  abrogate  all  authority  under  the  crown, 
and  form  local  governments  ;  then  to  agree  on  a  Constitution 
for  the  United  Colonies,  and  make  foreign  alliances ;  and  then 
to  issue  a  declaration  of  independence.  It  was  urged  that 
the  people  who  established  such  governments  would  never 


ministry,  the  obstinacy  and  bloody-mindedness  of  the  king,  and  the  inhumanity  of 
their  brethren  in  Great  Britain ;  and  began  to  .  ...  as  the  only  means  that  could 
uecure  peace,  liberty,  and  safety  to  America." 


THE   KING'S  PROCLAMATION  AND  REVOLUTION.  455 

give  them  up,  but  would  range  themselves  permanently  on 
the  side  of  independence.  The  party  who  looked  upon  the 
measure  of  independence  as  ruinous,  appreciated  the  strength 
of  this  movement,  and  sought  to  secure  to  their  side  the  local 
Assemblies  ;  and  such  for  a  time  was  their  success,  that  six 
months  elapsed  before  a  majority  in  Congress  would  recom- 
mend all  the  colonies  to  abrogate  the  royal  authority,  or 
before  the  popular  leaders  could  make  independence  a  party 
question. 

These  six  months  constitute  a  great  period  in  American 
history,  and  in  the  history  of  humanity.  Then  a  free  people, 
in  the  unrestrained  exercise  of  its  convictions  on  political 
affairs,  moved  steadily  forward  to  the  realization  of  the  idea 
of  an  American  Republic, —  an  idea  which  more  and  more 
impressed  itself  on  their  minds,  and  is  recognized  as  great 
by  the  civilized  world. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

How  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED  COLONIES  BY  THE  DECLARATION 
OF  INDEPENDENCE  DECREED  THEIR  EXISTENCE  AS  A  NATION  COM- 
POSED OF  FREE  AND  INDEPENDENT  STATES. 

NOVEMBER  AND  DECEMBER,  1775,  AND  TO  JULY,  1776. 

THE  course  of  events,  after  the  popular  leaders  accepted  the 
work  of  revolution,  created  a  desire  for  independence  and 
developed  a  sentiment  of  nationality.  When  the  colonies 
had  agreed  to  join  in  dissolving  the  connection  with  Great 
Britain,  and  had  so  instructed  their  representatives,  they, 
in  Congress  assembled,  voted  that  these  colonies  were  free 
and  independent  States,  and  by  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence announced  to  the  world  that  they  had  assumed 
a  separate  station  among  the  powers  of  the  earth :  where- 
upon the  people,  in  public  meetings  and  by  their  general 
assemblies,  ratified  the  Declaration,  and  pledged  themselves 
to  maintain  it  with  their  fortunes  and  their  lives.  Thus  they 
decreed  their  existence  as  a  nation. 

The  king,  in  a  speech  from  the  throne  (Oct.  26,  1775), 
declared  that  the  war,  on  the  part  of  the  colonists,  was 
"  manifestly  carried  on  for  the  establishment  of  an  Ameri- 
can empire."  He  stated,  that,  to  put  an  end  to  the  disorders 
in  the  colonies,  he  had  increased  the  naval  establishment 
and  land  forces,  and  was  in  treaty  with  foreign  nations.  He 
recommended  the  appointment  of  commissioners  with  large 
powers  for  the  purpose  of  granting  pardons  to  such  of  "  the 
unhappy  and  deluded  multitude  "  as  might  be  convinced  of 
their  error  by  the  display  of  arms.1  The  House  of  Lords, 
in  their  address  in  reply,  heartily  approved  the  decisive  use 

l  The  King's  Speech  is  in  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of  Jan.  9  1776. 


BIRTH   OP  THE  NATION.  457 

of  arms,  yet  could  not  sufficiently  admire  His  Majesty's 
benevolent  proposition  relative  to  pardon.  The  House  of 
Commons  more  than  echoed  the  fierce  words  of  the  king 
in  characterizing  the  colonial  proceedings  as  the  wicked 
pretences  of  ambitious  and  traitorous  men,  which  had  led 
unhappy  fellow-subjects  to  set  up  the  standard  of  rebellion  ; 
but  they  heard  with  gratitude  "  the  declaration  of  the  father 
of  his  people  "  of  his  design  to  pardon. 

Important  changes  were  made  in  the  cabinet.  Lord 
George  Germain  was  appointed,  in  place  of  Lord  Dart- 
mouth, head  of  the  American  department.  His  speech 
on  the  penal  measures  l  embodied  the  spirit  of  hostility  to 
popular  rights  that  animated  the  ruling  classes.  This  im- 
portant position  was  the  reward.  His  single  aim,  as  a 
legislator,  had  been  to  assimilate  the  policy  of  America  to 
that  of  England;  his  single  word,  as  minister,  was  force. 
He  entered  (Nov.  10,  1775)  upon  his  duties  at  the  very 
time  when  the  people  whom  he  would  not  have  allowed 
to  meddle  with  politics  were  advised  by  Congress  to  form 
governments.  The  other  appointments  which  the  king  now 
made  were  of  the  class  of  violent  men,  haters  of  American 
ideas.  His  course,  however,  was  popular.  It  was  sustained 
by  heavy  majorities  in  Parliament,  while  public  opinion  was 
expressed  in  loyal  addresses.  "  No  arts,"  wrote  Gibbon, 
"  no  management  whatsoever,  have  been  used  to  procure 
the  addresses  which  fill  the  gazette."  2 

In  the  picture  of  the  times,  these  extreme  measures  do 
not  stand  out  in  connection  with  the  progress  of  events  in 
America,  in  the  relation  of  proximate  cause  and  effect,  with 
the  distinctness  of  prior  measures  of  the  ministry ;  yet  the 
popular  leaders  could  hardly  have  spared  one  of  the  terrible 
denunciations  of  King,  Lords,  and  Commons,  or  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  violent  Lord  Germain.  They  were  all  needed, 
and  did  good  service  in  the  patriot  cause,  as  accounts  of  them 

1  See  above,  page  345. 

2  Gibbon's  Miscellaneous  Works,  270.    Letter  to  J.  Holroyd,  Oct.  14,  1775. 


458  THE   RISE    OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

circulated  in  the  newspapers.1  They  found  their  way  into 
the  little  towns  in  the  forests  beyond  the  Alleghanies,  as  well 
as  into  the  flourishing  municipalities  along  the  Atlantic 
coast,  —  in  which  probably  a  far  larger  proportion  of  the 
people  were  taking  an  active  part  in  politics  than  ever  be- 
fore, in  any  country,  shared  in  the  direction  of  public  affairs. 
'  The  key  of  their  action  was  fidelity  to  the  decisions  of  the 
General  Congress.  The  work  of  this  body  may  be  summed 
up  in  a  single  sentence:  while  it  accepted,  after  an  American 
interpretation,  the  continuity  of  the  body  of  English  liberties, 
or  of  English  constitutional  law,  it  resisted  the  assimilation 
of  American  political  life  to  the  English  model.  In  doing 
this,  it  said,  "Our  cause  is  just";  and  it  was  pronounced 
a  Christian  duty  to  defend  it. 

Congress  also  said,  "Our  union  is  perfect"  ;  and  the  re- 
mark was  made  in  the  face  of  differences  of  long  standing 
between  the  colonies  relative  to  jurisdiction,  which  even  the 
common  peril  could  not  induce  them  to  reconcile.  New 
York  and  New  Hampshire  were  on  the  verge  of  war  about 
the  territory  now  Vermont,  and  Connecticut  and  Pennsyl- 
vania about  the  Wyoming  settlement;  and  Maryland  and 
Virginia  had  sharp  passages  with  regard  to  current  politics.2 
Then  there  was  the  traditional  jealousy  of  New  England, 
which,  if  not  general,  was  mischievous.  The  cause  had  also 

1  A  captured  despatch  of  Lord  George  Germain,  dated  Dec.  23,  1775,  addressed 
to  Governor  Eden,  of  Maryland,  was  printed  in  the  "  Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of 
April  23,  1776.     It  stated  that  an  armament  of  seven  regiments,  and  a  fleet,  were  in 
readiness  to  operate  in  the  Southern  colonies. 

2  Galloway,  in  his  "  Candid  Examination  of  the  Mutual  Claim  of  Great  Britain 
and  the  Colonies,"  New  York,  1775,  urged  that  the  colonies, "  in  respect  to  each  other, 
are  so  many  perfect  and  independent  societies,  destitute  of  any  political  connection"; 
and  he  seconded  a  motion  made  by  Mr.  Ross  in  the  Congress  of  1774,  that  Massachu- 
setts "  should  be  left  to  her  own  discretion  with  respect  to  government  and  justice." 
(John  Adams's  Works,  ix.  349.)    As  to  the  controversies  between  the  colonies,  he 
says:  "  Disputes  between  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  began,  and  would  have  ended 
in  civil  war,  had  not  the  authority  of  the  state  interposed.     Similar  disputes  have 
existed  between  New  York  and  Connecticut,  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  and  still 
subsist  between  New  York  and  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania, 
and  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  all  arising  from  the  uncertainty  of  their  boundaries 
and  right  to  the  soil." 


BIRTH   OF   THE   NATION.  459 

a  powerful  internal  enemy  in  the  Tories,  who  denounced 
the  Congress  and  its  measures,  and  grew  more  arrogant, 
bitter,  and  bold,  as  they  saw  British  armies  and  fleets  ap- 
pearing in  America  to  fight  on  their  side.  And  the  popular 
party  were  very  far  from  being  agreed  as  to  what  should  be 
the  next  step.  In  saying  the  union  was  perfect,  therefore, 
Congress  could  mean  only  that  the  colonies  were  united  in 
the  determination  to  resist  aggressions  on  their  rights,  and 
in  demanding  a  redress  of  grievances. 

Ten  years  had  elapsed  since  the  course  of  events  devel- 
oped a  public  opinion  in  favor  of  union,  and  one  year  since 
this  opinion  was  embodied  in  a  "  Continental  Association." 
The  union,  in  common  speech,  was  pronounced  indissoluble,  jj 
It  attained  the  efficiency  of  organic  life  and  system  through 
the  General  Congress,  and  the  local  committees  of  safety, 
inspection,  and  correspondence.  These  committees  were 
charged  with  important  duties,  and  especially  with  the  duty 
of  securing  an  observance  of  the  Association  and  the  decrees 
of  Congress.  Hence,  at  this  time,  there  had  arisen  what 
was  termed  the  Government  of  Committees,  universally 
regarded  only  as  a  bridge  to  carry  the  people  safely  over 
to  the  goal  of  regularly  established  authority. 

It  was  said  that  Congress  had  "  the  supreme  authority 
over  the  continent," l  and  was  "  held  in  the  highest  venera- 
tion imaginable  by  all  ranks  and  orders  of  men  " : 2  of  course 
the  Tories  were  an  exception.  The  popular  party  regarded 
Congress  as  the  public  authority  directing  the  general 
concerns  of  thirteen  communities  united  to  promote  their 
general  welfare,  and  especially  for  the  national  object  of 
wielding  the  combined  strength  for  the  defence  of  their 
rights.  It  was  proceeding,  in  external  affairs,  or  in  matters 
of  peace  and  war,  as  though  "  The  United  Colonies  "  were, 
one  political  power.  A  common  banner  waved  over  them. 

1  The  Maryland  Council,  April  19,  1776.    Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  iv.  983. 

2  Penn's  evidence  before  the  House  of  Lords,  Nov.  10,  1776:  hi  the  'JPennsyt 
vania  Evening  Post"  of  Feb.  20,  1776. 


460  THE  RISE  OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

Thus  the  party  stood  on  union,  when  union  had  become  the 
portal  of  nationality. 

This  fact  of  union  inspired  the  patriots  with  enthusiasm, 
as,  with  arms  in  their  hands,  and  the  conviction  that  their 
cause  was  just,  they  demanded  of  hitherto  invincible  Eng- 
land a  redress  of  grievances.  The  military  events  down  to 
November,  1775,  strengthened  their  confidence  in  their 
ability  to  defend  themselves ;  but  the  war  from  November 
to  July  proved  of  a  more  checkered  cast.  In  Massachusetts, 
Washington  won  his  first  triumph  in  the  revolutionary 
struggle  in  forcing  the  British  army  to  evacuate  Boston.  In 
Virginia,  the  provincial  militia  were  victorious  (Dec.  9, 1775) 
in  the  famous  battle  of  the  Great  Bridge.  In  North  Caro- 
lina, the  Tories  were  defeated  (Feb.  27,  1776)  in  the  hard 
fight  at  Moore's  Creek.  In  South  Carolina,  a  British  fleet 
was  repulsed  (June  28,  1776)  in  an  attack  on  Charleston ; 
and  Manly  and  his  associates  roused  great  exultation  by 
captures  (December,  1775)  on  the  ocean.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  brave  Montgomery  fell  (Dec.  31,  1775)  before 
Quebec.  Dunmore  burned  Norfolk  (January,  1776).  Clin- 
ton invaded  North  Carolina.  In  New  York,  Carlcton,  in  the 
flush  of  triumph,  advanced  (June)  from  Canada;  and  while 
the  Indians  sounded  their  war-whoop  along  the  frontier,  the 
Howes,  with  an  army  and  fleet,  approached  the  city.  Hostile 
cannon  almost  within  the  hearing  of  Congress  served  as  a 
reminder  of  the  reality  and  nearness  of  the  danger.  The 
force  which  Washington  had  to  meet  these  invasions  was 
entirely  inadequate ;  and  at  one  time  his  immediate  com- 
mand was  reduced  to  eight  thousand  men. 

While  these  scenes  of  war  were  occurring,  and  the  highest 
hopes  were  followed  by  the  keenest  disappointments,  the 
popular  leaders  of  clear  vision  pressed  independence  as 
the  next  and  only  worthy  step.  The  measure  was  urged 
as  necessary  to  insure  permanency  to  the  civil  and  religious 
institutions  of  the  colonies,  —  as  essential  to  their  material 
prosperity,  in  order  to  secure  fair  scope  for  the  industrial 


BIRTH   OF   THE   NATION.  461 

energies  of  the  land,  —  as  vital  to  the  expansion  of  American 
ideas  over  the  continent,  and  to  the  creation  of  an  opening 
for  the  spread  of  the  Gospel,  —  as  the  only  escape  from 
tyranny,  and  the  only  guaranty  of  that  government  which  is 
"  an  ordinance  of  Heaven  to  restrain  the  usurpations  of 
wicked  men,  to  secure  to  all  the  enjoyment  of  their  natural 
rights,  and  to  promote  the  highest  political  interests  and 
happiness  of  society."  It  was  urged  that  independence 
"  was  the  path  of  empire,  glory,  liberty,  and  peace," l  and 
that  labor  in  such  a  cause  was  labor  on  the  side  of  Prov 
idence.  "  The  Almighty,"  said  Chief-Justice  Drayton,  of 
South  Carolina,  from  the  bench,  "  created  America  to  be 
independent  of  Great  Britain :  to  refuse  our  labors  in  this 
divine  work  is  to  refuse  to  be  a  great,  a  free,  a  pious,  and  a 
happy  people."2 

This  citation  illustrates  the  way  in  which  a  sentiment  of 
nationality  instinctively  mingled  in  political  utterances  with 
the  idea  of  independence,  —  or  the  idea  that  the  colonies 
ought  not  only  to  cast  off  the  authority  of  Great  Britain,  but 
to  be  a  political  unit,  a  nation.  This  sentiment  was  minis- 
tered to  by  the  physical  characteristics  of  the  country :  a 
vast,  connected,  and  fertile  land ;  the  absence  of  impassable 
barriers  between  the  several  sections ;  a  climate  uniting 
the  productions  of  the  torrid  and  the  temperate  zones ; 
majestic  rivers  inviting  inland  communication ;  an  imperial 
line  of  coast,  stimulating  maritime  enterprise.  As  the 
thoughtful  reflected  on  the  resources  of  this  magnificent 
country,  it  seemed  to  them  that  the  Almighty  had  formed  it 
for  the  abode  of  a  people  that  should  stand  pre-eminent  in  the 
world.  But  their  ideal  of  what  should  constitute  a  country 
was  not  simply  hills  and  valleys,  land  and  water,  but 
spiritual  things  as  well ;  and  as  they  mused  on  the  estab- 

1  The  citations  are  from  what  purports  to  be  an  Address  of  an  Honest,  Sensible, 
and  Spirited  Farmer  to  an  Assembly  of  his  Neighbors,  on  entering  the  Continental 
Service,  printed  in  the  " Pennsylvania  Journal' '  of  Feb.  28,  1776,  and  copied  into 
the  "Boston  Gazette"  of  March  25. 

2  Charge  at  the  Court  of  General  Sessions,  April  23,  1776. 


462  THE  RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

lishment  upon  a  field  like  this  of  political  liberty  grounded 
in  justice,  —  on  the  characteristics  of  the  American  race, — 
on  the  Christian  idea  of  man  that  was  moulding  their  insti- 
tutions,— it  seemed  to  them  that  human  progress  was  about 
to  receive  a  fresh  impulse,  "as  if  the  New  World  was  to 
surpass  the  Old,  and  the  glory  of  human  nature  was  to 
receive  the  highest  perfection  near  the  setting  sun."  In  the 
inspiration  of  this  thought  of  a  glorious  future,  the  popular 
leaders  shaped  and  carried  into  effect  measures  having  in 
view  the  founding  of  a  republic.  The  ideal  of  the  territory 
which  the  contemplated  republic  was  to  comprehend  is  seen 
in  the  common  use  of  the  term  "  continental  " ;  the  ideal  of 
the  cause  is  seen  in  the  common  remark  that  it  was  the 
cause  of  human  nature.  By  utterances  and  action  in  har- 
mony with  these  views,  the  sentiment  of  nationality  became 
the  spring  and  passion  of  the  popular  party.  To  trace  its 
development  is  to  trace  the  steps  of  a  free  people,  when, 
with  minds  exalted  by  such  views,  they  assumed  the  dignity 
and  responsibility  of  decreeing  themselves  a  nation.1 

1  The  following  extracts  from  elaborate  articles  in  the  newspapers  give  an  idea  of 
the  high-toned  political  utterances  of  the  period  of  the  adoption  of  the  Declaration, 
and  of  the  first  years  of  its  maintenance. 

"It  is  apparent  that  the  Almighty  Constructor  of  the  Universe,  having  formed 
this  continent  of  materials  to  compose  a  state  pre-eminent  in  the  world,  is  now  making 
use  of  the  tyranny  of  the  British  rulers  as  an  instrument  to  fashion  and  arrange 
those  materials  for  the  end  for  which,  in  his  wisdom,  he  had  formed  them."  — 
William  Henry  Dray  ton,  Chief  Justice  of  South  Carolina,  Charge  to  the  Court,  April 
23,  1776. 

"A  Soldier"  writes:  "The  whole  series  of  divine  dispensations,  from  the  infant 
days  of  our  fathers  in  America,  are  big  with  importance  in  her  favor,  and  point  to 
something  great  and  good.  If  we  look  round  the  world,  and  view  the  nations  with 
their  various  connections,  interests,  and  dependencies,  we  shall  see  innumerable  causes 
at  work  in  favor  of  this  growing  country :  Nature  and  Art  seem  to  labor,  and  as  it 
were  travail,  in  birth  to  bring  forth  some  glorious  events  that  will  astonish  mankind 
and  form  a  bright  era  in  the  annals  of  time."  —  Independent  Chronicle,  Oct.  17, 
1776. 

"Look  around  the  world,  and  you  cannot  find  a  country  like  this.  Nature  has 
been  lavish  of  her  bounties  to  America,  as  if  the  New  World  was  to  surpass  the  Old, 
and  the  glory  of  human  nature  was  to  receive  its  highest  perfection  near  the  setting 
sun.  .  .  .  America  is  more  extensive  in  territory  than  all  the  states  and  kingdoms 
of  Europe,  is  blessed  with  every  climate,  and  situated  for  the  commerce  of  the  world; 
and,  according  to  the  best  computations,  in  the  course  of  one  century  the  United 


BIKTH   OF   THE   NATION.  463 

It  is  n^t  easy  to  select  and  compress  into  a  small  space 
such  facts  from  the  voluminous  records  of  this  period  as 
will  mark  the  stages  of  the  growth  of  public  opinion  in  favor 
of  independence.  The  argument  for  it,  viewed  under  the 
brilliant  light  of  success,  seems  to-day  to  have  been  of 
commanding  power :  yet  it  was  urged  long  before  a  majority 
would  pronounce  in  its  favor ;  and,  even  at  the  last,  una- 
nimity on  it  was  far  from  having  been  obtained.  A  final 
separation  from  Great  Britain  was  opposed  by  the  Tories 
in  solid  phalanx,  in  the  conviction  that  it  was  sure  to  be 
ruinous ;  and  they  were  strong  in  talent,  character,  social 
and  official  influence,  and  numbers.  A  large  party  in  the 
Whig  ranks,  in  the  fear  that  anarchy  would  result  from  a 
change,  were  in  favor  of  preserving  the  connection  with  the 
mother  country,  and  down  to  the  last  moment  they  urged 
that  the  door  of  reconciliation  was  still  open ;  another  por- 
tion had  reached  the  conviction  that  a  separation  must  take 
place,  and  were  in  favor  of  it,  but  held  that  the  time  for  it 
had  not  come:  and  both  classes  comprehended  characters 
held  by  that  generation  deservedly  in  respect,  and  by  pos- 
terity in  veneration.  Then  numbers,  who  took  no  decisive 
part  in  the  struggle,  were  lukewarm:  and  this  class  are 
never  to  be  overlooked  in  practical  politics,  for  they  are  apt 
to  veer  to  the  side  which  they  hope  or  expect  will  prove  the 
strongest,  and  so  turn  the  scale.  Then  there  was  the  dis- 
position, especially  in  New  York  and  the  Southern  colonies, 
to  trust  time  to  bring  about  a  redress  of  grievances.  It  was 
much  urged,  also,  that  independence  involved  a  landing  in 
republicanism,  as  if  to  make  this  point  clear  were  conclu- 
sive against  the  measure.  Republican  principles,  since  the 
Revolution,  had  been  loaded  with  obloquy  in  England  ;  and 
this  feeling  prevailed  to  no  small  extent  in  the  colonies, 
particularly  south  of  New  England.  It  is  scarcely  just  to 

States  will  have  sixty  millions  of  people.  No  human  mind  can  form  an  adequate 
idea  of  the  millions  whose  happiness  may  depend  on  our  virtue  in  this  important 
crisis."— Boston  Gazette,  Feb.  10,  1777. 


464  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

state  the  position  of  a  party  in  the  language  of  its  opponents  ; 
but  a  Whig  appeal  in  favor  of  independence  gives  the  gist 
of  the  matter  with  which  the  journals  teemed,  stating  the 
points  urged  against  it  in  these  words :  "  Intestine  confu- 
sions, continual  wars  with  each  other,  Republics,  and 
Presbyterian  governments  compose  the  bugbear  of  the  day ; 
and  the  very  name  of  them  frightens  people  more  than  the 
whole  force  of  Great  Britain." 

j  As  the  popular  leaders  urged  a  dissolution  of  the  bonds  that- 
connected  the  people  with  a  monarchy,  they  sought  not  only 
to  form  local  governments,  but  to  establish  a  general  govern- 
ment with  a  limited  range  of  powers,  to  execute  certain 
functions  necessary  to  all, —  or  to  form  ties  that  would  unite 
the  people  in  a  permanent  political  society,  and  combine  the 
strength  of  the  whole  for  the  common  defence.  It  was  a 
grave  question,  whether  the  two  objects  of  independence  and 
a  general  government  should  be  pressed  at  the  same  time. 
Some  urged  that,  first,  the  colonies  should  abrogate  royal 

:  authority,  set  up  local  governments,  establish  a  constitution 
for  the  whole,  form  an  alliance  with  France,  and  then  they 
might  safely  venture  to  issue  a  declaration  of  independence. 
They  held  that  the  people  should  organize  a  general  govern- 
ment before  decreeing  themselves  a  nation.  Others,  not 
less  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  a  general  government, 
bent  their  energies  to  the  single  work  of  bringing  about  an 
abrogation  of  royal  authority  in  the  several  colonies,  and  a 
joint  declaration  of  independence,  relying  for  success  on 

i  the  fact  and  the  strength  of  union.     They  were  in  favor  of 

;  decreeing  themselves  a  nation,  in  the  faith  that  a  general 

•  government  would  follow  in  course. 

Among  the  latter  was  Samuel  Adams.  He  did  not  cease 
to  urge  a  confederation ;  but  after  the  reception  of  the  king's 
proclamation,  and  the  news  of  the  fate  of  the  second  petition 
in  November,  he  advocated  a  declaration  of  independence. 
In  Congress,  in  private  letters,  and  in  the  newspapers,  he 
set  forth  this  as  the  next  step.  This  was  the  significance  of 


BIKTH    OF   THE   NATION.  465 

the  recommendation  which  Congress  gave  to  New  Hamp- 
shire, South  Carolina,  and  Virginia  to  form  local  govern- 
ments. The  advice  was  unaccompanied  with  any  details 
as  to  methods,  or  any  restrictions.  It  was  looked  upon  as 
equivalent  to  revolution,  and  a  step  towards  a  declaration 
of  independence. 

This  decisive  step  roused  into  activity  the  opponents  of 
independence.  Of  these  John  Dickinson  was  by  far  the 
most  prominent,  one  of  the  few  popular  leaders  who  had  a 
colonial  reputation  of  so  much  influence  as  to  constitute 
him  a  power.  He  had  faith  in  the  rights  and  liberties  to  be 
enjoyed  in  union  with  the  mother  country,  but  looked  with 
doubt  and  trembling  at  the  future  which  a  premature  sep- 
aration might  bring.  "  The  rescript  to  our  petition,"  he 
said,  "  is  written  in  blood.  While  we  revere  and  love  our 
country,  her  sword  is  opening  our  veins.  France  and  Spain, 
if  not  other  powers,  long  jealous  of  Britain's  force  and  influ- 
ence, will  fall  upon  her,  embarrassed  with  an  exhausting 
civil  war,  and  crush,  or  at  least  depress  her ;  then  turn  their 
arms  on  these  provinces,  which  must  submit  to  wear  their 
chains,  or  wade  through  seas  of  blood  to  a  dear-bought  and 
at  best  a  frequently  convulsed  and  precarious  independ- 
ence." l  He  regarded  the  step  as  premature.  His  course 
met  the  approval  of  the  Quakers,  who  now  put  forth  an 
address  for  peace  when  the  very  air  was  hot  with  war,  and 
pleaded  for  the  avoidance  of  all  such  measures  as  were  likely 
to  widen  or  perpetuate  the  breach  with  the  parent  state.2 
This  influence  was  strong  in  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  and 
New  Jersey.  In  addition,  there  was  the  powerful  element 
of  the  Proprietary  interest,  which  sturdily  resisted  a  change. 

This  compact  body  of  conservatism  now  made  itself  felt. 
The  Pennsylvania  Assembly  (Nov.  9, 1775),  mainly  through 
the  instrumentality  of  Dickinson,3  instructed  its  delegates 

1  Letter,  April  29,  1775.    Life  of  Arthur  Lee,  ii.  311. 

2  This   "Address  of  the  People  called  Quakers"   is  in  the   "Pennsylvania 
Packet"  of  Nov.  13,  1775. 

»  Reed's  Life  of  Reed,  i.  155. 

30 


466  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

in  Congress  to  endeavor  to  restore  harmony  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  colonies,  using  this  language  :  "  We  strictly 
enjoin  you,  that  you,  in  behalf  of  this  colony,  dissent  from 
and  utterly  reject  any  propositions,  should  such  be  made, 
that  may  cause  or  lead  to  a  separation  from  our  mother 
country,  or  a  change  of  the  form  of  this  government."  The 
Assembly  of  New  Jersey,  on  the  28th  of  November,  used 
nearly  the  same  language,  directing  their  delegates  "  not  to 
give  their  assent  to,  but  utterly  to  reject,  any  propositions, 
if  such  should  be  made,  that  may  separate  this  colony  from 
the  mother  country,  or  change  the  form  of  the  government 
thereof."  1  The  Maryland  Convention,  which  assembled  on 
the  7th  of  December,  ordered  a  "Declaration"  to  be  entered 
on  their  journals,  which  averred  that  the  people  of  that 
province  "  never  did  nor  do  entertain  any  views  or  desires 
of  independency,"  and  as  they  considered  their  union  with 
the  mother  country  "  their  highest  felicity,  so  would  they 
view  the  fatal  necessity  of  separating  from  her  as  a  misfor- 
tune next  to  the  greatest  that  can  befall  them."  The  New 
York  Provincial  Congress,  on  the  14th  of  December,  de- 
clared that  none  of  the  people  of  that  colony  had  withdrawn 
their  allegiance,  and  that  their  turbulent  state  did  not  arise 
"from  a  desire  to  become  independent  of  the  British  crown," 
but  from  "  oppressive  Acts,"  and  "  the  hostile  attempts  of  the 
ministry  "  to  carry  them  into  execution.2  The  Delaware 

1  Governor  Franklin,  of  New  Jersey,  in  a  speech  to  the  Assembly,  Nov.  16,  1775, 
states  that  His  Majesty's  squadrons  had  orders  to  proceed  against  any  town  raising 
troops,  &c.,  and  adds:  "As  sentiments  of  independency  are  by  some  men  of  present 
consequence  openly  avowed,  and  essays  are  already  appearing  in  the  public  papers 
to  ridicule  the  people's  fears  of  that  horrid  measure,  and  remove  their  aversion  to 
republican  government,  it  is  high  time  every  man  should  know  what  he  has  to 
expect."     The  General  Assembly  in  reply  said:    "We  know  of  no  sentiments  of 
independency  that  are  by  men  of  any  consequence  openly  avowed;   nor  do  we 
approve  of  any  essays  tending  to  encourage  such  a  measure.     We  have  already 
expressed  our  detestation  of  such  opinions."     Franklin's  speech  is  in  the  "Pennsyl- 
vania Evening  Post "  of  Nov.  18,  1775. 

2  The  Provincial  Congress  of  New  York,  on  the  14th  of  December,  1775,  — 
"Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Congress  that  none  of  the  people  of  this 

colony  have  withdrawn  their  allegiance  from  His  Majesty. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  supposed  present  turbulent  state  of  this  colony  arises  not  from 


BIRTH   OF   THE   NATION.  467 

Assembly  instructed  its  delegates  to  promote  reconciliation, 
and  shared  the  feeling  of  Pennsylvania.  Thus,  to  counteract 
the  movement  begun  in  Congress,  the  governments  of  the 
Middle  Colonies  were  arrayed  in  solid  phalanx  against 
the  measure  of  independence. 

An  address  of  the  North-Carolina  Provincial  Congress 
now  appeared  in  the  newspapers,  which  disclaimed  in  earnest 
terms  the  design  of  independence,  and  invoked  the  Almighty 
to  attest  "  that  it  was  their  most  earnest  wish  and  prayer 
to  be  restored,  with  the  other  united  colonies,  to  the  state 
in  which  they  were  placed  before  the  year  1763  "j1  also 
instructions  of  the  town  of  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  to 
their  delegates  in  the  Provincial  Congress  (December  25), 
adverse  to  the  formation  of  a  local  government,  on  the  ground 
that  it  would  furnish  their  enemies  "  with  arguments  to  per- 
suade the  good  people  there  that  we  are  aiming  at  indepen- 
dency, which  we  totally  disavow." 

These  expressions  were  in  harmony  with  the  past  earnest 
avowals  by  individuals  and  public  bodies,  and  especially  with 
the  declarations  of  the  General  Congress.  An  elaborate 
argument  against  separation,  a  little  later,  was  fortified  by 
an  array  of  these  disclaimers,  representing  that  one-third  of 
the  inhabitants  were  on  record  in  favor  of  reconciliation, 
without  taking  into  account  the  disavowals  of  independence 
by  Congress.  These  facts  show  how  general  the  idea  was 
that  the  popular  party  was  opposing  an  administration,  and 
not  overturning  a  government. 

Notwithstanding  these  disclaimers,  the  logic  of  events  led 
directly  to  independence ;  and  from  the  memorable  nine- 

the  want  of  a  proper  attachment  to  our  prince  and  the  establishment  of  the  illustrious 
House  of  Hanover,  nor  from  a  desire  to  become  independent  of  the  British  crown,  or 
a  spirit  of  opposition  to  that  just  and  equal  rule  to  which,  by  the  British  Constitution, 
and  our  ancient  and  established  form,  we  are  subject;  but  solely  from  the  inroads 
made  on  both  by  the  oppressive  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament,  devised  for  enslaving 
His  Majesty's  liege  subjects  in  the  American  colonies,  and  the  hostile  attempts  of  the 
ministry  to  carry  these  Acts  into  execution."  — New  York  Constitutional  Gazette, 
Dec.  16, 1775. 

1  The  citation  in  the  text  is  copied  from  the  Address  as  printed  in  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Packet"  of  Dec.  4,  1775. 


468  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

teenth  of  April  the  growth  of  the  measure  was  steady. 
As  early  as  October  it  was  a  favorite  in  the  camp  around 
Boston.1  The  press  of  New  England  then  circulated  glow- 
ing appeals  in  its  support.2  Before  the  close  of  the  year  the 
great  step  was  more  widely  advocated.  In  North  Carolina, 
a  writer,  criticising  severely  the  action  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Assembly,  reasoned,  that,  "  to  become  a  happy,  wealthy, 
powerful,  and  respectable  people,"  it  was  necessary  to  declare 
"  an  immediate  independency,  and  open  the  ports  to  every 
European  power  except  Great  Britain." 3  Almost  simul- 
taneously a  writer  in  Massachusetts  urged  that  "  the  con- 
curring circumstances  in  divine  Providence  make  it  a  present 
duty,  for  laying  the  foundations  of  well-being  for  many  gen- 
erations," that  "  The  United  Colonies  "  form  themselves 
into  "  an  independent  constitution,  or  republic  state."4  One 
writer  in  Virginia  argued  that  the  time  had  come  to  cut  the 
Gordian  knot  that  bound  the  colonies  to  Great  Britain,5  and 
another  recommended  the  formation  of  "  what  might  be 
called  the  Constitution  of  the  United  English  Colonies." 

In  the  beginning  of  the  memorable  year  seventeen  hundred 
and  seventy-six  there  was  a  public  opinion  in  favor  of  inde- 
pendence in  New  England,  and  but  little  more  than  individual 
preferences  for  it  in  the  Middle  or  Southern  Colonies.  On 
New  Year's  Day  Washington  for  the  first  time  unfurled  the 
Flag  of  the  Thirteen  Stripes  as  the  flag  of  the  United 
Colonies.  To  array  this  flag,  as  the  symbol  of  national 
power,  against  the  far-famed  banner  of  Saint  George,  involved 
great  labor.  It  required  time  and  patience  to  encourage  the 
timid,  to  instruct  the  unenlightened,  and  above  all  to  sur- 
mount prejudice.  So  deeply  seated  was  the  affection  for  the 

1  Dr.  Jeremy  Belknap  visited  the  camp  in  October,  and  in  his  journal  of  the  19th 
says:  "I  found  that  the  plan  of  independence  was  become  a  favorite  point  in  the 
army,  and  that  it  was  offensive  to  pray  for  the  king."  —  Life,  p.  92. 

2  See  citations  above,  p.  452. 

3  A  British  American,  Dec.  28,  1775,  in  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  iv.  470. 

4  Johannes  in  Eremo,  dated  Jan.  1,  1776,  in  "Essex  Gazette." 

5  Article  in  "Virginia  Gazette"  of  January  and  "New-England  Chronicle"  of 
February  1. 


BIRTH   OP  THE  NATION  469 

mother  country,  that  it  required  all  the  severe  acts  of  war 
directed  by  an  inexorable  ministry  and  the  fierce  words  from 
the  throne  to  be  made  fully  known  throughout  America, 
before  the  majority  of  the  people  could  be  persuaded  to 
renounce  their  allegiance  and  assume  the  sovereignty. 

Jefferson  says  that  Samuel  Adams  was  constantly  holding 
caucuses  of  distinguished  men,  in  which  the  measures  to  be 
pursued  were  generally  determined  upon,  and  their  several 
parts  were  assigned  to  the  actors  who  afterwards  appeared 
in  them ; l  but  he  does  not  give  the  dates  of  these  consulta- 
tions, or  the  names  (with  the  exception  of  Richard  Henry 
Lee)  of  the  persons  who  attended  them,  nor  tell  precisely 
what  was  done  there.  He  ascribed  great  influence  to  Samuel  if 
Adams  in  promoting  the  Revolution.  His  labors  in  the  cause  I 
had  been  for  years  so  unremitting,  that  it  may  be  justly  said  I 
of  him,  "  His  feet  were  ever  in  the  stirrup,  his  lance  ever  in 
its  rest."  A  goodly  band  were  now  with  him  in  urging  the 
measure  of  independence.  A  contemporary  happily  re- 
marks :  "  For  a  nation  to  be  born,  it  required  all  the  mighty 
efforts  of  those  bold,  wise,  and  noble-minded  statesmen  who 
adorned  this  era  in  the  annals  of  their  country."  2 

The  popular  leaders  who  are  found  earliest  identified 
with  independence  are  Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  Joseph 
Hawley,  Elbridge  Gerry,  James  Sullivan,  and  James  War- 
ren, of  Massachusetts ;  Matthew  Thornton,  of  New  Hamp- 
shire ;  Nathaniel  Greene  and  Samuel  Ward,  of  Rhode 
Island ;  Benjamin  Rush  and  Benjamin  Franklin,  of  Penn- 
sylvania ;  Thomas  McKean,  of  Delaware ;  Samuel  Chase, 
of  Maryland ;  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George  Wythe,  Patrick 
Henry,  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  George  Washington,  of  Vir- 
ginia ;  Cornelius  Harnett,  of  North  Carolina  ;  and  Chris- 
topher Gadsden,  of  South  Carolina.  It  is  remarkable  that 
the  popular  instinct  kept  so  true  to  the  cluster  of  Revo- 
lutionary statesmen.  This  remark  is  applicable  not  only  to 

1  Randall's  Life  of  Jefferson,  i.  182. 

2  Eliot's  Biographical  Dictionary,  13 


470  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  band  of  patriots  just  enumerated,  but  to  others  also 
whose  names  are  household  words.  Through  the  entire 
struggle,  the  people  sought  out,  held  fast  to,  and  rallied 
around  greatness  and  virtue,  and  made  these  qualities  sub- 
serve the  public  good.  No  outpourings  of  obloquy,  no  thick- 
ening peril,  shook  this  noble  trust.  No  gusts  of  feeling 
from  temporary  reverses  moved  them  to  seek  new  guides ; 
but  as  dangers  multiplied,  confidence  strengthened.  And 
so  it  was  that  out  of  rare  public  virtue  grew  our  great  repub- 
lican government. 

One  of  the  earliest  advocates  for  a  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence was  Nathaniel  Greene,  a  noble  representative  of 
the  sentiment  of  the  army  around  Boston.  Besides  previous 
suggestion,  he  wrote  on  the  4th  of  January:  "Permit  me 
to  recommend  from  the  sincerity  of  my  heart,  ready  at  all 
times  to  bleed  in  my  country's  cause,  a  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, and  call  upon  the  world,  and  the  great  God  who 
governs  it,  to  witness  the  necessity,  propriety,  and  rectitude 
thereof.  My  worthy  friend,  the  interests  of  mankind  hang 
upon  that  truly  worthy  body  of  which  you  are  a  member. 
You  stand  the  representatives  not  of  America  only,  but  of 
the  whole  world,  the  friends  of  liberty  and  the  supporters 
of  the  rights  of  human  nature.  How  will  posterity,  millions 
yet  unborn,  bless  the  memory  of  those  brave  patriots  who 
are  now  hastening  the  consummation  of  truth,  freedom,  and 
religion!"1  Three  days  later  (January  7}  Samuel  Adams, 
urging  not  only  independence,  but  confederation,  wrote  :  "It 
[confederation]  is  not  dead,  but  sleepeth.  While  I  am  writ- 
ing, an  express  has  come  in  that  the  ships-of-war  were  can- 
nonnading  Norfolk.  This  will  prevail  more  than  a  long  train 
of  reasoning  to  accomplish  a  confederation,  and  other  matters 
which  I  know  your  heart  as  well  as  mine  is  much  set  upon."  2 

1  Greene's  entire  letter,  dated  from  the  camp  on  Prospect  Hill,  and  addressed  to 
Samuel  Ward,  member  of  Congress,  is  in  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  iv.  572.     He 
had  written  to  William  B.  Greene,  Dec.  20,  1775,  "  We  are  now  driven  to  the  neces- 
sity of  making  a  declaration  of  independence." 

2  Letter  to  James  Warren,  MS. 


BIRTH   OP  THE  NATION.  471 

On  receiving  the  king's  speech,  he  wrote:  "The  tyrant!  his 
speech  breathes  the  most  malevolent  spirit.  ...  I  have 
heard  that  he  is  his  own  minister :  why,  then,  should  we  cast 
the  odium  of  distressing  mankind  upon  his  minions  ?  Guilt 
must  lie  at  his  door :  divine  vengeance  will  fall  on  his 
head." 1  On  seeing  the  instructions  of  the  town  of  Ports- 
mouth, he  wrote :  "  What  have  we  to  expect  from  Britain 
but  chains  and  slavery  ?  I  hope  we  shall  act  the  part  which 
the  great  law  of  Nature  points  out.  It  is  high  time  that  we 
should  assume  that  character  which,  I  am  sorry  to  find,  the 
capital  of  your  colony  has  publicly  and  expressly  disavowed. 
It  is  my  most  fervent  prayer  to  a  mighty  God  that  He  would 
direct  and  prosper  the  councils  of  America,  inspire  her  armies 
with  true  courage,  .  .  .  and  lead  them  on  to  victory  and 
triumph."2  Washington  soon  urged  shaking  off  the  connec- 
tion with  Great  Britain,  using  words  "  as  clear  as  the  sun  in 
its  meridian  brightness."  3 

One  of  these  pioneers,  Benjamin  Rush,  a  physician  of  cul- 
ture and  public  spirit,  was  much  pleased  with  a  piece  in 
favor  of  the  abolition  ol  slavery,  written  by  Thomas  Paine, 
an  Englishman.  Bred  in  a  Quaker  family,  on  being  dis- 
missed, at  nearly  forty  years  of  age,  from  his  office  of 
exciseman,  Paine  emigrated  to  America.  He  arrived  here 
in  December,  1774,  bearing  a  letter  from  Franklin,  which 
procured  him  employment,  first  in  the  service  of  a  book- 
seller, and  soon  after  as  editor  of  the  "  Pennsylvania  Maga- 
zine." Imbued  with  the  republican  ideas  of  Milton  and 
Sidney,  though  without  the  elevation  of  their  reverence  and 
Christian  faith,  he  became  convinced  of  the  justice  and  great- 
ness of  the  American  cause,  which,  he  said,  "in  a  great 
measure  was  the  cause  of  all  mankind."  Rush  having 

1  Letter  quoted  by  Bancroft,  viii.  242. 

2  Letter  to  General  James  Sullivan,  Jan.  12,  1776,  MS.    On  the  subject  of  the 
New-Hampshire  instructions,  Samuel  Adams,  Jan.  12  and  15,  wrote  to  John  Adams, 
who  was  then  at  Braintree,  "I  wish,  if  it  be  not  too  late,  that  you  would  write  your 
sentiments,"  &c.  — John  Adams's  Works,  ix.  371. 

8  Sparks's  Writings  of  Washington,  iii.  286. 


472  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

called  on  him,  and  suggested  that  he  should  prepare  a  work 
on  separation,  he  forthwith  began  to  write,  and  as  he  pro- 
ceeded, read  the  sheets  to  his  adviser:  they  were  also 
submitted  to  Franklin  and  Samuel  Adams.  The  work,  at 
the  further  suggestion  of  Rush  entitled  "Common  Sense,"1 
was  published  on  the  9th  of  January,  in  a  pamphlet  of  forty- 
four  pages,  announcing  itself  as  "  written  by  an  English- 
man," and  "  addressed  to  the  inhabitants  of  America." 

The  matter  is  arranged  under  the  four  heads  "  Of  the 
origin  and  design  of  government  in  general,  with  concise 
remarks  on  the  English  Constitution  "  ;  "  Of  monarchy  and 
hereditary  succession"  ;  "Thoughts  on  the  present  state  of 
military  affairs  "  ;  and  "  Of  the  present  ability  of  America, 
with  some  miscellaneous  reflections."  The  portion  on  Gov- 
ernment has  little  of  permanent  value,  the  glance  at  the 
English  Constitution  is  superficial,  and  the  attack  on  Mon- 
archy is  coarse.  This  division  commences  with  affirming 
that  mankind  were  originally  equals  in  the  order  of  creation. 
The  treatment  of  the  American  question,  under  the  two  last 
heads,  gave  the  pamphlet  its  celebrity. 

The  following  selections  from  "  Common  Sense  "  may 
serve  to  show  how  it  presented  the  American  race,  their 
union,  their  call  to  take  independent  rank  as  a  nation,  and 
their  duty  to  establish  a  general  government. 

"  I  offer  nothing  more  than  simple  facts,  plain  arguments, 
and  common  sense.  The  period  of  debate  is  closed.  Arms, 
as  the  last  recourse,  decide  the  contest.  The  appeal  was  the 
choice  of  the  king,  and  the  continent  hath  accepted  the  chal- 
lenge." 

"  The   sun  never  shined  on  a  cause   of  greater   worth. 

1  Benjamin  Rush  to  James  Cheetham,  July  17,  1809.  Cheetham's  Life  of  Paine, 
34.  Rush  says:  "I  called  upon  Mr.  Paine,  and  suggested  to  him  the  propriety  of 
preparing  our  citizens  for  a  perpetual  separation  of  our  country  from  Great  Britain, 
by  means  of  a  work  of  such  length  as  would  obviate  all  the  objections  to  it.  He  seized 
the  idea  with  avidity,  and  immediately  began  his  famous  pamphlet  in  favor  of  that 
measure.  He  read  the  sheets  to  me  at  my  house,  as  he  composed  them.  I  advised 
him  to  put  them  into  the  hands  of  Dr.  Franklin,  Samuel  Adams,  and  the  late  Judge 
Wilson." 


BIRTH   OP  THE   NATION.  473 

'Tis  not  the  affair  of  a  city,  a  county,  a  province,  or  a  king- 
dom, but  of  a  continent,  —  of  at  least  one-eighth  part  of  the 
habitable  globe.  "Pis  not  the  concern  of  a  day,  a  year,  or 
an  age :  posterity  are  virtually  involved  in  the  contest,  and 
will  be  more  or  less  affected,  even  to  the  end  of  time,  by  the 
proceedings  now.  Now  is  the  seed-time  of  continental 
union,  faith,  and  honor.  The  least  fracture  now  will  be  like 
a  name  engraved  with  the  point  of  a  pin  on  the  tender  rind 
of  a  young  oak :  the  wound  will  enlarge  with  the  tree,  and 
posterity  read  it  in  full-grown  characters." 

"  By  referring  the  matter  from  argument  to  arms,  a  new 
era  for  politics  is  struck,  a  new  method  of  thinking  has 
arisen.  All  plans,  proposals,  &c.,  prior  to  the  19th  of  April,  — 
i.e.,  to  the  commencement  of  hostilities, — are  like  the  alma- 
nacs of  the  last  year,  which,  though  proper  then,  are  super- 
seded and  useless  now." 

"  Britain  is  the  parent  country,  say  some.  Then  the  more 
shame  for  her  conduct.  Europe,  not  England,  is  the  parent 
country  of  America.  This  New  World  hath  been  the  asylum 
for  the  persecuted  lovers  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  from 
every  part  of  Europe.  The  same  tyranny  which  drove  the 
first  emigrants  from  home  pursues  their  descendants  still. 
We  claim  brotherhood  with  every  European  Christian,  and 
triumph  in  the  generosity  of  the  sentiment." 

"  I  challenge  the  warmest  advocate  for  reconciliation  to 
shew  a  single  advantage  that  this  continent  can  reap  by 
being  connected  with  Great  Britain.  Everything  that  is 
right  or  reasonable  pleads  for  separation.  The  blood  of  the 
slain,  the  weeping  voice  of  Nature  cries,  'Tis  time  to  part. 
Even  the  distance  at  which  the  Almighty  hath  placed  Eng- 
land and  America  is  a  strong  and  natural  proof  that  the 
authority  of  the  one  over  the  other  was  never  the  design  of 
Heaven.  Men  of  passive  tempers  look  somewhat  lightly  over 
the  offences  of  Britain,  and,  still  hoping  for  the  best,  are  apt 
to  call  out, '  Come,  come !  we  shall  be  friends  again  for  all 
his.'  But  examine  the  passions  and  feelings  of  mankind, 


474  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

bring  the  doctrine  of  reconciliation  to  the  touchstone  of 
Nature,  and  then  tell  me  whether  you  can  hereafter  love, 
honor,  and  faithfully  serve  the  power  that  hath  carried  fire 
and  sword  into  your  land?  If  you  cannot  do  all  these,  then 
are  you  only  deceiving  yourselves,  and  by  your  delay  bring- 
ing ruin  on  posterity.  But  if  you  say  you  can  pass  the 
violations  over,  then  I  ask,  Hath  your  house  been  burnt  ? 
hath  your  property  been  destroyed  before  your  face  ?  have 
you  lost  a  parent  or  child  by  their  hands,  and  yourself  the 
ruined  and  wretched  survivor  ?  If  you  have  not,  then  you 
are  not  a  judge  of  those  who  have.  But  if  you  have,  and  can 
still  shake  hands  with  the  murderer,  then  are  you  unworthy 
the  name  of  husband,  father,  friend,  or  lover ;  and,  whatever 
may  be  your  rank  and  title  in  life,  you  have  the  heart  of  a 
coward  and  the  spirit  of  a  sycophant.  Tis  not  in  the  power 
of  England  or  of  Europe  to  conquer  America,  if  she  doth  not 
conquer  herself  by  delay  and  timidity.  The  present  winter 
is  worth  an  age,  if  rightly  employed, — but  if  lost  or  neglected, 
the  whole  continent  will  partake  of  the  misfortune." 

"  But  the  most  powerful  of  all  arguments  is,  that  nothing 
but  independence — i.e.,  a  continental  form  of  government  — 
can  keep  the  peace  of  the  continent,  and  preserve  it  inviolate 
from  civil  wars.  The  general  temper  of  the  colonies  toward 
a  British  government  will  be  like  that  of  a  youth  who  is 
nearly  out  of  his  time :  they  will  care  very  little  about  her. 
And  a  government  that  cannot  preserve  the  peace  is  no 
government  at  all.  I  have  heard  some  men  say  that  they 
dreaded  independence,  fearing  that  it  would  produce  civil 
wars.  The  colonies  have  manifested  such  a  spirit  of  good 
order  and  obedience  to  continental  government  as  is  sufficient 
to  make  every  reasonable  person  easy  and  happy  on  that 
head.  If  there  is  any  true  cause  for  fear  respecting  inde- 
pendence, it  is  because  no  plan  is  yet  laid  down.  As  there 
is  a  peculiar  delicacy  from  whom  or  in  what  manner  this 
business  must  first  arise,  let  a  continental  conference  be 
held.  Let  their  business  be  to  frame  a  continental  charter, 


BIRTH  OF,  THE  NATION.  475 

or  charter  of  the  United  Colonies  (answering  to  what  is 
called  the  Magna  Charta  of  England),  fixing  the  number 
and  manner  of  choosing  members  of  Congress,  members  of 
Assembly,  with  their  date  of  sitting,  and  drawing  the  line  of 
business  and  jurisdiction  between  them  ;  alway  remembering 
that  our  strength  and  happiness  is  continental,  not  provin- 
cial ;  securing  freedom  and  property  to  all  men,  and,  above 
all  things,  the  free  exercise  of  religion  according  to  the  dic- 
tates of  conscience." 

"  All  men  allow  the  measure,  and  vary  only  in  their  opin- 
ion of  the  time.  The  time  hath  found  us.  The  general 
concurrence,  the  glorious  union  of  all  things,  prove  the  fact. 
'Tis  not  in  numbers,  but  in  unity,  that  our  great  strength 
lies ;  yet  our  present  numbers  are  sufficient  to  repel  the 
force  of  all  the  world.  Debts  we  have  none  ;  and  whatever 
we  may  contract  on  this  account  will  serve  as  a  glorious 
memento  of  our  virtue.  Can  we  but  leave  posterity  with  a 
settled  form  of  government,  an  independent  constitution  of 
its  own,  the  purchase  at  any  price  will  be  cheap.  Nothing 
but  continental  authority  can  regulate  continental  matters. 
Youth  is  the  seed-time  of  good  habits,  as  well  in  nations  as 
in  individuals.  It  might  be  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to 
form  the  continent  into  one  government  half  a  century 
hence.  The  vast  variety  of  interests  occasioned  by  an  in- 
crease of  trade  and  population  would  create  confusion. 
Colony  would  be  against  colony.  Each  being  able  would 
scorn  the  other's  assistance  ;  and  while  the  proud  and  foolish 
gloried  in  their  little  distinctions,  the  wise  would  lament 
that  the  union  had  not  been  formed  before.  Wherefore  tho 
present  time  is  the  true  time  to  establish  it.  The  present 
time,  likewise,  is  that  peculiar  time  which  never  happens 
to  a  nation  but  once  in  the  time  of  forming  itself  into  a 
government." 

"  Under  our  present  denomination  of  British  subjects," 
are  the  closing  words,  "  we  can  neither  be  received  nor  heard 
abroad :  the  custom  of  all  courts  is  against  us,  and  will  be 


476  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

so  until  by  an  independence  we  take  rank  with  other  na- 
tions. These  proceedings  may  at  first  appear  strange  and 
difficult,  but,  like  all  other  steps  which  we  have  passed  over, 
will  in  a  little  time  become  familiar  and  agreeable  ;  and 
until  independence  is  declared,  the  continent  will  feel  itself 
like  a  man  who  continues  putting  off  some  unpleasant  busi- 
ness from  day  to  day,  yet  knows  it  must  be  done,  hates  to 
set  about  it,  wishes  it  over,  and  is  continually  haunted  with 
the  thoughts  of  its  necessity." 

However  crude  may  be  the  conception  both  of  local  and 
general  constitutions,  the  presentation  of  the  argument  for 
independence  was  strong.  The  author  wrote  in  a  plain  and 
nervous  style,  and  used  homely  and  even  coarse  illustra- 
tions. He  had  a  genius  for  handling  the  "  torch  for  burn- 
ing," and  there  is  a  wild  fire  in  his  work.  It  was  read  by  a 
people  prepared  to  listen  to  a  plea  addressed  through  their 
lacerated  feelings  to  their  manhood.  Never  was  a  political 
appeal  more  generally  welcomed  or  more  cordially  indorsed. 
Edition  upon  edition  was  called  for.  "It  did  wonders, 
worked  miracles."  "  Thousands,"  says  Ramsay,  "  were 
converted  by  it,  and  were  led  to  long  for  a  separation  from 
the  mother  country."  1 

1  "Common  Sense,  written  by  an  Englishman,"  was  advertised  in  the  "Penn- 
sylvania Evening  Post"  of  Jan.  9,  1776,  as  published  that  day  by  Robert  Bell, 
Third  Street,  Philadelphia.  On  the  20th  Bell  advertised  a  new  edition,  in  subsequent 
advertisements  termed  the  second.  The  words  "written  by  an  Englishman"  are 
left  out  in  this  edition.  On  the  17th  of  February  he  announced  "Additions  to 
Common  Sense,"  on  the  20th  advertised  as  "Large  Additions."  Two  of  these, 
signed  "Candidus"  and  "Sincerus,"  were  written  by  Samuel  Adams,  and  copied 
from  the  newspapers.  The  third  edition,  also  printed  by  Bell,  has  the  following  title- 
page:  "Common  Sense:  with  the  Whole  Appendix:  the  Address  to  the  Quakers: 
also  the  Large  Additions,  and  a  Dialogue  between  the  Ghost  of  General  Montgomery 
just  arrived  from  the  Elysian  Fields  and  an  American  Delegate,  in  a  Wood  near 
Philadelphia,  on  the  Grand  Subject  of  American  Independency.  Philadelphia.  Sold 
by  R.  Bell,  1776."  pp.  147.  The  Dialogue  at  the  end  makes  sixteen  pages,  and 
is  furnished  with  a  separate  title-page  which  serves  also  for  a  cover  to  this  piece  in  a 
separate  pamphlet. 

Meantime,  on  the  25th  of  January  W.  &  T.  Bradford  announce  the  preparation 
of  a  new  edition  of  "Common  Sense,"  "with  large  and  interesting  additions  by  the 
Author,  as  will  be  expressed  at  the  time  of  publication,  among  which  will  be  a 
seasonable  and  friendly  admonition  to  the  people  called  Quakers.'  They  state  that 


BIRTH    OP  THE  NATION.  477 

The  great  question  was  now  discussed  at  every  fireside, 
and  the  favorite  toast  at  every  dinner-table  was,  "  May  the 
independent  principles  of  '  Common  Sense '  be  confirmed 
throughout  the  United  Colonies."  1  It  was  pronounced  over 
the  remains  of  Warren,  that  his  spirit  forbade  a  continuance 
of  the  connection  with  a  country  which  had  forfeited  every 
claim  of  kindred.2  It  was  declared  as  the  voice  of  Mont- 
gomery, that  God  did  not  awaken  the  attention  of  all 
Europe,  of  the  whole  world,  nay,  of  angels  themselves,  to 
the  present  controversy,  without  a  purpose ;  that  the  country 
teemed  with  patriots,  heroes,  and  legislators  impatient  to 
burst  into  light,  and  that  the  decree  had  gone  forth  that 
Great  Britain  and  America  were  distinct  empires.3  It  was 
said  to  a  people  trained  under  Christian  influences,  who 

"several  hundreds  are  already  bespoke,  one  thousand  for  Virginia";  also  that 
a  German  edition  was  in  press.  This  advertisement  had  a  card,  addressed  "To  the 
Public,"  stating  that  the  publisher  of  the  first  edition  was  expressly  directed  by  the 
author  not  to  proceed  to  issue  a  new  one.  This  was  the  beginning  of  an  angry 
paper  war  between  the  two  parties.  On  the  20th  of  February  the  edition  announced 
by  Bradford  was  advertised  as  follows:  "  The  new  edition  of  '  Common  Sense,'  with 
additions  and  improvements  in  the  body  of  the  work :  to  which  is  added  an  appendix 
and  an  address  to  the  people  called  Quakers.  N.B.  The  additions  which  are  here 
given  amount  to  upwards  of  one-third  of  any  former  edition."  This  is  a  pamphlet 
of  fifty  pages.  It  has  the  following  P.S. :  "  The  publication  of  this  new  edition  hath 
been  delayed,  with  a  view  of  taking  notice  (had  it  been  necessary)  of  any  at- 
tempt to  refute  the  doctrine  of  Independence.  As  no  answer  hath  yet  appeared, 
it  is  now  presumed  that  none  will;  the  time  needful  for  getting  such  a  performance' 
ready  for  the  public  being  considerably  past.  Who  the  author  of  this  production  is 
is  wholly  unnecessary  to  the  public,  as  the  object  of  attention  is  the  doctrine,  not  the 
man.  Yet  it  may  not  be  unnecessary  to  say,  that  he  is  unconnected  with  any  party, 
and  under  no  sort  of  influence,  public  or  private,  but  the  influence  of  reason  and 
principle."  Philadelphia,  Feb.  14,  1776.  An  answer,  "Plain  Truth,"  was  adver- 
tised in  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post  "  of  March  14. 

"  Common  Sense"  was  reprinted,  in  1776,  in  Boston,  Salem,  Newburyport,  Provi- 
dence, Newport,  Norwich,  New  York,  Charleston,  copies  of  these  several  editions 
being  still  extant  in  libraries  in  Massachusetts.  It  was  probably  reprinted  in  other 
places.  It  was  reprinted  in  London,  and  extracts  from  it  are  in  the  "  London 
Chronicle  "  of  May  30, 1776.  The  Additions  also  were  reprinted,  and  one  side  of  the 
issue  of  that  journal  of  June  29  is  filled  with  extracts  from  them.  It  was  printed 
in  1776  in  Edinburgh.  In  1792,  an  edition  in  London  is  called  the  ninth.  It  was 
reprinted  in  1817.  Chasms  occur  in  the  English  editions,  as  the  reflections  on  the 
king  and  government  could  not  have  been  printed  without  hazard.  It  was  reprinted 
likewise  in  France. 

1  New-England  Chronicle. 

2  Oration  by  Perez  Morton,  April  8,  1776.  8  Paine's  Dialogue. 


478  THE   KTSE    OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

habitually  looked  upward  in  every  form  of  supplication,  that 
the  spirit  which  actuated  the  United  Colonies  "was  as  much 
from  God  as  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Ghost  on  the  day  of 
Pentecost,  and  was  introductory  to  something  great  and 
good  to  mankind."  1 

The  issue  was  of  a  nature  to  rouse  passion,  alarm  wealth, 
and  stir  society  to  its  depths.  In  each  colony,  the  friends 
and  opponents  of  independence,  animated  at  times  by  intem- 
perate as  well  as  by  judicious  zeal,  hurled  against  each  other 
the  usual  weapons  of  partisan  strife,  poisoned  by  the  hatred 
and  revenge  engendered  by  civil  war.  With  the  Whigs  it 
was  not  yet  a  test  question,  and  they  were  divided  on  it : 
while  the  political  leaders  advocating  it  were  uniformly 
veterans  in  their  ranks.  The  Tories,  of  course,  vehemently 
opposed  independence ;  while  Whigs,  held  in  the  highest 
regard  took  the  character  of  conservatives,  and  were  recog- 
nized by  those  of  the  opposite  party  as  their  leaders  on  this 
question.  These  strange  affinities,  and  the  fearful  rising  of 
the  political  waves,  became  a  source  of  painful  anxiety. 
Washington  expressed  deep  concern  lest  the  prevailing 
divisions  and  parties  should  prove  the  ruin  of  the  American 
cause.2  The  divisions,  however,  were  not  geographical. 
They  did  not  grow  out  of  provincial  or  temporary  questions. 
They  concerned  the  rights  of  human  nature,  as  well  as  the 
question  of  American  independence,  and  formed  the  basis 
for  a  noble  homogeneity  ;  and  the  intermingling  in  each  of 
the  thirteen  colonies  of  the  adherents  of  two  great  parties, 
devoted  to  the  cause  they  mutually  supported,  and  placing 
its  fortunes  uppermost,  served  to  lift  their  thoughts  and 
affections  from  things  merely  provincial,  to  concentrate 


1  Article  in  the  "New-England  Chronicle." 

2  Letter  to  Joseph  Reed,  April  15,  1776.    He  writes:  "I  am  exceedingly  con- 
cerned to  hear  of  the  divisions  and  parties  which  prevail  with  you,  and  in  the 
Southern  colonies,  on  the  score  of  independence.  .  .  .  Nothing  but  disunion  can  hurt 
our  cause.     This  will  ruin  it,  if  great  prudence,  temper,  and  moderation  are  not 
mixed  in  our  councils,  and  made  the  governing  principle  of  the  contending  parties.'' 
—  Sparks's  Washington,  iii.  357. 


BIRTH   OF  THE  NATION.  479 

them  on  vital  ideas,  and  to  unite  them  in  the  bonds  of  a 
common  sentiment  and  object.  In  the  case  of  the  Whigs, 
the  very  intensity  of  the  feeling  on  so  grand  an  issue  as 
independence,  tended  to  ennoble  and  strengthen  their  union. 
"The  Republicans  are  the  nation/'  remarked  Jefferson ;  and 
this  may  be  designated  as  the  period  during  which  a  people 
of  living  faith  in  the  republican  idea  were  determining  to  be 
a  nation. 

The  contemporary  authorities  relating  to  the  growth  of 
the  national  sentiment  become  now  of  peculiar  interest.  I 
have  examined  much  of  this  material  in  manuscript  and  in 
print.  I  have  not  met,  down  to  this  date,  the  proposal  by  a 
Whig  to  decree  the  existence  of  thirteen  nations,  or  to  seek 
refuge  in  a  monarchy  or  in  imperialism,  much  less  to  hawk 
about  an  offer  of  American  sovereignty  among  foreign 
powers.1  The  purpose  uniformly  expressed  is,  to  rely  on 
the  resolution  and  virtue  of  thirteen  free  communities,  their 
power  if  united,  and  their  ability  to  bind  their  union  with 
the  cement  of  law  and  government. 

A  few  citations  may  serve  to  show  the  political  aim  and 
tone.  In  by  far  the  most  famous  publication  of  the  time, 
"  Common  Sense,"  it  was  urged  that  nothing  short  of  a 
continental  government  could  insure  domestic  peace ;  and 
this  publication  was  indorsed  by  zealous  Whigs  from  Massa- 
chusetts to  the  Carolinas.2  A  New- York  writer,  in  enforcing 

1  Governor  Pownal,  Dec.  2,  1777,  in  a  speech  in  the  House  of  Commons,  said 
of  the  Americans:    "They  are  determined  to  maintain  their  independence  at  all 
events.     The  Dutch,  in  their  distress,  hawked  about  the  offer  of  the  sovereignty  of 
their  country.     They  offered  it  to  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  they  offered  it  to  Henry  the 
Third  of  France,  they  offered  it  to  Elizabeth  of  England;  but  the  Americans  will 
never  offer  that  of  their  country  to  any  power  on  earth.''     This  was  printed  in  the 
"London  General  Advertiser,"  Dec.  6,  1777. 

2  A  note  on  page  476  contains  statements  relating  to  the  editions  of  "  Common 
Sense."     The  evidence  of  its  effect  is  abundant.    A  few  extracts  will  show  how  it 
was  received  in  different  sections  of  the  country:  — 

"  New-England  Chronicle,"  of  March  28,  1776,  copies  the  appendix  to  "  Common 
Sense,"  written  by  Paine,  with  the  following  remarks:  "The  public  in  general 
having  read,  and  (excepting  a  few  timid  Whigs  and  disguised  Tories)  loudly 
applauded  that  truly  excellent  pamphlet,  entitled  '  Common  Sense,'  our  readers  will 
doubtless  be  pleased  with  the  following  appendix,"  &c.  The  "  Boston  Gazette," 


480  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  importance  of  establishing  government  local  and  general, 
regarded  the  internal  polity  of  the  colonies  so  different,  that 
uniformity  among  them  in  this  matter  could  not  be  expected ; 
"  though,"  he  said,  "  it  would  be  happy  if  they  might  agree 
in  all  essential  particulars,  as  it  would  tend  to  cement  their 
union  and  make  them  coalesce  as  one  continental  body 
politic."  And  he  urged  that  each  colony  should  be  left  to 
form  its  own  internal  polity,  but  that  there  should  be  "  a 
solemn  stipulation  or  confederation  of  all  the  colonies,  to 
endure  until  time  shall  be  no  more."  l  A  Virginian  rea- 
soned that,  unless  Great  Britain  repealed  the  obnoxious  acts 
and  reimbursed  America  for  her  losses,  the  war  ought  to  go 
on  until  the  colonies  were  acknowledged  a  free  and  independ- 
ent republic.2  One  member  of  the  convention  of  this 
colony  argued  that,  if  any  government  were  formed,  it 
should  be  the  best  that  could  be  obtained ; 3  another,  that 

April  29,  1776,  has  the  following:  "Had  the  spirit  of  prophecy  directed  the  birth  of 
a  publication,  it  could  not  have  fallen  upon  a  more  fortunate  period  than  the  time  in 
which  '  Common  Sense '  made  its  appearance.  The  minds  of  men  are  now  swal- 
lowed up  in  attention  to  an  object  the  most  momentous  and  important  that  ever  yet 
employed  the  deliberations  of  a  people." 

New  York,  March  22.  "A  pamphlet  entitled  'Common  Sense'  has  converted 
thousands  to  independence  that  could  not  endure  the  idea  before."  — Almon's  Remem- 
brancer, iii.  87.  It  is  stated  in  the  "New-York  Gazette,"  April  8,  that  "the  subject 
of  conversation  throughout  America  for  these  few  weeks  past  hath  been  excited  by  a 
pamphlet  called  'Common  Sense.'  " 

A  Philadelphia  letter  of  March  12  says:  " '  Common  Sense '  is  read  to  all  ranks; 
and  as  many  as  read,  so  many  become  converted;  though  perhaps  the  hour  before 
were  most  violent  against  the  least  idea  of  independence."  —  Almon's  Remem- 
brancer, iii.  31. 

The  "  Pennsylvania  Evening  Post  "  of  Feb.  13, 1776,  contains  a  letter  from  Mary- 
land, dated  February  6,  which  says  :  "If  you  know  the  author  of  Common  Sense,' 
tell  him  he  has  done  wonders  and  worked  miracles,  made  Tories  Whigs,  and  washed 
blackamores  white.  He  has  made  a  great  number  of  converts  here."  The  same 
paper  of  March  26  contains  a  letter  dated  Charleston,  February  14,  which  says :  ' '  Who 
is  the  author  of  '  Common  Sense '  ?  I  can  scarce  refrain  from  adoring  him.  He 
deserves  a  statue  of  gold."  A  letter  dated  Georgetown,  South  Carolina,  March  17, 
1776,  says:  '"Common  Sense'  hath  made  independents  of  the  majority  of  the  coun- 
try, and  Gadsden  is  as  mad  with  it  as  he  ever  was  without  it  "  — Proceedings  of 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  1869, 1870,  254. 

1  This  essay  is  dated  March  21,  1776.     Force's  American  Archives,  4th  Series, 
v.  450. 

2  A  planter,  April  6,  1776..     Ibid.,  798. 

8  Letter  dated  Feb.  25,  1776,  he  writes:  "  Some  people  among  us  seem  alarmed 


BIRTH   OF   THE   NATION.  481 

a  uniform  plan  prepared  by  Congress  and  approved  by  the 
colonies  "  would  be  a  surer  foundation  for  harmony  than 
for  each  colony  to  form  its  own  government."  l  A  Connec- 
ticut writer  said,  that  an  American  state  or  empire  was 
much  talked  of,  which  was  to  be  formed  of  colonies  heretofore 
independent  of  each  other ;  and  was  in  favor  of  a  "  con- 
federation, covenant,  or  compact,"  limiting  "  the  power  of 
their  head  or  congress,"  without  infringing  the  rights  of  any. 
He  thought  that  with  a  declaration  of  independence,  such  a 
covenant  would  be  as  necessary  as  their  political  existence.2 
A  Philadelphia  writer,  in  an  elaborate  essay,  averred  that  the 
true  principles  of  republicanism  were  so  well  understood, 
and  the  mode  of  conducting  such  government  so  simple,  and 
America  so  fit  for  its  reception,  that  it  would  be  easy  to  form  a 
plan  for  the  United  Colonies  which  "would  as  much  exceed 
any  now  existing  as  the  British  Constitution  does  that  of 
Caifraria ;  "  and  he  could  not  help  cherishing  a  secret  hope 
that  "  God  had  destined  America  to  form  the  last  and  best 
plan  that  could  possibly  exist,  and  that  He  would  gradually 
carry  those  who  had  been  long  under  the  galling  yoke  of 
tyranny  in  every  other  quarter  of  the  globe  into  the  bosom 
of  perfect  liberty  and  freedom  in  America."  3 

Franklin  alone  of  the  popular  leaders  submitted  to  Con 
gress  a  plan  for  a  confederation.4  Others,  however,  ex 

at  the  idea  of  independence,  while  they  support  measures  and  propose  plans 
that  comprehend  the  spirit  of  it.  ...  Are  we  not  criminal  in  the  sight  of  Britain  for 
what  we  have  done.  ...  If  we  institute  any  government,  let  it  be  the  best  we  can. 
We  shall  as  certainly  be  hanged  fora  bad  as  for  a  good  one;  for  they  will  allow 
nothing  for  the  waverings  of  filial  tenderness." — Pennsylvania  Journal,  April  3, 
1776. 

1  Richard  Lee.    John  Adams's  Works,  ix.  374. 

2  This  essay  is  dated  May  9,  1776.    Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  vi.  399. 

8  The  citations  are  from  an  elaborate  article  addressed  "  To  the  People  of  North 
America  on  the  Different  Kinds  of  Government,"  in  the  "  Pennsylvania  Journal "  of 
March  13,  1776,  signed  "  Salus  Populi." 

4  Franklin  in  Januanr  endeavored  to  get  a  day  fixed  for  the  consideration  of  his 
plan  but  he  was  opposed  by  Hooper  and  Dickinson,  and  they  prevailed.  —  Bancroft, 
viii.  245.  One  side  of  the  "  Pennsylvania  Evening  Post "  of  March  5,  1776,  is  filled 
with  "  Proposals  for  a  Confederation  of  the  United  Colonies."  It  contains  seven  arti- 
cles. Taxation  was  to  be  levied  by  the  assemblies.  The  colonies,  by  their  assem- 

31 


482  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

pressed  in  general  terms  their  convictions  of  the  necessity  of 
establishing  a  government.  Samuel  Adams  was  in  favor  of 
forming  "one  government  with  the  consent  of  the  whole, — 
a  distinct  state  composed  of  all  the  colonies,  with  a  common 
legislature  for  great  and  general  purposes."  John  Adams 
stated,  as  the  teaching  of  the  school  of  Milton,  the  proposi- 
tion that  there  was  no  good  government  but  the  republican ; 
and  he  held  that  each  colony  ought  to  mould  its  own  internal 
government,  and  that  the  colonies  ought  to  form  "  a  conti- 
nental constitution  for  the  whole."  Joseph  Hawley,  in  a 
series  of  noble  letters  addressed  to  members  of  the  Con- 
gress, urged  the  formation  of  "  an  American  supreme 
government  wisely  devised  and  designed,  well  established 
and  settled,"  and  suggested  that  there  should  be  a  legis- 
lature with  two  branches ;  remarking  that  "  without  such 
a  government  the  colonies  would  be  always  like  a  rope  of 
sand,  but,  with  this  well  done,  invincible."  Patrick  Henry 
was  in  favor  of  forming  a  confederation  before  making  a 
declaration  of  independence ;  and  John  Dickinson  persisted 
in  maintaining  that  the  formation  of  a  general  government, 
complete  in  all  its  parts,  ought  to  precede  an  assumption  by 
the  people  of  their  station  among  sovereigns. 

The  voluminous  record  thus  glanced  at,  the  anonymous 
utterances  of  the  press,  and  the  general  views  of  distin- 
guished leaders,  may  be  said  to  embody  the  results  of  a 
discussion  of  fundamental  politics  covering  fifteen  years 
(1761-1776)  ;  for  the  intellectual  life  of  the  colonies  during 
this  period  spent  itself  mainly  on  this  noble  theme.  "  There 
had  been  excited,"  a  British  historian  remarks,  "  a  spirit  of 
inquiry  and  discussion  into  the  rights  of  human  nature  and 
society  at  large,  such  as  had  never  been  exceeded,  if  ever 


blies  or  conventions,  were  to  ratify  it  before  it  should  be  valid.  It  is  said,  "  The 
New-England  colonies,  by  many  years'  experience,  found  great  advantages  by 
a  confederation,  in  carrying  on  their  wars  with  the  Indians,  in  treating  with  neigh- 
boring colonies  settled  under  other  States,  and  in  adjusting  and  settling  matters 
among  themselves."  This  is  copied  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  April  22. 


BIETH   OP  THE   NATION.  483 

equalled,  in  any  country  in  Christendom."1  The  results  of 
this  discussion  warrant  the  statement,  that  the  conviction  had 
become  general,  that  the  civilization  which  had  been  planted 
in  America  demanded  for  its  future  a  common  country  ;  and 
that  the  sentiment  of  nationality  and  the  ideal  of  a  repub- 
lican government  were  correlative  in  their  development. 

A  pressure  on  Congress  to  make  a  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence began  in  November,  soon  after  the  circulation  of 
the  memorable  proclamation  of  the  king,  declaring  the 
patriots  in  rebellion ;  but  a  strong  party  opposed  this  step. 
They  had  John  Dickinson  as  their  most  distinguished 
leader,  who  carried  with  him  patriots  of  the  juridical  learn- 
ing of  James  Wilson,  the  culture  and  purity  of  John  Jay, 
the  sturdy  zeal  of  the  Livingstons,  and  the  noble  integrity 
of  Robert  Morris.  This  party  consisted  of  a  few  delegates 
from  New  England,  the  greater  number  from  the  Middle 
Colonies,  and  about  half  of  the  Southern  delegation,  includ- 
ing two  delegates  from  Virginia.  They,  generally,  looked 
upon  the  proposed  step  as  premature ;  Morris  averring  that 
it  would  dissolve  the  Union.  Wilson,  on  receiving  the 
king's  speech  charging  the  Americans  with  aiming  at  inde- 
pendent empire,  moved  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to 
frame  an  address  to  meet  this  allegation.  The  motion 
alarmed  Samuel  Adams.  He  succeeded  in  having  the  sub- 
ject postponed,  though  he  could  not  prevent  a  day  being 
assigned  to  consider  it.2  Wilson  was  not  opposed  to  inde- 
pendence, but  desired  that  the  public  mind  should  first  become 
ripe  for  it,  and  that  the  people  should  confer  on  their  repre- 
sentatives the  power  to  act  on  so  great  a  question.  He 
submitted  (February  13)  an  address  designed  to  prepare  the 
way  for  a  separation.  "  We  deem  it  an  honor,"  are  its 
words,  "  to  have  raised  troops  and  collected  a  naval  force, 
and,  clothed  with  the  authority  of  the  people,  from  whom  all 
legitimate  authority  proceeds,  to  have  exercised  legislative, 

1  Andrews's  History  of  the  War,  ii.  183. 

2  Wells' s  Life  of  Samuel  Adams,  ii.  358. 


484  THE   RISE    OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

executive,  and  judicial  powers.  .  .  Though  an  independent 
empire  is  not  our  wish,  it  may  be  the  fate  of  our  country- 
men. .  .  .  That  the  colonies  may  continue  connected,  as 
they  have  been,  with  Britain,  is  our  second  wish :  our  first 
is,  that  America  may  be  free." 1  The  majority  of  the 
members,  however,  were  opposed  to  any  disclaimer  of  sep- 
aration, and  in  this  probably  reflected  the  public  sentiment. 
The  address  was  withdrawn.  Eight  days  later  Congress 
refused  to  pass  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Doctor  Smith,  the  provost 
of  the  college  in  Philadelphia,  for  his  eulogy  on  General 
Montgomery,  because  he  represented  Congress  to  be  in  favor 
of  continuing  in  a  state  of  dependence  on  Great  Britain.2 
The  party  in  favor  of  independence  had  Samuel  Adams  at 
their  head.  He  had  with  him  nearly  all  the  New-England 
members,  a  few  from  the  Middle  Colonies,  the  greater 
number  from  Virginia,  and  one-half  of  the  other  Southern 
members.3  This  party  received  (February  9)  an  important 
accession  in  the  election  in  Massachusetts  of  Elbridge  Gerry 
in  the  place  of  Gushing.  Gerry  had  long  been  a  zealous, 
trustworthy,  and  efficient  laborer  in  the  cause  at  home,  and 
in  Congress  he  became  a  hearty  co-worker  with  the  Adamses, 
his  life-long  friends. 

The  journals  of  Congress,  during  the  period  from  Decem- 
ber to  June,  consist  mainly  of  records  of  the  military  and 
financial  transactions  which  the  exigencies  of  the  times 
required.  The  powers  exercised  were  revolutionary  in  their 
nature.  Among  the  measures  adopted  were  certain  high 
acts  of  sovereignty,  considered  essential  to  secure  the  object 
for  which  the  Congress  was  called,  —  namely,  the  protection 
of  American  rights ;  and  they  were  justified  on  the  ground 
of  necessity.  These  measures  were  in  the  spirit  of  independ- 
ence, and  led  directly  to  it ;  but  there  is  no  allusion  to  this 
question  in  the  journals. 

1  Rives's  Life  and  Times  of  James  Madison,  ii.  282. 

2  Bancroft,  viii.  315. 

8  Interesting  statements  relative  to  parties  in  Congress  at  this  period  may  be 
found  in  the  Life  and  Works  of  John  Adams,  i.  212. 


BIRTH   OP  THE  NATION.  486 

Congress  aimed  to  enlarge  the  Union.  A  committee  — 
John  Adams,  George  Wythe,  and  Roger  Sherman  —  re- 
ported in  favor  of  saying  to  the  Canadians  that,  on  joining 
the  Union,  "  they  might  set  up  such  a  government  as  would 
most  likely  produce  their  happiness."  This  proposition  was 
opposed  by  Jay  and  others  on  the  ground  that  it  was  an 
independency.  The  report,  however,  was  accepted.1  Frank- 
lin, Samuel  Chase,  and  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrolton,  —  a 
bold  and  fearless  patriot  of  large  culture  and  independent 
fortune,  not  yet  a  member  of  Congress,  —  were  appointed 
commissioners  to  proceed  to  Canada  and  communicate  the 
invitation.  Their  instructions  authorize  a  tender  to  the 
Canadians  of  the  protection  of  the  Union  on  the  basis  of 
an  intercommunication  of  rights,  civil  and  religious,2  —  an 
application  of  the  principle  of  equality  between  the  colonies 
in  the  Union,  which  was  scrupulously  recognized  in  the  revo- 
lutionary period,  and  which  became  one  of  the  fundamental 
principles  of  the  American  polity. 

Congress  ordered  the  Tories  to  be  disarmed.  Samuel 
Adams  was  zealous  in  urging  this  measure.  The  first  action 
(January  6)  was  liberal,  and  to  the  effect  that  the  honest 
and  well-meaning,  who  had  been  misled  by  the  arts  of  minis- 
terial agents,  ought  to  be  treated  with  kindness  and  modera- 
tion ;  but  that  the  unworthy,  who,  regardless  of  their  duty  to 
their  Creator,  their  country  and  posterity,  opposed  the  meas- 
ures formed  to  preserve  American  liberty,  ought  to  be  dis- 
armed, and  the  more  dangerous  be  kept  in  close  custody  or  to 
give  sureties  for  their  good  behavior.  Subsequently  (March 
14)  the  assemblies,  conventions,  and  committees  of  safety 
were  advised  to  disarm  all  persons  who  refused  to  associate 
for  the  defence  of  the  United  Colonies.  The  advice  was 

1  Bancroft,  viii.  319 

2  The  instructions  are  in  the  Journals  of  Congress  under  the  date  of  March  20, 
1776.     The  commissioners  were  directed  to  explain  to  the  Canadians  the  method  of 
the  United  Colonies   'of  collecting  the  sense  of  the  people  and  (onducting  their 
affairs  regularly." 


48(5  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

resolutely  followed.  This  measure,  a  statesman  remarks, 
never  received  the  attention  it  deserved.1 

Congress  authorized  the  equipment  of  privateers.  Frank- 
lin thought  that  this  measure  ought  to  be  preceded  by  a 
declaration  of  war,  as  of  one  independent  nation  against 
another;2  but  the  majority  were  not  ready  for  this  stand. 
The  declaration  (March  28)  which  accompanied  the  resolves 
cited  as  a  justification  a  recent  Act  of  Parliament,  forbidding 
all  trade  and  commerce  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  United 
Colonies,  and  making  their  property  when  found  upon  the 
water  liable  to  seizure.  The  resolves  authorize  the  inhab- 
itants to  fit  out  armed  vessels  to  cruise  against  their  enemies, 
prescribe  the  forms  of  the  commissions,  provide  for  the 
establishment  of  admiralty  courts  and  of  rules  for  the  distri- 
bution of  prizes.  In  cases  in  the  Supreme  Court,  growing 
out  of  captures  under  the  commissions  that  were  issued,  the 
plea  was  made  that  there  was  no  competent  authority  to 
issue  these  commissions ;  but  the  court  ruled  that  the  Con- 
gress had  this  power,  because  it  was  acquiesced  in  by  the 
majority  of  the  people  in  every  colony.3 

Congress  ordered  the  ports  to  be  thrown  open  to  all 
nations.  This  policy  was  suggested  very  early  in  the  strug- 
gle, was  advocated  in  the  press  for  years,  and  at  length 
was  formally  proposed  by  the  Virginia  Convention.  To-day 
it  seems  to  have  been  obviously  required :  then  nothing 
seems  to  have  been  more  difficult.  The  lion  in  the  path  was 

1  Daniel  Webster.    Address  before  the  New-York  Historical  Society,  1852,  p.  41. 

2  Bancroft,  viii.  320. 

8  The  opinion  of  the  Supreme  Court  (1795)  in  this  case  contains  the  following:  — 

"  Congress  was  the  general,  supreme,  and  controlling  council  of  the  nation,  the  centre 
of  union,  the  centre  of  force,  and  the  sun  of  the  political  system.  To  determine  what 
their  powers  were  we  must  inquire  what  powers  they  exercised.  Congress  raised 
armies,  fitted  out  a  navy,  received  and  sent  ambassadors,  and  made  treaties;  Congress 
commissioned  privateers  to  cruise  against  the  enemy,  directed  what  vessels  should  be 
liable  to  capture,  and  prescribed  rules  for  the  distribution  of  prizes.  These  high  acts  of 
sovereignty  were  submitted  to,  acquiesced  in,  and  approved  of,  by  the  people  of  America. 
In  Congress  were  vested,  because  by  Congress  were  exercised  with  the  approbation  of 
the  people,  the  rights  and  powers  of  war  and  peace."  Penhallow  v.  Doane's  Adminis- 
trators, Curtis's  Decisions,  i.  87. 


BIRTH    OF   THE   NATION.  487 

attachment  to  the  mother  country  and  the  vain  hope  of 
reconciliation, — the  same  sentiment  that  led  to  the  fatal 
policy  of  short  enlistments  in  the  army.  This  fact  appears 
in  the  debates.  Harrison  said :  "  They  had  hobbled  along 
under  a  fatal  attachment  to  Great  Britain.  I  felt  it,"  he 
said,  "  as  much  as  any  man,  but  I  feel  a  stronger  attachment 
to  my  country."  Wythe,  in  referring  to  the  idea  of  inviting 
foreigners  to  enter  into  treaties,  asked  :  "  In  what  character 
shall  we  treat  ?  As  subjects  of  Great  Britain  ?  As  rebels  ? 
Why  should  we  be  so  fond  of  calling  ourselves  dutiful  sub- 
jects ?  If  we  should  offer  our  trade  to  the  court  of  France, 
would  they  take  notice  of  it  any  more  than  if  Bristol  or 
Liverpool  should  offer  theirs,  while  we  profess  to  be  sub- 
jects ?  No.  We  must  declare  ourselves  a  free  people." * 
To  open  the  ports  was  to  strike  a  blow  at  British  acts 
of  navigation.  It  was  to  wound  England  in  her  sorest 
place.  "  Open  your  ports  to  foreigners,"  a  member  said : 
u  your  trade  will  become  of  so  much  consequence  that 
foreigners  will  protect  you."  The  sketch  of  the  debate  on 
this  subject  is  meagre,  but  it  is  sufficient  to  show  that  the 
proposal  was  severely  contested :  though  introduced  into 
Congress  on  the  12th  of  January,  it  was  not  disposed  of  until 
the  6th  of  April.  The  result  was  embodied  in  a  series  of 
elaborate  resolves.  One  provided  that  no  slaves  should  be 
imported  into  the  United  Colonies ;  and  another,  that  certain 
powers  relative  to  trade,  exercised  by  the  local  committees 
of  inspection  and  safety,  should  cease.2 

Congress  dealt  with  foreign  powers.  In  December  their 
secret  committee  of  correspondence  addressed  letters  to 
Arthur  Lee  in  London,  and  Charles  Dumas  at  the  Hague, 
requesting  them  to  ascertain  the  disposition  of  European 
courts  respecting  America,  enjoining  great  circumspection 
and  secrecy.3  They  hoped  the  most  favor  from  France. 

1  Works  of  John  Adams,  ii.  486. 

2  The  Resolves  of  Congress,  of  April  6,  signed  "By  order  of  Congress,  John 
Hancock,"  were,  immediately  printed. 

8  The  Life  of  Arthur  Lee  (i.  53)  contains  the  letter  to  Lee  copied  from  the  original 


488  THE   RISE  OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Some,  however,  were  opposed  to  applying  for  aid  to  the 
ancient  enemy  of  England.  Their  feeling  was  expressed  in 
a  declaration  by  Dr.  Zubly,  of  Georgia.  "  A  proposal,"  he 
said,  "  has  been  made  to  apply  to  France  and  Spain.  T 
apprehend  the  man  who  would  propose  it  [to  his  constit- 
uents] would  be  torn  in  pieces  like  De  Witt." 1  Three 
months  after  these  words  were  spoken  in  Congress,  an  emis- 
sary, M.  de  Bouvouloir,  sent  by  Vergennes,  appeared  in 
Philadelphia,  held  secret  conferences  with  the  committee, 
and  assured  them  that  France  was  well  disposed  to  aid  the 
colonies  on  just  and  equitable  conditions.2  A  few  weeks 
later  the  committee  appointed  Silas  Deane  commercial  agent 
for  Europe,  mainly  to  procure  military  supplies,  but  he  was 
instructed  (March  3)  to  say  to  Vergennes  that  "  there  was 
a  great  appearance  that  the  colonies  would  come  to  a  total 
separation  ; "  that  France  was  looked  upon  as  the  power 
whose  friendship  they  would  most  desire  to  cultivate  ;  and 
he  was  instructed  to  inquire  whether,  "  if  the  colonies  should 
be  forced  to  form  themselves  into  an  independent  state,'* 
France  would  acknowledge  them  as  such  and  receive  their 
ambassadors.3  Here  the  committee,  in  the  beginning  of 
their  intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  desired  it  to  be  under- 
stood that  the  colonies  would  treat  as  one  political  power,  — 
an  idea  in  harmony  with  the  action  of  the  colonies  with 
regard  to  England.4 

MSS.  in  the  handwriting  of  Franklin.     It  is  dated  Dec.  12,  1775,  and  was  signed 
by  Franklin,  Dickinson,  and  Jay. 

1  Works  of  John  Adams,  ii.  459. 

2  De  Witt's  Jefferson  and  The  American  Democracy,  388.     This  work,  printed  in 
1862,  contains  abstracts  of  the  correspondence  between  the  French  ministers,  Duke 
de  Choiseul  and  Count  Vergennes,  and  the  French  diplomatic  agents  on  American 
affairs.    De  Bouvouloir  says  that  the  committee  met  him  at  an  appointed  place  after 
dark,  each  going  to  it  by  a  different  road. 

3  Sparks's  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  i.  5. 

4  Governor  Dunmore,  on  board  a  British  ship  in  Elizabeth  River,  addressed  Jan. 
27,  1776,  a  letter  to  Richard  Corbin,  tendering  his  services  to  Virginia  "  to  procure,  by 
any  means  that  should  be  thought  most  advisable  and  honorable,  permanent,  speedy, 
and  happy  reconciliation  between  this  colony  and  its  parent  state."     Corbin  referred 
this  letter  to  the  committee  of  safety,  who  returned  an  answer  through  Edmund  Pen- 
dleton.     Referring  to  the  last  petition  of  the  Continental  Congress,  they  say:  ''If 


BIRTH   OF  THE  NATION.  489 

The  growing  feeling  in  favor  of  independence  in  Congress 
is  indicated  in  a  proclamation  (March  16)  appointing  a  day 
for  a  general  fast.  They  invoked  Almighty  God  "  to  bless 
their  civil  rulers  and  the  representatives  of  the  people  in 
their  several  assemblies  and  conventions,  to  preserve  and 
strengthen  their  union,  and  to  direct  them  to  the  most 
efficacious  measures  for  establishing  the  rights  of  the  people 
on  the  most  honorable  and  permanent  basis."  This  tone  was 
in  marked  contrast  to  that  of  a  similar  proclamation  in  the 
previous  June,  when  Congress  implored  God  "  to  bless  our 
rightful  sovereign  George  III." ;  an  indication  of  progress 
that  did  not  pass  unnoticed.1 

The  important  measures  just  glanced  at,  were  those  of  a 
substantially  independent  government.  In  April  the  inquiry 
was  made  of  Franklin,  "  When  is  the  Continental  Congress 
by  general  consent  to  be  formed  into  a  supreme  legislature  ?  " 
Franklin  replied,  "  Nothing  seems  wanting  but  that  general 
consent.  The  novelty  of  the  thing  deters  some  ;  the  doubt 
of  success,  others ;  the  vain  hope  of  reconciliation,  many 
Every  day  furnishes  us  with  new  causes  of  unceasing  enmity 
and  new  reasons  for  wishing  an  eternal  separation  ;  so  that 
there  is  a  rapid  increase  of  the  formerly  small  party  who 
were  for  an  independent  government." 2  The  steps  of 
Samuel  Adams — certainly  the  foremost  of  the  popular 
leaders  in  urging  independence  —  may  be  followed  almost 
daily  in  the  grand  service  he  was  rendering  the  country. 
"  Why,"  he  reasoned  on  the  2d  of  April,  "  why  not  declare 
for  independence.  Because,  say  some,  it  will  for  ever  shut 
the  door  of  reconciliation.  Upon  what  terms  will  Britain 
be  reconciled  to  America.  .  .  .  She  will  be  reconciled  upon 
our  abjectly  submitting  to  tyranny,  and  receiving  pardon  for 

administration  are  disposed  to  heal  this  unnatural  wound  in  the  empire,  they  will 
embrace  that  occasion,  which  probably  will  be  the  last,  for  accomplishing  it.  At  all 
events,  any  other  steps  to  be  taken  must  proceed  from  the  representatives  of  the  con- 
tinent, not  from  us."  — Remembrancer,  ii.  358. 

1  In  Almon's  Remembrancer  for  1776  (vol.  iii.  176)  the  two  proclamations  are 
contrasted. 

2  Franklin  to  Josiah  Quincy,  April  15, 1776.     Sparks' s  Works,  vol.  viii.  181. 


490  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

submitting  to  it.  Will  this  redound  to  the  honor  or  safety 
of  America."1  On  the  16th  he  expressed  indignation  at  the 
plea  for  the  postponement  of  independence,  on  the  ground 
that  commissioners  were  on  their  way  with  new  terms, 
saying:  "  The  salvation  of  the  country  depends  on  its  being 
done  speedily.  I  am  anxious  to  have  it  done.  Every 
day's  delay  tries  my  patience.  .  .  .  We  are  told  that  com- 
missioners are  coming  to  offer  us  such  terms  as  we  may 
with  safety  accept  of.  I  am  disgusted  exceedingly  when  I 
hear  it  mentioned.  Experience  should  teach  us  to  pay  no 
regard  to  it.  The  child  Independence  is  now  struggling  for 
birth.  I  trust  in  a  short  time  it  will  be  brought  forth;  and, 
in  spite  of  Pharaoh,  all  America  will  hail  the  dignified 
stranger."  2  On  the  30th  he  surveyed  the  whole  field  with 
the  eye  of  a  statesman,  and  wove  a  great  deal  of  philosophy 
into  an  elaborate  summary  of  salient  facts :  "  The  idea 
of  independence  spreads  far  and  wide  among  the  colonies. 
We  cannot  make  events:  our  business  is  wisely  to  improve 
them.  Mankind  are  governed  more  by  their  feelings  than 
by  reason.  The  Boston  Port  Bill  suddenly  wrought  a  union 
of  the  colonies  which  could  not  be  brought  about  by  the 
industry  of  years.  Since  the  memorable  17th  of  June  one 
event  has  brought  another  on,  till  America  has  furnished 
herself  with  more  than  seventy  battalions  for  her  defence. 
One  battle  would  do  more  towards  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence than  a  long  chain  of  conclusive  arguments  in  a 
provincial  convention  or  the  Continental  Congress." 3 

1  Wells' s  Life  of  Samuel  Adams,  ii.  393. 

2  Samuel  Adams  to  James  Warren,  April  16.     MSS. 

3  Samuel  Adams  to  Samuel  Cooper,  April  30,  MSS.     The  letters  of  John  Adams, 
dated  this  month,  show  that  he  had  no  more  faith  in  the  expected  commissioners 
than  Samuel  Adams  had.     He  wrote  April  2:   "We  continue  still  between  hawk 
and  buzzard.     Some  people  yet  expect  commissioners  to  treat  with  Congress  and  to 
offer  a  chart  blanc.     All  declare,  if  they  do  not  come  empowered  to  treat  with  us  and 
grant  us  our  Bill  of  Rights  in  every  iota,  they  will  hesitate  no  longer."  — Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society  Proceedings,  1868,  p.  208.     He  wrote  April  12:   "The  ports 
are  open  wide  enough  at  last,  and  privateers  are  allowed  to  prey  upon  British  trade. 
This  is  not  independency,  you  know.     What  is '?     Why,  government  in  each  colony, 
a  confederation  among  them  all."     He  termed  this  confederation  "a  continental 


BIRTH   OF   THE   NATION.  491 

The  next  great  measure  of  Congress  was  the  recommen- 
dation to  form  local  governments,  based  on  the  power  of  the 
people.  Before  relating  the  proceedings  respecting  this 
measure,  it  may  be  well  to  glance  at  the  progress  in  this 
work  by  several  colonies  acting  under  the  recommendations 
already  given. 

Massachusetts,  as  before  stated,  acted  promptly  in  July,  on 
the  advice  of  Congress  respecting  its  government,  by  using 
the  old  charter.  A  summons  was  issued  by  the  Provincial 
Congress  for  the  election  of  representatives  under  the  exist- 
ing law,  "  in  observance  of  the  resolve  of  the  Continental 
Congress."1  The  representatives  convened  as  an  assembly, 
and  chose  counsellors  who  constituted  a  co-ordinate  branch 
of  the  legislature,  and  were  also  the  executive.  Regular 
sessions  of  the  legislature  were  held.  In  the  third  session, 
John  Adams  sat  in  the  council,  and  was  also  appointed 
Chief  Justice.2  There  had  been  delay  in  opening  the  courts. 
As  they  were  about  to  sit,  the  government  —  executive  and 
legislative  —  issued  (Jan.  23,  1776)  a  proclamation  drawn 
up  by  John  Adams,  enjoining  officers  and  people  to  use 
their  utmost  endeavors  to  have  the  resolves  of  the  General 


constitution  "  He  wrote  April  14:  "A  more  egregious  bubble  was  never  blown  up 
than  the  story  of  commissioners  coming  to  treat  with  the  Congress:  yet  it  has  gained 
credit,"  &c.  He  wrote  on  the  16th  to  Col.  Ward:  "You  seem  to  wish  for  independ- 
ence. Do  the  resolves  for  privateering  and  ope*  ing  of  the  ports  satisfy  you?  If  not, 
let  me  know  what  will?  Will  nothing  do  but  a  positive  declaration  that  we  will 
never  be  reconciled  on  any  terms  ?  It  requires  time  to  bring  the  colonies  ah1  of  one 
mind,  but  time  will  do  it."  —  Literary  World,  Sept.  18,  1852. 

1  The  proceedings  of  Massachusetts  were  printed  in  the  newspapers.      The 
"Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of  July  22,  1775,  contains  the  warrant  of  Congress 
calling  a  general  assembly.     There  is  first  the  resolve  of  Congress  of  June  9,  1775,  and 
then  the  warrant  proceeds :  "In  observance  of  the  foregoing  resolve  of  the  Honorable 
Continental  Congress  now  sitting  in  Philadelphia,  these  are  to  request  you  forth- 
with to  cause  the  freeholders  and  other  inhabitants  of  your  town,"  who  had  an  estate 
of  forty  shillings  per  annum  or  other  estate  to  the  value  of  forty  pounds  sterling, 
"  according  to  an  Act  regulating  the  House  of  Representatives,"  to  choose  representa- 
tives.   It  was  signed  as  follows  :  "  Given  under  my  hand  this  nineteenth  day  of  June, 
A.D.  1775.     By  order  of  Congress.     James  Warren,  President.    Attest,    Samuel 
Freeman,  Secretary" 

2  John  Adams  left  Congress  on  the  9th  of  December,  1775,  and  resumed  his  seat 
OE.  the  9th  of  February,  1776. 


492  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Congress  and  the  laws  of  the  colony  duly  executed  In 
this  paper  the  controversy  with  the  mother  country  is  briefly 
reviewed ;  the  position  of  Massachusetts  is  stated ;  the  con- 
sent of  the  people  is  declared  to  be  the  only  foundation  of 
government,  and  the  happiness  of  the  people  its  sole  end ; 
and  that  generation  is  congratulated  "  on  the  acquisition  of 
a  form  of  government  more  immediately  in  all  its  branches 
under  the  influence  and  control  of  the  people,  and  therefore 
more  free  and  happy  than  was  enjoyed  by  their  ancestors." 
The  proclamation  closed  with  the  invocation,  "  God  save  the 
People." 1  It  was  ordered  to  be  read  at  the  opening  of  every 
court,  at  the  March  town-meetings,  and  by  the  ministers  of 
the  gospel  on  Sundays  to  their  congregations.  It  was  also 
widely  circulated  in  the  newspapers.  This  admirable  paper 
was  a  fit  inauguration  of  the  first  government  in  America 
based  on  the  power  of  the  people.  It  was  established  at 
Watertown,  near  Boston,  in  the  midst  of  hostilities, — 
indeed,  almost  under  the  line  of  fire  of  the  enemy. 

In  New  Hampshire,  the  popular  party  proceeded  in  their 
political  action  with  dignity,  and  with  forbearance  to  the 
constituted  authorities.  The  royal  governor,  Wentworth, 
was  greatly  respected.  He  deemed  it  his  duty  to  enter  one 
of  the  early  provincial  conventions,  when  the  members  rose, 
listened  respectfully  as  he  declared  the  meeting  illegal  and 
disloyal,  and  when  he  retired,  resumed  their  sitting  and  their 
business.  In  the  progress  of  events  the  evils  of  an  absence 
of  authority  became  intolerable  ;  yet  the  patriots  waited 
several  months  for  the  advice  of  the  General  Congress, 
before  they  acted  on  the  matter  of  establishing  a  govern- 
ment. When  the  advice  came,  the  Whigs  of  the  school  of 


1  A  previous  proclamation  for  a  Thanksgiving,  Nov.  4,  1775,  closed  with  "God 
save  the  People."  A  Tory,  in  the  "  News  Letter,"  printed  in  Boston,  Jan.  11, 1776, 
in  an  address  to  the  soldiers  of  the  United  Colonies,  remarked  on  this  close,  instead  of 
the  "heretofore  invariable  God  save  the  King."  He  regarded  it  a  sign  that  the 
popular  leaders  meant  to  deny  the  authority  of  the  King.  "  Will  it  not  suffice  your 
leaders,"  he  says,  "to  mock  the  king,  but  they  must  mock  Heaven  also?"  The 
pj  ;clamation  of  Jan.  23,  1776,  is  in  the  ''Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of  Feb.  27. 


BIRTH   OF  THE   NATION.  493 

Dickinson,  drew  from  it  the  inference  that  Congress  were  in 
favor  of  independence,  and  said  that  this  would  be  ruinous,1 
The  majority,  however,  summoned  a  convention  to  meet  at 
Exeter,  and  to  consist  of  delegates  to  be  elected  under  the 
existing  laws  providing  for  the  choice  of  representatives. 
This  body  framed  a  constitution,  which  was  adopted  in  the 
following  terms:  "In  Congress  at  Exeter,  Jan.  5,  1T76, 
voted,  that  this  Congress  take  up  civil  government  in  this 
colony  in  manner  and  form  following,"  —  consisting  of 
provisions  for  the  executive,  legislative,  and  judiciary  de- 
partments. In  this  way,  even  the  forms  of  royal  authority 
were  done  away ;  and,  in  the  words  of  the  preamble,  a  consti- 
tution was  established  by  "  the  free  suffrages  of  the  people."  2 
In  South  Carolina,  the  circumstances  were  peculiar.  The 
population  was  "  a  medley  of  different  nations  and  com- 
posed of  the  most  contradictory  characters ;  "  it  had  doubled 
in  ten  years  ;  wealth  had  poured  in  upon  the  colony  from  a 
thousand  channels  ;  and  all  ranks  and  orders  gloried  in  their 
attachment  to  the  mother  country.3  Throughout  this  period 
of  rare  prosperity,  the  popular  party,  constituting  a  majority, 
entered  with  generous  enthusiasm  into  the  measures,  in  op- 
position to  the  aggressions  of  the  British  administration. 
When  the  issue  passed  from  commercial  war  to  armed 
resistance,  and  the  question  of  independence  arose,  the  rela- 

1  The  "New-Hampshire  Gazette"  of  Jan.  9, 1776,  contains  an  elaborate  piece 
against  a  declaration  of  independence,  addressed  "To  the  Congress  at  Exeter." 
The  writer  warns  this  body  that  the  Continental  Congress  were  in  favor  of  independ- 
ence, saying:  "  We  began  the  controversy  on  this  principle,  to  seek  redress  of  griev- 
ances :  since  we  have  lost  sight  of  the  object,  and  are  in  quest  of  what  will  most 
certainly  terminate  in  our  ruin  and  destruction,  —  I  mean  independency."     One  of 
the  grounds  on  which  the  writer  relied  for  this  conclusion  was,  that  "the  grand 
Congress,"  on  an  application  from  this  province,  recommended  to  them  to  assume 
"  a  new  form  of  government."     An  instance  of  the  deference  felt  in  this  colony  to 
the  Congress  has  been  given  on  page  422.    John  Sullivan,  Dec.  12,  1773,  writes : 
"  I  hear  that  the  Continental  Congress  has  given  our  province  a  power  to  assume 
government." 

2  The  form  of  government  was  printed  in  the  newspapers  in  full.    It  is  in  the 
"New-England  Chronicle"  of  Feb.  1,  1776,  and  "Pennsylvania  Ledger"  of  Feb. 
10. 

»  Ramsay's  Revolution  in  South  Carolina,  i.  7. 


494  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

tive  state  of  the  parties  was  changed.  It  is  estimated  that 
half  of  the  population  were  opposed  to  a  separation.  The 
government  in  February,  1776,  was  vested  in  a  Provincial 
Congress.  The  President,  William  Henry  Drayton,  in  a 
speech  (February  9)  occasioned  by  the  return  of  two  of  the 
delegates  of  the  General  Congress,  warmly  thanked  them 
for  their  service.  In  doing  this,  he  enumerated  their  acts, 
mentioning,  —  the  "  permission  granted  to  colonies  to  erect 
forms  of  government  independent  of  and  in  opposition 
to  the  regal  authority."  On  that  day  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  consider  the  recommendation  given  by  Con- 
gress to  South  Carolina,  on  the  4th  of  November,  to  form  a 
government.  On  the  next  day  Christopher  Gadsden  arrived, 
and  also  received  the  thanks  of  his  constituents.  He  urged 
not  only  the  formation  of  a  government,  but  independence. 
The  debate  was  earnest.  Both  measures  were  warmly 
opposed.  The  Congress  voted  (February  11)  that  the  ex- 
isting establishment  "  was  entirely  inadequate  to  the  well- 
governing  the  good  people  of  the  province."  On  the  next 
day  (Sunday)  a  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  a  plan. 
On  the  24th  of  March  they  reported  a  final  draft  of  a  const! 
tution,  which,  though  opposed  by  a  strong  party  that  included 
Rawlins  Lowndes,  was  ordered  to  be  fairly  engrossed  upon 
royal  paper.  On  the  26th  of  March  it  was  adopted.  It  is 
entitled  "  a  constitution  or  form  of  government  agreed  to,  and 
resolved  upon,  by  the  representatives  of  South  Carolina." 
It  provided  for  the  executive  and  legislative  branches,  and 
went  at  once  into  effect.  The  Provincial  Congress  resolved 
themselves  into  an  Assembly.1  When  the  officers  were 
inaugurated,  with  John  Rutledge  as  the  President,  there  was 
in  Charleston  an  imposing  parade,  with  universal  expressions 

1  Journal  of  the  Proceedings.  This  was  printed  in  Charleston  in  1776,  and 
reprinted  in  London.  It  is  in  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  v.  562.  Ramsay  says, 
p.  81:  "  The  formation  of  an  independent  constitution  had  so  much  the  appearance 
of  an  eternal  separation  from  a  country  by  a  reconciliation  with  which  many  yet 
hoped  for  a  return  of  ancient  happiness,  that  a  great  part  of  the  Provincial  Congress 
opposed  the  measure.  The  Act  of  Parliament  of  December  21,  throwing  the  colonies 
out  of  protection,  turned  the  scale." 


BIETH    OF   THE  NATION.  495 

of  joy.1  The  government,  remarks  Ramsay,  "  rested  on  this 
fundamental  point,  —  that  the  voice  of  the  people  was  the 
source  of  law,  honor,  and  office."  When  the  courts  were 
opened,  the  Chief  Justice,  William  Henry  Drayton,  deliv- 
ered a  famous  charge,  embodying  the  spirit  of  the  time ; 
and,  at  the  close  of  the  session  of  the  legislature,  the  gov- 
ernor in  a  spirited  address  was  in  harmony  with  Massa- 
chusetts as  he  said,  "The  consent  of  the  people  is  the 
origin,  and  their  happiness  is  the  end,  of  government." 

It  is  not  material  that  the  people  in  the  three  colonies 
just  glanced  at,  had  not  abandoned  the  hope  of  recon- 
ciliation, or  that  a  permanent  government  had  not  been 
formed.  They  had  exercised  the  right  of  establishing 
public  authority  in-  all  its  branches.  On  law  derived  from 
the  people  the  municipalities  now  rested.  Their  functions 
can  hardly  be  said  to  have  been  disturbed.  Indeed,  in  all  the 
colonies  they  were  in  healthy  activity  ;  they  never  before  or 
since  performed  more  important  service :  and  they  consti- 
tuted the  foundations  on  which  the  American  builders  pro- 
ceeded to  erect  their  superstructure. 

The  results  reached  in  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire, 
and  South  Carolina,  were  warmly  welcomed  by  the  patriots, 
and  other  colonies  were  enjoined  to  follow  in  the  same 
course.  "  I  wish,"  one  writes,  "  to  see  the  hands  of  the 
Continental  Congress  strengthened  by  a  regular  system  of 
government  in  each  colony." 2  The  Tories  and  the  repre- 

1  The  "New-England  Chronicle"  of  May  2  contains  the  following,  under  date 
of  Charleston,  April  3 :  — 

"  On  Thursday  last  the  new  Constitution,  agreed  upon  by  our  Congress,  by  the 
approbation  of  the  Continental  Congress,  '  to  serve  for  regulating  the  internal  policy 
of  this  colony  until  an  accommodation  of  the  unhappy  differences  between  Great  Brit- 
ain and  America  can  be  obtained,  an  event  which  is  earnestly  desired,'  was  published 
here  in  due  form.  A  detachment  of  the  Provincial  regiment  of  artillery  and  the 
Charleston  militia  were  drawn  up  in  Broad  Street  from  the  State  House  to  the  Ex- 
change, where  the  Constitution  was  read,  and  the  commissions  of  John  Rutledge,  Esq., 
President  and  Commander-in-Chief,  and  Henry  Laurens,  Esq.,  Vice-President  of  the 
Colony,  were  proclaimed,  amidst  the  shouts  of  the  numerous  spectators,  firing  of  field- 
pieces,  and  the  cannon  on  board  the  provincial  armed  vessels." 

2  "I  wish  to  see  the  confusion  of  Bunker's  Hill  avoided  betimes.     I  wish  to  see 
the  hands  of  the  Continental  Congress  (who  have  too  much  to  do  to  regulate  the 


496  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

sentatives  of  the  proprietary  interests  in  the  Middle  Colonies 
vehemently  opposed  this  change.  The  bitterness  between 
the  contending  parties  increased.  "  The  passions,"  wrote 
John  Adams  (April  28),  "were  never  in  more  lively  exercise 
than  they  now  are,  from  Florida  to  Canada  inclusive."  l 
Nowhere  were  they  more  lively  than  in  the  colony,  city,  and 
building  in  which  Congress  held  its  sessions  ;  for  some  of 
the  colonial  conventions  met  in  a  room  over  their  heads. 

In  the  centre  of  this  political  whirl,  Congress  matured  the 
action  just  referred  to,  respecting  local  governments.  The 
nearest  approach  to  an  application  for  advice  on  this  head,  was 
a  request  preferred  by  a  few  zealous  Whigs  of  New  York  for 
leave  to  this  colony  to  form  a  government.  It  was  expressed 
in  a  letter  addressed  to  John  Adams.2  -  He  now  began  to 
take  the  station  to  which  his  earnestness  in  the  cause,  legal 
erudition,  intellectual  vigor,  and  superior  powers  of  debate 
entitled  him.3  He  submitted,  on  the  6th  of  May,  in  com- 
mittee of  the  whole,  a  resolve  recommending  to  all  the  colo- 
nies, where  it  should  be  considered  necessary,  to  form  such 
governments  as  might  conduce  to  their  happiness  in  partic- 
ular and  that  of  America  in  general,  —  which  was  agreed  to 
on  the  9th  of  May,  and  reported  to  Congress.  On  the 
request  of  a  colony,  it  was  postponed  until  the  next  day, 
when  it  was  adopted. 

A  committee 4  was  appointed  to  prepare  a  preamble  to 
accompany  this  resolve.  They  reported  a  draft  drawn  up 
by  John  Adams.  It  declared  that  it  was  absolutely  irrecon- 

affairs  of  every  colony)  strengthened  by  a  regular  system  of  government  in  each 
colony.  .  .  .  New  Hampshire  and  Massachusetts  have  gone  before  us,  and  the  rest 
must  speedily  follow.  ...  I  would  by  no  means  have  this  step  taken  without  con- 
sulting the  Continental  Congress.  Let  us  lay  our  case  before  them,  as  did  the  people 
Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire.  Let  us  beg  their  advice  and  approbation, 
ihey  advised  and  approved  of  the  proceedings  of  the  last-mentioned  colonies.  "  — 
Pennsylvania  Packet,  April  15,  1776. 

1  Letters  of  John  Adams  to  his  Wife,  i.  106. 

2  Compare  the  letter  in  Gordon,  ii.  269,  with  the  letter  of  John  Adams  in  his 
Works,  ix.  407. 

8  Life  and  Works  of  John  Adams,  i.  212. 

4  The  committee  were  John  Adams,  Edward  Rutledge,  and  Richard  Henry  Lee. 


BIRTH   OF  THE   NATION.  497 

cilable  with  the  conscience  and  reason  of  the  people  now  to 
take  the  oaths  to  support  a  government  under  the  crown, 
that  all  such  ought  to  be  suppressed,  and  government  estab- 
lished on  the  power  of  the  people  ;  and  it  adduced  as  a 
justification,  that  the  king,  lords,  and  commons  had  excluded 
the  inhabitants  of  the  United  Colonies  from  protection.  An 
exciting  debate  followed  the  submission  of  this  report. 
Duane,  of  New  York,  in  opposition  said :  "  You  have  no 
more  right  to  pass  the  resolve  than  Parliament  has.  How 
does  it  appear  that  no  favorable  answer  is  likely  to  be  given 
to  our  petitions  ?  Every  account  of  foreign  aid  is  accom- 
panied with  the  account  of  commissioners.  Why  all  this 
haste?  Why  this  urging?  Why  this  driving?  Disputes 
about  independence  are  in  all  the  colonies.  What  is  this 
owing  to  but  our  indiscretion.  I  shall  take  the  liberty  of 
informing  my  constituents  that  I  have  not  been  guilty  of  a 
breach  of  trust.  I  do  protest  against  this  piece  of  mechan- 
ism, — this  preamble.  If  the  facts  in  this  preamble  should 
prove  to  be  true,  there  will  not  be  one  voice  against  inde- 
pendence. I  suppose  the  votes  have  been  numbered,  and 
there  is  to  be  a  majority."  Wilson,  of  Pennsylvania,  rea- 
soned that  all  government  originates  from  the  people ;  that 
the  members  were  the  servants  of  the  people  sent  to  act 
under  delegated  authority ;  that,  if  they  exceeded  it,  they 
deserved  neither  excuse  nor  justification ;  and  that  he  had 
no  authority  to  vote  for  this  preamble.  "If  it  passes,"  he 
said,  "  there  will  be  an  immediate  dissolution  of  every  kind 
of  authority."  In  favor  of  the  preamble,  McKean,  of  Dela- 
ware, said :  "  Don't  doubt  that  foreign  mercenaries  are 
coming  here  to  destroy  us ; "  and  he  held  that  the  people 
would  lose  their  liberties,  properties,  and  lives,  unless  this 
step  were  taken.  Samuel  Adams  said  that  the  petitions 
had  not  been  heard,  and  yet  had  been  answered  by  armies 
and  fleets ;  that  they  were  answered  also  by  myrmidons 
from  abroad ;  and  that  they  could  not  act  upon  stronger 
reasons  than  that  the  king  has  thrown  the  colonies  out  of  his 

32 


498  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

protection.     "  Why."  lie  said,  "  should  we  support  govern 
ment  by  his  authority  ?     I  wonder  that  the  people  have  con- 
ducted themselves  so  well  as  they  have."  l     The  preamble 
was  adopted  on  the  Fifteenth  of  May,  and,  with  the  resolu- 
tion, was  ordered  to  be  printed. 

The  resolution  and  preamble  were  the  decision  of  the  polit- 
ical power,  or  the  United  Colonies,  that  the  time  had  come 
to  abrogate  all  public  authority  exercised  in  them  in  the 
name  of  the  sovereignty  symbolized  by  the  crown,  and  to 
establish  in  each  colony  such  authority  on  the  basis  of  a 
sovereignty  residing  in  the  free  and  independent  man  or 
the  people.2  This  was  revolution.3  The  Resolution  became 
the  platform  of  the  popular  party,  —  the  touchstone  of 
fidelity ;  and,  embodying  as  it  did  the  will  of  the  majority, 
they  were  bound  to  maintain  it  against  all  opposers.  It 
appears  at  once  in  the  front  of  the  most  exciting  political 

J-  Life  and  Works  of  John  Adams,  ii.  490,  491.  The  resolution  was  printed  on 
the  16th  of  May,  1776,  in  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post,"  as  follows:  — 

IN  CONGRESS,  May  15, 1776. 

Whereas  his  Britannic  Majesty,  in  conjunction  with  the  Lords  and  Commons  of 
Great  Britain,  has,  by  a  late  Act  of  Parliament,  excluded  the  inhabitants  of  these  United 
Colonies  from  the  protection  of  his  crown.  And  whereas  no  answer  whatever,  to  the 
humble  petitions  of  the  colonies  for  redress  of  grievances  and  reconciliation  with  Great 
Britain,  has  been,  or  is  likely  to  be  given;  but  the  whole  force  of  that  kingdom,  aided 
by  foreign  mercenaries,  is  to  be  exerted  for  the  destruction  of  the  good  people  of  these 
colonies.  And  whereas  it  appears  absolutely  irreconcilable  to  reason  and  good  con- 
science for  the  people  of  these  colonies  now  to  take  the  oaths  and  affirmations  neces- 
sary for  the  support  of  any  government  under  the  crown  of  Great  Britain ;  and  it  is 
necessary  that  the  exercise  of  every  kind  of  authority  under  the  said  crown  should  be 
totally  suppressed,  and  all  the  powers  of  government  exerted  under  the  authority  of 
the  people  of  the  colonies  for  the  preservation  of  internal  peace,  virtue,  and  good 
order,  as  well  as  for  the  defence  of  our  lives,  liberties,  and  properties,  against  the  hos- 
tile invasions  and  cruel  depredations  of  their  enemies.  Therefore 

Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  respective  Assemblies  and  Conventions  of 
the  United  Colonies,  where  no  government  sufficient  to  the  exigencies  of  their  affairs 
has  been  hitherto  established,  to  adopt  such  government  as  shall,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
representatives  of  the  people,  best  conduce  to  the  happiness  and  safety  of  their  ccr- 
stituents  hi  particular  and  America  in  general. 

By  order  of  Congress.  JOHN  HANCOCK,  President. 

2  See  pages  424-427. 

8  "What  is  revolution?  Why,  that  is  revolution  which  overturns,  or  controls,  or 
successfully  resists  the  existing  public  authority ;  that  which  arrests  the  exercise  of 
the  supreme  power;  that  which  introduces  a  new  paramount  authority  into  the  rule 
of  the  State."  —Works  of  Daniel  Webster,  iii.  459. 


BTRTH   OF   THE   NATION.  499 

action,  and  thus  played  an  important  part  in  the  formative 
process  of  the  country. 

It  happened  that  on  the  15th  of  May  a  great  popular 
movement  also  reached  a  decisive  result.  This  bore  directly 
on  independence,  demanded  in  November  by  a  few,  in  Jan- 
uary by  only  a  small  party,  but  in  March  by  a  public  opinion 
becoming  every  day  more  importunate.  This  change  was  by 
no  means  unrepresented  in  Congress,  which  was  paving  the 
way  to  independence ; 1  but  the  proceedings  with  this  in 
view  —  the  instructions,  for  instance,  to  Silas  Deane — -were 
necessarily  secret,  and  hence  the  opponents  of  the  measure 
were  enabled  to  say  that  "  Congress  had  never  lisped  the 
least  desire  for  independence  or  republicanism." 2  Then 
the  Assemblies  of  the  Middle  Colonies,  so  far  from  recall- 
ing their  instructions  against  independence,  in  some  cases 
renewed  them.  Above  all  other  considerations  was  the 
question  of  power  to  act  on  so  grave  and  irrevocable  a  step 
as  a  separation  ;  for  the  power  delegated  was  simply  to 
mature  such  action  as  would  obtain  a  redress  of  grievances 
under  the  existing  government. 

While  Congress  was  hesitating,  "  A  Lover  of  Order,"  on 
the  9th  of  March,  proposed  through  the  newspapers  that 
the  constituents  of  each  delegation  should  be  invited  to 
declare  their  sentiments  on  independence  through  their  local 
organizations ;  remarking  that  in  this  manner  the  continent 

1  Joseph  Reed  (Reed's  Reed,  i.  164)  writes  March  3:  "  The  Congress  are  paving 
the  way  to  a  declaration  of  independence,  but  I  believe  will  not  make  it  until  the 
minds  of  the  people  are  better  prepared  for  it  than  as  yet  they  are." 

2  The  "New-York  Gazette"  of  April  8, 1776,  contains  a  paper  entitled  "Plan  of 
the  American  Compact."     It  was  designed  to  keep  the  colonies  united  with  England. 
It  is  characterized  as  a  "  Compact  of  Reconciliation."     The  writer  asks,  "  For  what 
are  we  to  encounter  the  horrors  of  war,"  &c. ?    He  answers:    "It  is  a  form  of 
government  which  Baron  Montesquieu  and  the  best  writers  on  the  subject  have 
shewn  to  be  attended  with  many  mischiefs  and  imperfections,  while  they  pass  high 
encomiums  on  the  excellency  of  the  British  Constitution.     But  why  should  I  dwell 
on  the  dangers  of  this  scheme  ?    The  Continental  Congress  have  never  lisped  the 
least  desire  for  independency  or  republicanism.      All   their  publications  breathe 
another  spirit."     This  plan  was  reprinted  in  a  pamphlet  entitled  "Observations  on 
the  Reconciliation  of  Great  Britain  and  the 'Colonies,"  &c.,  written  by  a  Whig  of 
the  Dickinson  school,  and  printed  in  Philadelphia,  1776,  by  Robert  Bell. 


500  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

first  declared  their  determination  to  resist  by  force  the 
power  of  Great  Britain,  and  in  so  important  a  question 
the  Congress  ought  only  to  echo  back  the  sentiments  of  the 
people,  and  their  decision  ought  to  determine  the  question.1 
This  course  might  have  been  agreed  upon  in  one  of  the 
consultations  of  the  popular  leaders,  and  preferred  to  a 
proposition  which  John  Adams  probably  intended  to  submit 
in  Congress,  with  the  view  of  procuring  a  repeal  or  a  sus- 
pension of  the  instructions  against  independence.2  How- 
ever this  may  have  been,  it  was  in  harmony  with  the  political 
genius  of  the  country  to  collect  the  sense  of  the  people  on  so 
great  a  question.  It  tended  to  keep  armed  resistance  to 
constituted  authority  in  the  line  of  order,  to  secure  co- 
operation, and  to  guide  passion  in  its  wildest  mood  with 
much  of  the  regularity  of  law.  It  corresponded  with  the 
work  done ;  for,  as  no  colony  formed  a  local  government 
until  Congress  recommended  it  to  be  done,  so  no  delega- 
tion voted  for  a  declaration  of  independence  until  authorized 
by  its  constituents. 

Members  of  Congress  soon  after  requested  their  Assem- 

1  The  following  is  the  piece  alluded  to  in  the  text.     It  is  in  the  Boston  news- 
papers of  April  1.     It  is  here  copied  from  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of 
March  9,  1776  ,  - 

MB.  TOWNE,  — It  is  the  opinion  of  many  people  among  us  that  the  Congress 
should  not  declare  the  colonies  independent  of  Great  Britain,  without  a  previous  recess 
to  consult  their  constituents  about  that  important  question.  But  the  complicated  and 
increasing  business  of  the  Congress  will  not  admit  of  such  a  recess.  Would  it  not 
be  proper,  therefore,  for  their  constituents  to  declare  their  sentiments  upon  that  head 
as  soon  as  possible?  This  may  be  done  by  the  various  committees  and  conventions  on 
the  continent.  Their  votes  or  resolves  should  determine  the  question  in  the  Congress. 
It  was  in  this  manner  the  continent  first  declared  their  determination  to  resist  by 
force  the  power  of  the  British  Parliament.  The  first  Congress  was  nothing  but  the 
echo  of  committees  and  conventions.  In  the  present  important  question  concerning 
independence,  the  Congress  should,  as  in  the  former  case,  only  echo  back  the  senti- 
ments of  the  people.  This  can  only  be  done  through  the  medium  of  committees  and 
conventions.  The  sooner,  therefore,  they  are  convened  for  that  purpose  the  better. 

A  LOVER  OF  ORDER. 

2  The  proposition  referred  to  in  the  text  is  in  the  Life  and  "Works  of  John  Adams, 
i.  216.     No  date  is  given.     The  purport  of  a  preamble  and  resolve  was  to  recommend 
to  the  assemblies  which  had  limited  the  powers  of  their  delegates  "to  repeal  or  sus- 
pend those  instructions  for  a  certain  time,"  that  Congress  might  have  the  power  to 
act  according  to  its  discretion. 


BIRTH   OF  THE  NATION.  501 

blies  to  express  their  sentiments  on  independence.  Elbridge 
Gerry,  on  the  26th  of  March,  wrote  to  the  speaker  of  the 
Massachusetts  Assembly  as  follows :  "  This  [opening  the 
ports]  will  not  in  itself  satisfy  you;  and  I  hope  nothing 
will,  short  of  a  determination  of  America  to  hold  her  rank 
in  the  creation,  and  give  law  to  herself.  ...  I  sincerely 
wish  you  would  originate  instructions  expressed  with  decency 
and  firmness,  and  give  your  sentiments  as  a  court  in  favor 
of  independency.  I  am  certain  it  would  turn  many  doubtful 
minds,  and  produce  a  reversal  of  the  contrary  instructions 
adopted  by  some  Assemblies.  Some  timid  minds  are  terri- 
fied at  the  word  '  independence.'  If  you  think  caution  in 
this  respect  good  policy,  change  the  name.  America  has 
gone  such  lengths  she  cannot  recede."1  Richard  Henry 
Lee  (April  20)  urged  Patrick  Henry  to  propose  a  separation 
in  the  convention  which  was  about  to  assemble  in  Virginia, 
remarking :  "  Ages  yet  unborn  and  millions  existing  at 
present  may  rue  or  bless  that  Assembly  on  which  their  hap- 
piness or  misery  will  so  eminently  depend."  2  Subsequently 
members  from  New  York,  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island, 
and  Maryland, —  among  them  the  venerable  Stephen  Hop- 
kins, —  appealed  to  their  constituents  for  instructions  on 
independence. 

The  facts  just  stated  may  account  for  the  movement 
respecting  independence  which,  on  the  15th  of  May,  reached 
a  result  that  gave  a  decisive  turn  to  the  course  of  events. 
The  procedure  in  eacli  colony  is  so  important  that  it 
deserves  to  be  given  in  full ;  but  the  narratives  must  neces- 
sarily be  much  abridged.  They  may,  however,  serve  to 
show  the  source  of  the  local  streams,  and  how  they  came 
together,  and  formed  a  current  wide,  deep,  and  irresistible 
in  its  flow. 

1  Life  of  Elbridge  Geny,  i.  174.    He  did  not  ask  instructions  to  enable  the 
Massachusetts  delegates  to  act,  for  they  were  fully  empowered  by  their  commissions. 
He  suggests  the  publication  of  any  instructions  which  the  Assembly  might  adopt, 
in  order  to  influence  public  sentiment. 

2  Grigsby's  Discourse  on  "  The  Convention  of  1776,"  p.  8. 


502  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

North  Carolina  was  the  first  colony  to  act  as  a  unit  in 
favor  of  independence.  It  was  the  fourth  in  importance  of 
the  United  Colonies.  Its  Provincial  Congress  had  organized 
the  militia,  and  vested  the  public  authority  in  a  provincial 
council  for  the  whole  colony,  committees  of  safety  for  the 
districts,  and  county  and  town  committees.  A  large  portion 
of  the  people  were  adherents  of  the  crown,  —  among  them  a 
body  of  Highland  emigrants,  and  most  of  the  party  of  regu- 
lators. Governor  Martin  represented,  not  without  grounds,1 
that,  if  these  loyalists  were  supported  by  a  British  force, 
the  colony  might  be  gained  to  the  royal  side.  The  loyalists 
were  also  numerous  in  Georgia  and  South  Carolina.  Hence 
it  was  determined  by  the  King  to  send  an  expedition  to  the 
Southern  Colonies  in  the  winter,  to  restore  the  royal  author- 
ity.2 This  was  put  under  the  command  of  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton, and  ordered  to  rendezvous  at  Cape  Fear.  "  I  am  clear," 
wrote  George  III.,  "the  first  attempt  should  be  made  on 
North  Carolina,  as  the  Highland  settlers  are  said  to  be  well 
inclined."  3  Commissions  were  issued  to  men  of  influence 
among  them,  one  being  Allan  McDonald,  the  husband  of 
the  chivalrous  Flora  McDonald,  who  became  famous  by 
romantic  devotion  to  Prince  Charles  Edward.  Donald 
McDonald  was  appointed  the  commander.  These  officers, 
under  the  direction  of  the  governor,  after  much  secret 
consultation,  enrolled  about  fifteen  hundred  men.  The  pop- 
ular leaders,  however,  were  informed  of  their  designs.  The 
militia  were  summoned,  and  took  the  field  under  Colonel 
James  Moore.  At  length,  when  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was 

1  In  Anson  County,  Governor  Martin  had  227  loyal  addresses ;  in  Guilford  County 
116;  in  Rowan  and  Surry,  195.  —  Sabine's  American  Loyalists,  27. 

2  Lord  George  Germain,  in  a  despatch  to  Governor  Eden  of  Maryland,  dated 
Dec.  23,  1775,  says:  "An  armament  consisting  of  seven  regiments,  with  a  fleet  of 
frigates  and  small  ships,  is  now  in  readiness  to  proceed  to  the  Southern  Colonies,  in 
order  to  attempt  the  restoration  of  legal  government  in  that  part  of  America.     It 
will  proceed  -in  the  first  place  to  North  Carolina,  and  from  thence  either  to  South 
Carolina  or  Virginia,  as  circumstances  of  greater  or  less  advantage  shall  point  out." 
This  despatch  was  intercepted,  and  printed  in  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of 
April  23,  1776. 

8  Correspondence  of  George  III.,  i.  276. 


BIRTH   OP  THE  NATION.  503 

expected  at  Cape  Fear,  General  McDonald  erected  the  royal 
standard  at  Cross  Creek,  now  Fayetteville,  and  moved  for- 
ward to  join  Clinton.  Colonel  Moore  ordered  parties  of  the 
militia  to  take  post  at  Moore's  Creek  Bridge,  over  which 
McDonald  would  be  obliged  to  pass.  Colonel  Richard  Gas- 
well  was  at  the  head  of  one  of  these  parties :  hence  the  force 
here  was  under  his  command :  and  this  place  on  the  27th 
of  February  became  a  famous  battle-field.  The  Provincials 
were  victorious.  They  captured  a  great  quantity  of  military 
supplies,  nearly  nine  hundred  men,  and  their  commander.1 
This  was  the  Lexington  and  Concord  of  that  region.  The 
newspapers  circulated  the  details  of  this  brilliant  result. 
The  spirit  of  the  Whigs  run  high.  "  You  never,"  one 
writes,  "  knew  the  like  in  your  life  for  true  patriotism." 2 
A  strong  force  was  soon  ready  and  anxious  to  meet  Clinton. 
Amidst  these  scenes,  the  people  elected,  delegates  to  a  Pro- 
vincial Congress,  which  met,  on  the  4th  of  April,  at  Halifax. 
It  embraced  many  eminent  patriots,  among  whom  were 
Cornelius  Harnett,  called  the  Samuel  Adams  of  North  Caro- 
lina, William  Hooper,  who  had  read  law  with  James  Otis, 
Richard  Caswell,  a  member  of  the  General  Congress.  At- 
tempts were  made  to  ascertain  the  sense  of  the  people  on 
independence.  It  was  said  that  in  some  of  the  counties 
fondness  for  the  King  was  gone,  and  that  there  was  not  a 
dissentient  voice.  It  was  not  stated  that  in  other  counties 
the  majority  was  largely  on  the  side  of  the  crown.  The 
subject  was  referred  to  a  committee,  of  which  Cornelius 
Harnett  was  the  chairman.  They  reported  an  elaborate 
preamble  in  which  was  delineated  the  war  which  the  King 
and  Parliament  were  carrying  on  against  the  colonies,  and 
a  resolution  to  empower  the  delegates  in  the  General  Con- 
gress "  to  concur  with  the  delegates  in  the  other  colonies 

1  The  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of  March  23  has  Colonel  Moore's  long 
relation  in  his  letter  of  March  2,  addressed  to  Cornelius  Harnett,  Caswell' s  account, 
and  the  correspondence  between  Moore  and  McDonald.     They  were  copied  by  the 
Massachusetts  papers. 

2  Letter  in  "  Pennsylvania  Evening  Post,"  March  26,  1776. 


504  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

in  declaring  independency  and  forming  foreign  alliances,  — 
reserving  to  the  colony  the  sole  and  exclusive  right  of 
forming  a  constitution  and  laws  for  it,"  also  "  of  appointing 
delegates  in  a  general  representation  of  the  colonies  for  such 
purposes  as  might  be  agreed  upon."  This  was  unanimously 
adopted  on  the  12th  of  April.1  Thus  the  popular  party 
carried  North  Carolina  as  a  unit  in  favor  of  independence, 
when  the  colonies,  from  New  England  to  Virginia,  were  in 
solid  array  against  it.  The  example  was  warmly  welcomed 
by  the  patriots,  and  commended  for  imitation.  The  bold 
instructions  and  the  military  triumph  were  the  sequence 
of  the  king's  expedition.  The  royal  indignation  was  soon 
(May  5,  1776)  embodied  in  a  proclamation  declaring  a 
rebellion  in  North  Carolina,  but  promising  pardon  to  all 
who  would  return  to  their  duty,  except  Cornelius  Harriett 
and  Robert  Howe.  Harnett  was  the  foremost  actor  in  the 
movement  for  independence,  and  Howe,  having  accepted  a 
military  commission  from  the  Provincial  Congress,  was 
rendering  noble  service  in  the  field. 

Rhode  Island  acted  next  on  independence.  Its  people  were 
satisfied  with  their  charter.  Under  it  they  elected  their 
rulers  and  made  the  laws.  A  portion,  not  inconsiderable 
in  number,  were  adherents  of  the  crown ;  and  the  measure 
of  independence  had  strong  opponents.  Their  venerable 
delegate  in  Congress,  Stephen  Hopkins,  requested  implicit 
instructions  on  this  head.  On  the  4th  of  May  the  Assembly, 
on  his  re-election  and  the  election  of  William  Ellery,  adopted 
the  form  of  a  commission,  empowering  them  to  consult  on 
"promoting  the  strictest  union  and  confederation"  between 
the  United  Colonies ;  and  to  secure  their  rights,  whether  by 
forming  treaties,  or  "by  such  other  prudent  and  effectual 
means  "  as  might  be  agreed  upon,  "taking  the  greatest  care 
to  secure  to  this  colony,  in  the  strongest  and  most  perfect 
manner,  its  present  established  form  and  all  the  powers  of 
government  so  far  as  it  relates  to  its  internal  police  and 

1  This  paper,  in  the  newspapers,  was  signed  James  Green,  Jun.,  Secretary. 


BIRTH   OF  THE   NATION.  505 

conduct  of  its  own  affairs,  civil  and  religious."  Independ- 
ence is  not  named  in  this  document ;  but  Governor  Cooke 
advised  the  delegates  that  by  it  they  would  know  that  they 
had  the  power  to  vote  for  this  measure.  They  acted  on  this 
interpretation  of  their  commission.  Another  Act  of  the 
same  date  provided  that  all  commissions,  writs  and  pro- 
cesses in  the  courts,  issued  in  the  king's  name,  should  be 
issued  in  the  name  of  "  The  Governor  and  Company  of  the 
English  Colony  of  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Planta- 
tions." The  Act  enumerated  the  measures  that  justified 
disowning  allegiance  to  the  king.  This  concerned  their 
local  status.  The  commission  bore  directly,  and  with  intel 
ligence,  on  the  relation  which  Rhode  Island  as  a  community 
was  to  sustain  in  an  American  Republic.  This,  however, 
was  kept  secret.  It  roused  no  enthusiasm,  and  made  no 
mark.1 

Massachusetts  was  the  next  to  act  on  independence.  The 
popular  party  were  in  great  exultation.  The  British  army 
in  March  was  driven  from  Boston,  the  government  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  people,  and  the  Tories  had  emigrated  or 
were  powerless.  In  May  the  legislature  was  in  session  at 
Watertown.  On  the  1st  of  this  month  the  member  of  the 
largest  influence,  Joseph  Hawley,  wrote  to  Elbridge  Gerry : 
"  The  Tories  dread  a  declaration  of  independence,  and  a 
course  of  conduct  on  that  plan,  more  than  death.  .  .  .  My 
hand  and  heart  are  full  of  it.  There  will  be  no  abiding  union 
without  it.  ...  Without  a  real  continental  government,  our 
army  will  overrun  us ;  and  people  will  by  and  by,  sooner  than 
you  may  be  aware  of,  call  for  their  old  constitutions,  as  they 

1  The  commission  was  read  in  Congress,  May  14,  and  is  printed  in  the  Journals, 
ii.  163.  It  was  not  printed  at  the  time.  Stephen  Hopkins,  — at  this  time  a  member 
of  the  Rhode  Island  Assembly,  Chief  Justice,  and  member  of  Congress,  —  May  15, 
wrote  to  Governor  Cooke :  "  Your  favor  of  the  7th  of  May  I  have  received,  and  the 
papers  enclosed.  I  observe  you  have  avoided  giving  me  a  direct  answer  to  my 
queries  concerning  dependence  or  independence.  However,  the  copy  of  the  Act 
which  you  have  sent  me,  together  with  our  instructions,  leave  me  little  room  to 
doubt  it,"  &c.  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  vi.  467  The  act  relating  to  civil  pro- 
cesses was  printed  in  the  newspapers. 


506  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

did  in  England,  after  Cromwell's  death,  call  in  Charles  tho 
Second.  For  God's  sake,  let  there  be  a  full  revolution,  or 
all  has  been  done  in  vain.  Independency  and  a  well-planned 
continental  government  will  save  us.  God  bless  you. 
Amen  and  anien." 1  These  ringing  words  expressed  the  voice 
of  the  people.  The  House  sent  to  the  Council  a  resolution 
on  independence,  which  that  body  negatived,  chiefly  on  the 
ground  that  the  colony  had  long  been  charged  with  dicta- 
tion, and  that  to  legislate  on  independence  before  Congress 
acted  would  injure  the  cause.2  Both  branches  agreed  (May 
1)  to  an  Act  providing  that  on  and  after  the  1st  of  June  all 
civil  processes,  instead  of  being  issued  in  the  name  of  the 
king  and  bearing  the  date  of  a  reign,  should  be  issued  in  the 
name  of  the  government  and  people  of  Massachusetts,  and 
bear  the  date  of  the  year  of  the  Christian  era,  the  act  to 
continue  in  force  until  a  recommendation  of  "  Congress  or 
Act  of  a  general  American  legislature,  or  the  local  legis- 
lature, should  otherwise  prescribe." 3  Both  branches  also 


1  Life  of  Elbridge  Gerry,  i.  176.     On  the  same  day  (May  1)  Gerry  (Ibid.,  i.  178) 
wrote  to  James  Warren:    "I  am  glad  you  approve  of  the  proposal  for  instructions, 
and  can  with  pleasure  inform  you  that  North  Carolina  has  taken  off  from  their  dele- 
gates the  restriction  relative  to  this  matter;  "  i.e.,  independence. 

2  Dr.  Samuel  Cooper,  in  a  letter  to  Samuel  Adams,  May  13,  says  of  a  resolution 
of  the  House.     "  The  House  sent  up  the  vote  to  the  Council  for  their  concurrence. 
The  propriety  of  this  was  doubted  by  some,  who  did  not  think  the  Council  could 
properly  act  on  such  an  affair.     It  was  however  done,  and  the  Council  negatived  the 
vote.    Mr.  Gushing,  among  others,  was  against  it.     He  said  that  it  would  embarrass 
the  Congress,  that  we  ought  to  wait  until  they  moved  the  question  to  us,  that  it 
would  prejudice  the  other  colonies  against  us,  and  that  you  had  wrote  to  somebody 
here  that  things  with  you  were  going  on  slowly  and  surely,  and  any  kind  of  eager- 
ness in  us  upon  this  question  would  do  hurt."  — MSS. 

3  This  Act  was  printed  in  1802  in  a  pamphlet,  with  a  fac-simile,  by  Henry  B. 
Dawson,  in  Avhich    it  is  entitled   "Declaration  of  Independence  of  the  Colony  of 
Massachusetts  Bay."     Arnold  (History  of  Rhode  Island,  ii.  373)  attaches  like  im- 
portance to  a  similar  Act  of  Rhode  Island  passed  on  the  4th  of  May,  saying:    "It 
established  Rhode  Island  as  an  independent  State  two  months  before  the  general 
declaration  of  the  United  Colonies."     These  were  important  Acts,  but  assuredly  not 
declarations  of  independence.     Joseph  Hawley  was  not  pleased  with  the  wording  of 
the  Act.     He  said  (May  17)  in  a  letter  to  Samuel  Adams:  "  I  wish  we  had  adopted 
a  shorter,  more  noble,  popular,  and  rational  a  style.  .  .  .  However,  the  dropping 
the  title  of  George  III.,  &c.,  is  no  small  attainment.     The  retaining  it  created  no 
small  uneasiness  among  our  good  people  of  common  sense."  — MSS. 


BIRTH    OF  THE  NATION.  507 

agreed  on  a  test  Act,  which  required  all  "  to  defend  by  arms 
the  United  Colonies  and  every  part  thereof"  against  the 
fleets  and  armies  of  Great  Britain.  The  House  proceeded 
separately  on  the  question  of  independence.  On  the  lOtL 
of  May  it  voted,  that  the  towns  ought  to  call  meetings  to 
determine  whether,  if  Congress  should  declare  the  colonies 
independent  of  Great  Britain,  the  inhabitants  "  would  sol- 
emnly engage  with  their  lives  and  fortunes  to  support  them 
in  the  measure." 1  In  pursuance  of  this  call,  during  May 
and  June  meetings  were  held  in  the  towns,  in  which  inde- 
pendence was  discussed  and  votes  to  sustain  it  were  passed ; 
sometimes  accompanied  by  elaborate  papers,  going  over  the 
history  of  the  colony  and  the  list  of  American  grievances. 
Wrentham  declared  that  reconciliation  had  become  as  dan- 
gerous as  it  was  absurd.  Palmer  could  see  no  alternative 
but  inevitable  ruin  or  independence.  Maiden  (May  27) 
voted,  "  That  the  present  age  will  be  deficient  in  their  duty 
to  God,  to  their  posterity  and  themselves,  if  they  do  not 
establish  an  American  Republic."  Acton  (June  17),  using 
these  words 2  of  Maiden,  added :  "  If  Congress  should  de- 
clare America  to  be  a  free  and  independent  republic,"  they 
would  defend  the  measure  with  their  lives  and  fortune." 
In  this  way,  from  the  battle-fields  of  Lexington  and  Con- 
cord, from  the  ruins  at  the  base  of  Bunker  Hill,  from  Faneuil 
Hall,  from  a  hundred  villages  aglow  with  patriotic  fires, 


1  The  resolve  was  as  follows:  "In  the  House  of  Representatives,  May  10,  1776. 
Resolved,  as  the  opinion  of  this  House,  that  the  inhabitants  of  each  town  in  this  Col- 
ony ought,  in  full  meeting  warned  for  that  purpose,  to  advise  the  person  or  persons 
who  shall  be  chosen  to  represent  them  in  the  next  General  Court,  whether  that,  if 
the  honorable  Congress  should,  for  the  safety  of  the  said  colonies,  declare  them 
independent  of  the  kingdom  of  Great  Britain,  they,  the  said  inhabitants,  will 
solemnly  engage,  with  their  lives  and  fortunes,  to  support  them  in  the  measure. 
Samuel  Freeman,  Speaker.  Attest,  William  Story,  Clerk  pro  tern."  It  is  a  singular 
coincidence  that  on  this  10th  of  May  Congress  agreed  to  the  resolution  prepared  by 
John  Adams  advising  the  formation  of  local  governments,  and  the  committee  of 
Charlotte  County,  Virginia,  instructed  its  delegates  to  vote  for  independence. 

*  The  instructions  of  Maiden  and  Boston  were  the  earliest  I  have  found  in  the 
newspapers.  Those  of  twenty-three  towns  may  be  found  in  Force's  Archives,  4th 
Series,  698-707. 


508  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

went  forth  the  pledge  of  determined  and  stern  men  to 
support  such  a  declaration  as  Congress  might  make  with 
their  fortunes  and  their  lives.  "  The  whole  province,"  said 
Pittsfield,  "  are  waiting  for  the  important  moment  which 
they  in  their  great  wisdom  shall  appoint  for  the  declaration 
of  independence  and  a  free  republic."  1 

Virginia  was  profoundly  agitated  on  the  question  of  inde- 
pendence. The  royal  governor,  Dunmore,  had  taken  refuge 
with  the  British  fleet.  The  House  of  Burgesses,  summoned 
by  him,  held  several  sessions,  and  finally  dissolved  them- 
selves. The  political  power  resided  in  a  convention  consist- 
ing of  delegates  chosen  by  those  qualified  to  elect  Burgesses. 
The  delegates  were  re-elected  in  pursuance  of  an  ordinance 
of  their  own  making.  "  It  was,"  Tucker  says,  "  the  great 
body  of  the  people  assembled  in  the  persons  of  their  deputies 
to  consult  for  the  common  good  and  to  aid  in  all  things  for 
the  safety  of  the  people."  2  They  had  organized  the  militia, 
and  appointed  a  committee  of  safety  to  act  in  the  recess  as 
the  executive.  They  did  not  immediately  comply  with  the 
recommendation  of  Congress  in  December  to  form  a  govern- 
ment. This  procedure  was  looked  upon  generally  as  in  the 
direction  of  independence,  if  not  as  independence  itself, 
which  then  a  few  only  in  the  colony  regarded  with  favor. 
"The  convention  of  August,  1774,"  says  an  eminent  author- 
ity, "had  met  and  adjourned;  the  convention  of  March,  of 
July,  and  of  December,  1775,  had  also  met  and  adjourned 
without  the  expression  of  a  single  opinion  in  favor  of  inde- 
pendence." 3  It  had,  however,  been  urged  in  the  Virginia 

1  Hawley,  June  12  (Life  of  Gerry,  i.  186),  wrote:  "  About  two-thirds  of  the  towns 
in  the  colony  had  met,  and  all  instructed  in  the  affirmative,  and  general!}*  returned 
to  be  unanimous."     These  returns  were  made  to  a  new  house  convened  on  2d  of 
June,  which,  on  the  3d  of  July,  in  a  brief  letter  addressed  to  the  Massachusetts  dele- 
gates, stated  that  independence  "was  almost  the  universal  voice  of  this  colony  " 
collected  from  far  the  greater  number  of  the  towns.     The  letter  concludes:    "This 
House  therefore  do,  by  a  unanimous  vote,  submit  this  letter  to  be  made  use  of  aa 
you  shall  think  proper."  —Massachusetts  Archives,  Ivii.  284. 

2  Tucker's  Blackstone,  i.  part  1,  88. 

8  Grigsby,  Discourse  on  "The  Virginia  Convention  of  1776,"  p.  7. 


BIRTH   OF  THE   NATION.  509 

press.  There  soon  followed  the  victory  of  the  militia  on 
the  9th  of  December  at  the  Great  Bridge  ;  the  burning  of 
Norfolk  on  the  1st  of  January ;  and  the  publication  of  an 
intercepted  despatch  of  Lord  Germain,  explaining  the  bold 
rising  of  the  Tories  of  North  Carolina,  and  naming  Virginia 
as  the  theatre  of  future  operations.1  There  was  a  sudden 
change  in  public  sentiment ;  and  the  idea  of  independence, 
said  to  be  alarming  to  Virginians  in  March,2  was  welcome  to 
them  in  April.  One  writes  on  the  2d :  "  Independence  is 
now  the  talk  here.  ...  It  will  be  very  soon,  if  not  already, 
a  favorite  child."  Another,  on  the  12th,  writes :  "  I  think 
almost  every  man,  except  the  treasurer,  is  willing  to  declare 
for  independency." 3  Only  eleven  days  later,  on  the  23d, 
the  Charlotte-County  Committee  published  this  charge  to 
their  delegates  in  convention :  "  By  the  unanimous  appro- 
bation and  direction  of  the  whole  freeholders,  and  all  the 
other  inhabitants  of  this  County,  ...  we  give  it  to  you  in 
charge  to  use  your  best  endeavors  that  the  delegates  which 
are  sent  to  the  General  Congress  be  instructed  immediately 
to  cast  off  the  British  yoke  ;  and  as  King  George,  under  the 
character  of  a  parent,  persists  in  behaving  as  a  tyrant,  that 
they,  in  our  behalf,  renounce  allegiance  to  him  for  ever ;  and 
that  taking  the  God  of  Heaven  to  be  our  king,  and  depend- 
ing on  His  assistance  and  protection,  they  plan  out  that  form 
of  government  which  may  most  effectually  secure  to  us  the 
enjoyment  of  our  civil  and  religious  rights  and  privileges  to 
the  latest  posterity."  4  On  the  next  day,  a  majority  of  the 
freeholders  of  James  City,  remarking  that  reasons  drawn 
from  justice,  policy,  and  necessity  were  everywhere  at  hand 
for  a  radical  separation  from  Great  Britain,  instructed  their 

1  This  despatch  (see  p.  502)  directed  Governor  Eden  to  co-operate  with  Lord  Dun- 
more.    It  is  named  in  the  proceedings  of  Charlotte  County. 

2  Joseph  Reed  in  Philadelphia  writes  Washington,  March  15:  "It  is  said  the 
Virginians  are  so  alarmed  with  the  idea  of  independence  that  they  have  sent  Mr. 
Braxton  on  purpose  to  turn  the  vote  of  that  colony."  — Reed's  Reed,  i.  173. 

8  See  papers  in  "  Southern  Literary  Messenger,"  September  and  October,  1858. 
4  This  paper  is  in  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of  May  21,  under  the 
heading  "  Williamsburg,  May  10." 


510  THE   RISE    OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

delegates  "to  exert  their  utmost  abilities  in  the  next  conven 
tion  towards  dissolving  the  connection  between  America  and 
Great  Britain,  totally,  finally,  and  irrevocably."  1  Bucking- 
ham County  was  in  favor  of  a  constitution  providing  for  a 
full  representation,  and  a  government  the  most  free,  happy, 
and  permanent  that  human  wisdom  could  contrive.  Augusta 
County  added,  "  one  that  might  bear  the  test  of  future  ages." 
In  May  the  avowals  for  independence  were  numerous.  In 
this  spirit  and  with  such  aims,  a  new  convention  was  chosen, 
and  on  the  6th  of  May  met  in  Williamsburg.  It  contained 
illustrious  men,  —  among  them,  James  Madison,  in  the 
twenty-fifth  year  of  his  age ;  George  Mason,  in  the  maturity 
of  his  great  powers  ;  Richard  Bland,  Edmund  Pendleton, 
and  Patrick  Henry,  rich  in  Revolutionary  fame.2  The 
President,  Pendleton,  in  opening  the  session,  said  that 
almost  all  the  powers  of  government  had  been  suspended  for 
two  years;  and  he  asked  whether  the  colony  could  longer 
maintain  the  struggle  in  that  situation.  On  the  14th  of  May 
the  convention  went  into  a  committee  of  the  whole  on  the 
state  of  the  colony,  with  Archibald  Carey  in  the  chair ; 
when  Colonel  Nelson  submitted  a  preamble  and  resolutions 
on  independence,  prepared  by  Pendleton.3  These  were  dis- 
cussed in  two  sittings  of  the  committee,  and  then  reported 
to  the  House.  They  were  opposed  chiefly  by  delegates  from 
the  Eastern  District,  but  were  advocated  by  Patrick  Henry, 
and  passed  unanimously  when  one  hundred  and  twelve 
members  were  present,  —  about  twenty  absenting  them- 
selves. This  paper  enumerated  the  wrongs  done  to  the 
colonies ;  put  as  the  crowning  grievance  the  king's  procla- 
mation declaring  them  out  of  his  protection ;  averred  that 
there  was  no  alternative  but  absolute  subjection  or  total 

1  The  instructions  are  printed  in  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of  May  11 
from  the  "  Virginia  Gazette  "  of  April  26. 

2  The  Discourse  delivered  hefore  the  "  Virginia  Alpha  and  Phi  Beta  Kappa  So- 
ciety" at  Williamsburg,  July  3,  1855,  by  Hon.  Hugh  Blair  Grigsby,  contains  an 
admirable  history  of  this  convention,  with  the  character  of  the  actors. 

«  Ibid.,  in  a  note  on  p.  204. 


BIRTH   OP   THE  NATION.  511 

separation,  and  instructed  the  delegates  appointed  to  repre- 
sent the  colony  in  the  General  Congress  "  to  propose  to 
that  respectable  body  to  declare  the  United  Colonies  free 
and  independent  States,"  and  to  "  give  the  assent  of  the 
colony  to  measures  to  form  foreign  alliances  and  a  confed- 
eration,—  provided  the  power  of  forming  government  for 
the  internal  regulations  of  each  colony  be  left  to  the  colonial 
legislatures."  The  same  paper  also  provided  for  a  committee 
to  form  a  plan  of  government  for  Virginia.  This  action 
was  transmitted  by  the  President  to  the  other  assemblies, 
accompanied  by  a  brief  circular.1  On  the  evening  of  the 
day  the  people  of  Williamsburg  rang  the  bells,  fired  salutes, 
struck  down  the  British  flag  from  the  State  House,  and  raised 
"The  Union  Flag  of  the  American  States."  The  militia 
welcomed  this  action  with  acclamation.  It  was  hailed  by 
the  patriots  in  other  colonies  with  enthusiasm,  and  elicited 
through  the  press  and  in  private  letters  glowing  tributes  to 
the  patriotism  of  the  Old  Dominion.  The  convention  agreed 
(June  12)  upon  the  famous  Declaration  of  Eights  declaring 
all  men  equally  free  and  independent,  all  power  vested  in  and 
derived  from  the  people,  and  that  government  ought  to  be 
for  the  common  benefit ;  also  that  all  men  are  equally 
entitled  to  the  free  exercise  of  religion  according  to  the  dic- 
tates of  conscience.  It  also  complied  with  the  recommenda- 
tion of  Congress,  by  forming  a  constitution  and  electing  a 

1  This  paper  was  copied  into  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of  May  28. 
It  is  in  all  the  newspapers  of  this  period  that  I  have  seen.  The  following  are  the 
resolves : — 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  the  delegates  appointed  to  represent  the  colony  In  the 
General  Congress  be  instructed  to  propose  to  that  respectable  body  to  declare  the 
United  Colonies  free  and  independent  States,  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to,  or 
dependence  upon,  the  crown  or  parliament  of  Great  Britain;  and  that  they  give  the 
assent  of  this  colony  to  such  declaration,  and  to  whatever  measures  may  be  thought 
proper  and  necessary  by  the  Congress  for  forming  foreign  alliances  and  a  confederation 
of  the  colonies,  at  such  time  and  in  the  manner  as  to  them  shall  seem  best.  Provided, 
that  the  power  of  forming  government  for,  and  the  regulation  of  the  internal  concerns 
of,  each  colony  be  left  to  the  respective  colonial  legislatures. 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  a  committee  be  appointed  to  prepare  a  declaration  of 
rights,  and  such  a  plan  of  government  as  will  be  most  likely  to  maintain  peace  and  order 
In  this  colony,  and  secure  substantial  and  equal  liberty  to  the  people. 


512  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

governor  and  other  officers.1  In  this  great  procedure  Vir- 
ginia joined  with  North  Carolina  in  confronting  the  instruc- 
tions against  independence  of  the  Middle  Colonies.  Its 
action  constitutes  a  brilliant  link  in  the  chain  that  marked 
the  nation's  birth.2 

On  the  fifteenth  day  of  May,  only  four  of  the  colonies  had 
acted  definitely  on  the  question  of  independence.  North 
Carolina  had  authorized  her  delegates  to  concur  with  the  dele- 
gates from  the  other  colonies  "  in  declaring  independency;" 
Rhode  Island  had  commissioned  hers  "  to  join  in  any  meas- 
ure to  secure  American  rights ;  "  in  Massachusetts  various 
towns  had  pledged  themselves  to  maintain  any  declaration 
on  which  Congress  might  agree;  and  Virginia  had  given 
the  positive  instruction  to  her  delegates  to  propose  that  Con- 
gress should  make  a  declaration  of  independence.  These 
proceedings  were  accompanied  with  declarations  respecting 
a  reservation  to  each  colony  of  the  right  to  form  its  own 
government,  in  the  adjustment  of  the  power  universally  felt 
to  be  necessary,  and  which  was  to  be  lodged  in  a  new 
political  unit  designated  by  the  terms  "  Confederation," 
"  Continental  Constitution,"  and  "  American  Republic." 

The  Virginia  instructions  were  carried  to  Congress  by  their 
mover  in  the  convention,  Colonel  Nelson.  Three  weeks 
elapsed  before  a  motion  on  independence  was  submitted  in 
this  body.  The  popular  party  was  aglow  with  the  measure. 
It  was  not  then  the  custom  for  statesmen  to  attend  public 
meetings  out  of  their  respective  colonies.  The  voice  of 
Patrick  Henry  was  never  heard  in  Faneuil  Hall.  John 

1  The  Declaration  of  Rights  was  reported  to  the  Convention  in  May  and  printed  for 
the  use  of  the  members.     It  is  in  the  "  Pennsylvania  Evening  Post "  of  June  6,  under 
the  head  "  Williamsburg,  May  24."      The  journal  of  the  convention  in  Force's 
Archives  gives  May  27  as  the  date  of  its  presentation.     The  copies  vary.     Thus  the 
Report  has  these  words:   "  That  all  men  are  born  equally  free  and  independent,  and 
have  certain  inherent  natural  rights."     This  was  changed  to  "  That  all  men  are  by 
nature,  equally  free  and  independent,  and  have  certain  inherent  rights."     The  pre- 
amble to  the  Constitution  states  that  it  was  adopted  "in  compliance  with  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  General  Congress." 

2  Rives' s  Life  of  Madison,  i.  129. 


BIRTH  OF  THE   NATION.  513 

Adams  never  addressed  a  Virginia  gathering.  The  press 
was  relied  on  for  intercommunication  of  sentiment.  The 
newspapers  were  now  circulating  noble  utterances  in  favor 
of  independence.  A  few  sentences  from  the  Boston  instruc- 
tions are  selected,  not  because  they  were  the  most  pointed, 
or  were  peculiar,  but  because  behind  them  was  the  brave 
municipality  which  so  long  commanded  the  admiration  of 
patriots  everywhere  for  fidelity  to  the  common  cause.  "  The 
whole  United  Colonies,"  was  now  the  language  of  Boston, 
"  are  upon  the  verge  of  a  glorious  revolution.  We  have 
seen  the  petitions  to  the  king  rejected  with  disdain.  For 
the  prayer  of  peace  he  has  tendered  the  sword ;  for  liberty, 
chains ;  for  safety,  death.  Loyalty  to  him  is  now  treason 
to  our  country.  We  think  it  absolutely  impracticable  for 
these  colonies  to  be  ever  again  subject  to  or  dependent  upon 
Great  Britain,  without  endangering  the  very  existence  of  the 
State.  Placing,  however,  unbounded  confidence  in  the  su- 
preme councils  of  the  Congress,  we  are  determined  to  wait, 
most  patiently  wait,  till  their  wisdom  shall  dictate  the  neces- 
sity of  making  a  declaration  of  independence.  In  case  the 
Congress  should  think  it  necessary  for  the  safety  of  the 
United  Colonies  to  declare  them  independent  of  Great 
Britain,  the  inhabitants,  with  their  lives  and  the  remnant  of 
their  fortunes,  will  most  cheerfully  support  them  in  the 
measure."  This  admirable  paper  was  printed  in  Philadel- 
phia, and  might  have  been  read  by  members  of  Congress 
during  the  progress  of  the  first  debate  on  independence.1 

On  the  7th  of  June,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  in  behalf  of 
the  Virginia  delegates,  submitted  in  Congress  resolves  on 
independence,  a  confederation,  and  foreign  alliances.  His 
biographer  says  that  "  tradition  relates  that  he  prefaced  his 
motion  with  a  speech,"  portraying  the  resources  of  the  colo- 
nies and  their  capacity  for  defence,  dwelling  especially  on  the 

1  The  "Instructions  to  their  Representatives"  by  the  town  of  Boston  were 
adopted  and  printed  in  May,  and  are  in  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of 
June  8. 

33 


514  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

bearing  which  an  independent  position  might  have  on  foreign 
powers,  and  concluded  by  urging  the  members  so  to  act  that 
the  day  might  give  birth  to  an  American  Republic.1  The 
motion  was :  — 

"  That  these  United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to 
be,  free  and  independent  States,  that  they  are  absolved  from 
all  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown,  and  that  all  political 
connection  between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain  is, 
and  ought  to  be  totally  dissolved. 

"  That  it  is  expedient  forthwith  to  take  the  most  effectual 
measures  for  forming  foreign  alliances. 

"  That  a  plan  of  confederation  be  prepared  and  transmit- 
ted to  the  respective  colonies  for  their  consideration  and 
approbation." 

John  Adams  seconded  the  motion.  The  Journal  of  Con- 
gress says,  "that,  certain  resolutions  respecting  independ- 
ency being  moved  and  seconded,"  they  were  postponed  till 
to-morrow  morning,  and  "  that  the  members  were  enjoined 
to  attend  punctually  at  ten  o'clock  in  order  to  take  the  same 
into  their  consideration."  Jefferson  says  that  the  reason  of 
the  postponement  was  that  the  House  were  obliged  to  attend 
to  other  business.  This  record  indicates  that  no  speech 
was  made  on  that  day.2 

The  next  day  was  Saturday.  John  Hancock,  the  Presi- 
dent, was  in  the  chair  ;  and  Charles  Thomson  was  the  Secre- 
tary. The  resolves  were  immediately  referred  to  a  commit- 
tee of  the  whole,  in  which  Benjamin  Harrison  presided, — the 

1  Lee,  in  "Life  of  Richard  Henry  Lee,"  says  (vol.  i.  169),  that  as  soon  as  the 
instructions  arrived,  the  delegates  appointed  Lee  to  move  a  resolution  conformably 
to  them.    Madison  (Writings,  iii.  282)  says,  that  the  duty,  in  consequer.ce  of  the 
death  of  Peyton  Randolph,  devolved  on  Lee,  as  the  next  in  order  on  the  list  of  dele- 
gates.   On  the  27th  of  May  "the  delegates  of  North  Carolina  and  the  delegates  from 
Virginia  laid  before  Congress  certain  instructions  which  they  received  from  their 
respective  conventions."     (Journals  of  Congress,  ii.  183.)    Elbridge  Gerry,  on  the 
28th  of  May,  sent  these  instructions  to  James  Warren,  saying:  "Their  conventions 
have  unanimously  declared  for  independency,  and  have  in  this  respect  exceeded 
their  sister  colonies  in  a  most  noble  and  decisive  measure."  — Life  of  Gerry,  i.  181. 

2  Memoir,  &c.,  ed.  1830,  p.  10.    Bancroft  (viii.  289)  does  not  name  any  speech 
delivered  on  the  7th. 


BIRTH   OF   THE   NATION.  o!5 

confidential  correspondent  of  Washington,  and  subsequently 
governor  of  Virginia.  They  were  debated  with  animation 
until  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening,  when  the  President 
resumed  the  chair,  and  reported  that  the  committee  had 
considered  the  matter  referred  to  them,  but,  not  having 
come  to  any  decision,  directed  him  to  move  for  leave  to  sit 
again  on  Monday. 

In  Congress,  on  Monday,  Edward  Rutledge  moved  that 
the  question  be  postponed  for  three  weeks.  The  debate  on 
this  day  continued  until  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening.  Not 
a  single  speech  of  any  member  is  known  to  be  extant.  Jef- 
ferson, at  the  time,  summed  up  the  argument  used  by  the 
speakers  during  both  days.  It  was  said  by  James  Wilson, 
Robert  R.  Livingston,  Edward  Rutledge,  John  Dickinson, 
and  others,  that,  though  they  were  friends  to  the  measures 
themselves,  and  saw  the  impossibility  that  they  should  ever 
be  united  with  Great  Britain,  yet  they  were  against  adopting 
the  motion  at  that  time.  Their  main  reason  was  the  lack 
of  unanimity.  It  was  said  that  the  people  of  the  Middle 
Colonies  were  not  ripe  for  bidding  adieu  to  British  connec- 
tion, as  was  shown  by  the  ferment  into  which  the  Resolution 
of  the  Fifteenth  of  May  had  thrown  them,  but  that  they 
were  fast  ripening,  and  in  a  short  time  would  join  the 
general  voice  of  America ;  that  with  such  want  of  unanimity 
there  was  little  reason  to  expect  an  alliance  with  the  powers 
named  ;  that  France  and  Spain  had  reason  to  be  jealous  of 
that  rising  power  which  would  certainly  strip  them  of  all 
their  American  possessions,  and  would  be  more  likely  to 
form  a  connection  with  the  British  court,  which,  to  recover 
the  colonies,  would  agree  to  restore  the  Canadas  to  France 
and  Florida  to  Spain.  On  the  other  side,  it  was  urged  by 
John  Adams,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George  Wythe,  and 
others,  that  no  one  had  argued  against  the  policy  or  the 
right  of  separation  from  Britain,  or  had  supposed  it  possible 
that  they  should  ever  renew  their  connection,  but  that  the 
only  opposition  was  to  an  immediate  declaration  ;  that  the 


616  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

question  was  not  whether  by  a  declaration  of  independence 
they  should  make  themselves  what  they  were  not,  but 
whether  they  should  declare  a  fact  which  already  existed ; 
that  the  people  were  waiting  for  Congress  to  lead  the  way ; 
that  they  were  in  favor  of  the  measure,  though  the  instruc- 
tions given  to  some  of  the  representatives  were  not ;  that 
the  effect  of  the  Resolution  of  the  Fifteenth  of  May  proved 
this, — for  the  murmurs  against  it,  in  the  Middle  Colonies, 
called  forth  the  voice  of  the  freer  part  of  the  people,  and 
proved  them  to  be  a  majority  in  favor  of  it ;  that  it  would  be 
vain  to  wait  either  weeks  or  months  for  perfect  unanimity, 
since  it  was  impossible  that  all  men  should  ever  become  of 
one  sentiment  on  any  question.  It  was  said  that  a  declara- 
tion of  independence  alone  could  render  it  consistent  with 
European  delicacy  for  European  powers  to  treat  with  them 
or  receive  an  ambassador  from  them.1  Besides  the  general 
summary  of  Jefferson,  are  a  few  individual  notices.  Wilson 
avowed  that  the  removal  of  the  restriction  on  his  vote  did 
not  change  his  view  of  his  obligation  to  resist  independence, 
while  John  Adams  defended  the  proposed  measures  as 
"  objects  of  the  most  stupendous  magnitude,  in  which  the 
lives  and  liberties  of  millions  yet  unborn  were  intimately 
interested."2  The  result  may  be  given  in  the  words  of 
Jefferson  :  "It  appearing  in  the  course  of  these  debates  that 
the  colonies  of  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Dela- 
ware, Maryland,  and  South  Carolina,  were  not  yet  matured 
for  falling  from  the  parent  stem,  but  that  they  were  fast 
advancing  to  that  state,  it  was  thought  most  prudent  to  wait 
awhile  for  them."  It  was  agreed  in  committee  of  the  whole 
to  report  to  Congress  a  resolution  which  was  adopted  by  a 
vote  of  seven  colonies  to  five.  This  postponed  the  resolu- 
tion on  independence  to  the  first  day  of  July ;  and  "  in  the 

1  The  summary  of  Jefferson  occupies  four  pages  of  the  Memoir  printed  in  1830, 
in  the   "  Memoir,  Correspondence,  and  Miscellanies  from  the  Papers  of  Thomas 
Jefferson."     It  is  said  in  the  preface,  "This  is  the  first  disclosure  to  the  world  of 
those  debates." 

2  The  citations  are  from  Bancroft,  viii.  391. 


BIRTH   OF  THE  NATION.  £>17 

mean  while,  that  no  time  be  lost,  a  committee  be  appointed 
to  prepare  a  declaration  in  conformity  to  it."  On  the  next 
day  a  committee  was  chosen  for  this  purpose  by  ballot : 
Thomas  Jefferson  of  Virginia,  John  Adams  of  Massachu- 
setts, Benjamin  Franklin  of  Pennsylvania,  Roger  Sherman 
of  Connecticut,  and  Robert  R.  Livingston  of  New  York. 
On  the  12th,  a  committee  of  one  from  each  colony  was 
chosen  to  report  the  form  of  a  confederation,  and  a  com- 
mittee of  five  to  prepare  a  plan  of  treaties  to  be  proposed 
to  foreign  powers. 

When  Congress  postponed  the  vote  on  independence,  the 
popular  movement  in  its  favor  was  in  full  activity.  Some 
of  the  members  left  this  body  to  engage  in  it.  Others  pro- 
moted it  by  their  counsel.  One  of  them,  John  Adams,  on 
the  Sunday  intervening  between  the  two  days  of  the  great 
debate,  wrote  :  "  Objects  of  the  most  stupendous  magnitude, 
and  measures  in  which  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  millions  yet 
unborn  are  intimately  connected,  are  now  before  us.  We 
are  in  the  midst  of  a  revolution  the  most  complete,  unex- 
pected, and  remarkable  of  any  in  the  history  of  nations." l 
Perils  were  multiplying  on  every  side.  The  Indians  were 
scalping  along  the  border  settlements.  Carleton  was  driv- 
ing the  continental  army  out  of  Canada.  The  Howes,  with 
a  powerful  land  and  naval  force,  were  threatening  New 
England,  and  moving  on  New  York.  Parker's  fleet  was 
approaching  Charleston.  The  loyalists  were  arming  and 
rising  in  Delaware,  New  Jersey,  and  New  York.  "  Armies," 
it  was  said,  "  composed  of  Hessians,  Hanoverians,  Regulars, 
Tories,  and  Indians,  were  plundering  and  murdering,  while 
the  king  was  amusing  a  distressed  people  with  the  sound  of 
commissioners  crying  peace  when  there  was  no  peace."  2 
"  Anxiety,"  says  Tucker,  "  and  apprehension  invaded  every 
breast.  Every  public  assembly,  every  religious  congregation, 
every  scene  of  social  intercourse,  or  of  domestic  privacy  and 

1  Letter,  June  9,  1776.    Life  and  Works  of  John  Adams,  ix.  391- 

2  Article  in  "Connecticut  Courant,"  June  17,  1776. 


518  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

retirement,  was  a  scene  of  deliberation  on  the  public  calam- 
ity and  impending  danger."  l  The  colonies  were  without  a 
government,  or  military  supplies,  or  money.  They  were 
strong  in  courage  and  indomitable  will.  "  America,"  says 
Walter  Savage  Landor,  "  was  never  so  great  as  on  the  day 
when  she  declared  her  independence.  In  fact  no  nation  is 
ever  greater  than  at  the  time  it  recovers  its  freedom  from 
under  one  apparently  more  powerful."  2 

The  combination  of  an  internal  enemy  with  foreign  in- 
vaders has  goaded  nations  to  madness ;  but,  in  America  if 
it  added  intensity  to  the  party  strifes,  it  seems  to  have  also 
increased  the  caution  of  the  popular  leaders.  The  Resolu- 
tion of  the  Fifteenth  of  May  connected  the  question  of  local 
government  with  that  of  independence.  In  the  Middle  Col- 
onies, the  popular  party,  with  these  issues  on  their  banners, 
were  met  by  a  powerful  combination  of  Tories  and  friends 
of  the  proprietary  interests,  opposed  to  change  and  revolu- 
tion. Thus  a  providential  current  was  checked  and  chafed 
by  dams,  and  there  was  the  noise  of  many  waters.  It 
would  be  idle  to  say  that  the  Whigs  were  always  in  the 
right,  and  the  Tories  always  wrong.  There  began  at  this 
period,  in  localities  where  the  war  became  one  of  extermi- 
nation, excesses  that  were  shocking  to  the  common  human- 
ity. Congress  had  enjoined  upon  the  people  "  to  take  care 
that  no  page  in  the  annals  of  America  be  stained  by  the 
recital  of  any  action  which  justice  or  Christianity  might 
condemn ; "  now  in  a  resolve  it  strove  to  keep  their  cause 
in  the  line  of  order;3  and  during  the  month  of  June,  the 
wild  power  of  passion  spent  itself  mostly  in  hot  words  and 
goading  crimination.  The  political  appeals  continued  to  be 

1  Tucker's  Blackstone,  i.  part  1,  84. 

2  The  Works  of  Walter  Savage  Landor,  London  edition,  1868,  i.  126. 

8  The  vote  of  Congress  in  June,  in  relation  to  the  treatment  of  the  Tories,  shows 
the  desire  to  keep  the  cause  free  from  excesses.  It  is  in  the  "  Philadelphia  Evening 
Post"  of  June  18.  "Resolved,  That  no  man  in  these  colonies  charged  with  being  a 
Tory,  or  unfriendly  to  the  cause  of  American  liberty,  be  injured  in  his  person  or 
property,  unless  the  proceeding  against  him  be  founded  on  an  order  of  this  Con- 
gress," or  committee,  &c. 


BIRTH  OF  THE  NATION.  519 

high  toned,  and  to  embody  the  reverent  spirit  and  the  true 
heroism  of  patriots.1  "  May  America,"  writes  one,  "  rise 
triumphant,  blossom  as  the  rose,  and  swell  with  increasing 
splendor,  like  the  growing  beauties  of  the  spring,  bearing 
in  her  right  hand  the  great  charter  of  Salvation,  the  Gospel 
of  the  Heavenly  Jesus,  and  in  the  left  the  unfolding  vol- 
umes of  Peace,  Liberty,  and  Truth."2 

Pennsylvania  was  fairly  alive  with  the  idea  of  independ- 
ence. Nowhere  had  the  question  been  more  thoroughly 
discussed  than  in  its  press ;  and  nowhere  was  the  opposition 
to  it  more  strongly  intrenched,  for  it  had  on  its  side  the 
proprietary  government.  Tories  could  point  to  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  Assembly  against  it  as  the  voice  of  an  eighth 
of  the  inhabitants  of  America.  Then,  too,  warm  advocates 
of  independence  —  Charles  Thomson,  for  instance  — desired 
to  retain  the  charter;  agreeing  in  this  with  the  Tories, 
the  majority  of  the  Quakers,  and  the  proprietary  party. 
Hence  it  is  not  easy  to  describe  the  political  feeling  with 
precision.3  Personal  preferences  and  political  rivalries,  how- 
ever, gave  way  before  the  power  of  ideas.  It  was  the  policy 
of  the  Whigs  to  avoid  national  distinctions  and  provincial 
narrowness,  and  to  become  united  "  under  the  sole  denomi- 
nation of  Americans ;"  4  and  it  was  not  possible  for  them  to 

1  The  following  stanza  is  in  the  "New  Hampshire  Gazette"  of  June  8,  and  the 
"  Connecticut  Gazette  "  of  June  28,  and  in  other  newspapers:  — 

"  From  North  though  stormy  winds  may  blow 

To  blast  fair  Freedom,  fragrant  flower, 
And  urge  the  seas  to  overflow 

The  banks,  that  shield  it  from  their  power: 
Yet,  planted  here  by  God's  own  hand, 

Be  not,  dear  fugitive,  dismayed. 
The  winds  shall  cease  at  His  command, 

The  sea's  proud  waves  shall  soon  be  stayed." 

2  Force's  American  Archives,   4th  Series,  v.  1171.     Under  the  date  of  May, 
1776;  under  the  signature  of  "  Cosmopolitan." 

8  Reed's  Life  of  Reed,  i.  151.  On  p.  152  may  be  found  a  letter  of  Thomson  on 
the  subject  of  the  Charter. 

*  The  Twenty-first  Rule  of  the  Military  Association  was:  "All  national  distinc- 
tions in  dress  or  name  to  be  avoided,  it  being  proper  that  we  should*  be  united  in 
this  general  association  to  defend  our  liberties  and  properties,  under  the  sole  denom- 
ination of  Americans."  — Pennsylvania  Evening  Post,  April  25,  1776. 


520  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

rest  satisfied  with  a  government  which  excluded  so  large 
a  share  of  population  as  the  Germans,  from  the  ballot. 
There  was  also  the  great  fact  of  Union.  Under  its  influence, 
the  old  proprietary  party  and  the  popular  party  buried  their 
former  animosities,  and  united  against  a  common  oppres- 
sion,1 when,  in  line  upon  line,  Pennsylvania  pledged  herself 
to  abide  by  the  decisions  of  Congress,  —  a  proceeding  in 
which  politicians  of  the  type  of  the  Tory  Galloway  joined.2 
On  this  well-prepared  soil  fell  the  Resolution  of  the  Fif- 
teenth of  May.  The  principle  it  embodied  was  accepted  by 
the  popular  party  as  their  rule  of  action,  as  they  had  accepted 
the  Continental  Association;  and  they  determined  that  it 
should  be  respected  as  law  throughout  the  province.  They 
said  that  their  governor  was  commissioned  by,  and  the  char- 
tered power  of  the  assembly  was  derived  from,  their  mortal 
enemy  the  king ;  and  that  a  body  of  men  bound  by  oaths 
of  allegiance  was  "  disqualified  to  take  into  consideration" 
this  Resolution.  Fidelity  to  the  cause  required  the  abroga- 
tion of  all  royal  authority,  and  the  organization  of  a  govern- 
ment on  the  authority  of  the  people.  The  public  conviction 
was  embodied  in  a  great  public  meeting  held  on  the  20th  of 
May  at  the  State  House.  It  was  called  to  order  by  Major 
John  Bayard,  a  man  of  singular  purity  of  character,  brave 
and  devout,  in  which  Colonel  Daniel  Roberdeau,  a  gallant 
soldier  of  the  Revolution,  presided,  and  Thomas  McKean, 
an  eminent  civilian,  took  a  part.  The  Resolution  of  Con- 
gress was  read,  when  "  the  people  in  testimony  of  their 
warmest  approbation  gave  three  cheers."  The  instructions 
of  the  Assembly  against  independence,  of  November  9th, 
were  read,  when  the  meeting  unanimously  resolved  that 
they  had  the  "  dangerous  tendency  to  withdraw  this  prov 
ince  from  that  happy  union  with  the  other  colonies  which 
we  consider  both  our  glory  and  protection."  In  a  protest 

1  Gordon's  History  of  Pennsylvania,  525. 

2  See  page  338  for  the  pledge  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  Congress,  and  page  396 
for  approval  of  its  proceedings. 


BIRTH    OP  THE   NATION.  521 

to  the  Assembly  denying  its  authority,  and  acknowledging 
that  of  the  Resolution  of  Congress,  it  is  said :  "  We  are 
fully  convinced  that  our  safety  and  happiness,  next  to  the 
immediate  providence  of  God,  depends  upon  our  complying 
with  and  supporting  the  said  resolve  of  Congress,  that 
thereby  the  union  of  the  colonies  may  be  preserved  in- 
violate." 1 

This  meeting  applied  the  far-reaching  principle,  that  in 
matters  relating  to  the  welfare  of  a  common  country,  the 
union  is  paramount.  An  appeal  to  the  public,  signed  "  One 
of  the  Seven  Thousand  who  appeared  at  the  State  House 
and  swore  to  support  the  Union,"  says :  "  You  will  be 
called  on  to  declare  whether  you  will  support  the  union  of 
the  colonies  in  opposition  to  the  instructions  of  the  House 
of  Assembly,  or  whether  you  will  support  the  Assembly 
against  the  union  of  the  colonies.  We  have  declared  for 
the  former ;  and  we  will,  at  the  hazard  of  our  lives,  support 
the  Union." 2  This  great  demonstration  was  felt  throughout 
the  province.  The  position  it  took  was  responded  to  by 
local  committees,  public  meetings,  and  military  battalions. 
The  Resolution  of  the  Fifteenth  of  May  was  everywhere 
greeted  with  enthusiasm.  A  remonstrance  against  it, 
issued  by  the  friends  of  the  old  charter,  was  burnt  as  a 
seditious  and  treasonable  libel.3  But  I  have  space  only  to 
give  results.  The  Assembly  so  far  yielded  to  the  outburst 
of  popular  feeling  as,  on  the  8th  of  June,  to  adopt  instruc- 
tions authorizing  the  delegates  to  concur  in  forming  further 

1  The  proceedings  of  this  meeting  are  in  the  *•  Pennsylvania  Evening  Post "  of 
May  21. 

2  Ibid.    In  Marshall's  "  Remembrancer  "  (p.  82)  it  is  stated  that  the  great  meet- 
ing met  in  the  State-House  yard,  in  the  rain,  at  ten  o'clock,  and  continued  until 
twelve,  and  that  after  the  adjournment  the  committee  of  Philadelphia  appointed 
oersons  to  carry  the  resolves  to  the  counties. 

3  "  We  hear  that  the  remonstrance  to  the  Assembly  of  this  Province  against  the 
resolve  of  the  Honorable  Congress  of  the  15th  inst.  (now  signing  by  a  few  people  in 
this  city)  was  burnt  in  the  most  ignominious  manner,  at  Reading,  in  Berks  County, 
is  a  seditious  and  treasonable  libel  tending  to  destroy  the  union  of  the  colonies  and 
to  ruin  this  province  "  — Pennsylvania  Evening  Post,  May  30.     This  remonstrance 
vas  printed  in  the  issue  of  this  paper  of  the  23d  of  May. 


522  THE  RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

compacts  between  the  United  Colonies,  and  in  promoting 
the  safety  and  interests  of  America,  reserving  to  the  people 
the  sole  right  of  regulating  their  internal  government.  The 
committee  of  Philadelphia  had  (May  21)  issued  a  circular 
addressed  to  the  committees  of  the  several  counties,  say- 
ing :  "  If  you  wish  this  province  to  be  restored  to  their  rank 
in  the  Continental  Union,  we  recommend  you  to  send  a 
delegation  to  meet  the  deputies  of  the  other  committees, 
to  agree  upon  the  mode  of  electing  members  to  a  Provincial 
Convention,  "  for  the  express  purpose  of  establishing  a  new 
government  on  the  authority  of  the  people  only,  according 
to  the  enclosed  recommendation  of  the  Honorable  Conti- 
nental Congress."  L 

This  call  was  enthusiastically  responded  to.  On  the 
18th  of  June  the  conference  assembled  in  Carpenters'  Hall. 
Thomas  McKean  was  the  President.  On  the  24th,  this 
body  issued  a  call  for  a  convention  to  form  a  government ; 
and  the  paper  inaugurating  the  American  practice  in  insti- 
tuting organic  law  is  so  calm,  just,  and  simple,  as  to  denote 
a  period  of  repose  rather  than  the  turmoil  out  of  which 
it  sprung.2  The  conference,  on  the  motion  of  Benjamin 
Rush,  adopted  (June  24)  a  declaration  expressing  their 
determination  to  concur  in  a  vote  of  Congress  declaring  the 
United  Colonies  free  and  independent  States,  provided  that 
the  power  of  forming  the  government  and  the  regulation 
of  the  internal  concerns  of  each  colony  be  always  reserved 
to  the  people.  This  patriotic  conference,  on  giving  the  fin- 
ishing stroke  to  the  revolutionary  action  of  Pennsylvania, 
declared  that  their  procedure  did  not  originate  in  ambition 
or  in  impatience  of  lawful  authority,  but  that  they  were 
driven  to  it  by  the  first  principles  of  nature,  by  the  oppres 
sions  and  cruelties  of  the  king  and  parliament,  and  had 
adopted  it  as  the  only  means  that  were  left  to  them  of  pre- 

1  This  letter,  dated  May  21,  is  in  the  "  Philadelphia  Evening  Post "  of  June  13. 

2  This  paper  was  printed  in  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of  June  25. 


BIRTH   OF   THE   NATION.  523 

serving  and  establishing  their  liberties,  and  transmitting 
them  inviolate  to  their  posterity. 

In  the  three  lower  counties  of  New  Castle,  Kent,  and  Sus- 
sex, or  Delaware,  independence  met  with  strong  opposition. 
These  counties  were  intimately  connected  with  Pennsylvania, 
and  shared  largely  its  political  feelings  and  agitations. 
Thomas  McKean,  who  took  so  prominent  a  part  in  the 
movements  in  Pennsylvania,  was  equally  prominent  in  Dela- 
ware. On  the  22d  of  March  the  Assembly  instructed  its 
delegates  to  join  in  the  military  operations  required  for  the 
common  defence,  to  cultivate  the  Union  with  the  greatest 
care,  and  to  "  avoid  and  discourage  any  separate  treaty  " ; 
but  to  aim  at  reconciliation.  This  restricted  the  action  of 
McKean  and  CaBsar  Rodney,  stanch  advocates  of  independ- 
ence. The  third  delegate,  George  Read,  sympathized  with 
.Robert  Morris  and  Dickinson,  in  viewing  a  change  of  gov- 
ernment and  independence  premature.  The  Resolution  of 
the  Fifteenth  of  May  brought  on  a  crisis.  The  popular 
party  in  Kent  County  instructed  their  delegates  to  demand 
of  the  Assembly  compliance  with  the  Resolution,  and,  in 
case  of  a  refusal  to  call  a  convention,  to  withdraw,  and  thus 
dissolve  the  House.  The  anti-revolutionary  party  presented 
a  remonstrance  against  this  course,  and  against  changing 
the  constitution  at  that  crisis.  The  popular  party  won  a 
partial  victory.  The  Assembly,  on  the  14th  of  June, 
authorized  their  delegates  to  concur  with  the  other  dele- 
gates "  in  forming  such  further  compacts  between  the 
United  Colonies/'  and  "  adopting  such  other  measures  as 
shall  be  judged  necessary"  to  promote  the  liberty  of 
America,  "  reserving  to  the  people  of  this  colony  the  sole 
and  exclusive  right  of  regulating  the  internal  government 
and  police  of  the  same." l  On  the  next  day,  it  declared 
that  all  persons  holding  office  should  continue  to  exercise 
power  "  in  the  name  of  the  government  of  the  Counties 

1  Life  and  Correspondence  of  George  Read,  165,  where  may  be  found  the  other 
papers  cited  in  the  text. 


524  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

of  New  Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex  upon  Delaware,  as  they 
used  to  exercise  them  in  the  name  of  the  king,  until  a  new 
government  should  be  formed  agreeably  to  the  resolution  of 
Congress."  Thus  the  popular  party  removed  the  restriction 
respecting  independence,  and  prepared  the  way  for  a  new 
government.1 

In  New  Jersey  the  struggle  for  independence  was  exciting 
and  interesting.  The  opposing  parties,  both  in  their  ele- 
ments and  in  their  relation  to  the  cause,  were  much  like 
those  of  Pennsylvania.2  The  Governor,  William  Franklin, 
continued  to  the  last  a  zealous  and  dogged  loyalist;  and 
behind  him  was  a  strong  party  for  reconciliation.  Besides 
the  instructions  against  independence,  the  Assembly  resolved 
on  a  separate  petition  to  the  king ;  when  Congress  sent  to 
this  body  the  illustrious  trio,  John  Dickinson,  John  Jay,  and 
George  Wythe,  to  procure  a  reversal  of  their  determination. 
They  were  courteously  received  on  the  floor,  and  urged  in 
addresses  that  nothing  but  unity  and  bravery  in  the  Colo- 
nies would  bring  Great  Britain  to  terms  ;  that  she  wanted 
to  procure  separate  petitions ;  but  that  such  a  course  would 
break  the  Union,  when  the  colonies  would  be  like  a  rope 
of  sand.3  The  Assembly  yielded.  It  was  soon  prorogued, 
and  did  not  reassemble.  The  political  power  was  vested  in 
a  Provincial  Congress;  representing  a  constituency  who 
had,  in  their  municipalities,  their  party  organizations,  and 
their  Assembly,  agreed  to  abide  by  the  decisions  of  Con- 
gress; and  had  approved  of  the  Association.4  The  vigorous 
measures  for  the  common  defence  met  with  a  generous  re- 
sponse. The  royal  governor,  seeing  the  torrent  of  public 
opinion  sweeping  away  the  powers  and  services  pertaining 
to  his  office,  determined  to  restore  the  old  authority ;  and  he 

1  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  vi.  884. 

2  Gordon  in  the  History  of  New  Jersey  (1834)  uses  (pp.  178-180)  to  describe  the 
parties  the  language  in  which  he  (1829)  had  described  (pp.  524-526)  part  es  in  Penn- 
sylvania. 

3  Bancroft,  vii.  214. 

4  In  pages  340  and  396  will  be  found  the  pledges  of  New  Jersey. 


BIRTH    OP   THE   NATION.  525 

issued  (May  30)  a  proclamation  summoning  the  Assembly. 
Soon  afterward  a  new  Provincial  Congress  —  the  delegates 
to  which  were  chosen  pursuant  to  its  own  ordinance — met 
on  the  10th  of  June,  at  Burlington.  Jonathan  Dickinson 
Sergeant,  John  Witherspoon,  Frederick  Frelinghuysen, — 
distinguished  in  the  history  of  the  country,  —  were  among 
the  members.  They  voted  that  the  proclamation  of  Frank- 
lin "  ought  not  to  be  obeyed;"  that  "by  such  proclamation 
he  had  acted  in  direct  contempt  and  violation  of  the  Resolve 
of  Congress  of  the  15th  of  May "  ;  and  that  (June  16) 
measures  be  taken  to  secure  his  person,  as  that  of  an 
enemy  to  the  liberties  of  the  country.  The  Governor  was 
confined  to  his  own  house,  and  his  case  referred  to  the  Gen- 
eral Congress,  which  ordered  him  to  be  sent  a  prisoner  to 
Connecticut.  The  Provincial  Congress  voted  (June  21) 
to  form  a  government  "  for  regulating  the  internal  police  of 
the  colony,  pursuant  to  the  recommendation  "  of  Congress. 
On  the  next  day  a  new  set  of  delegates  were  chosen,  who 
were  empowered  to  join  with  the  delegates  of  the  other  colo- 
nies in  "  declaring  the  United  Colonies  independent  of  Great 
Britain,"  and  entering  into  a  confederacy,  "  always  observ- 
ing that,  whatever  plan  of  confederacy  they  entered  into, 
the  regulating  the  internal  police  of  this  province  was  to  be 
reserved  to  the  colony  legislature."  1 

In  Maryland  the  party  in  favor  of  independence  encoun 
tered  peculiar  obstacles.  Under  the  proprietary  rule  the 
colony  enjoyed  a  large  measure  of  happiness  and  prosperity. 
The  Governor,  Robert  Eden,  was  greatly  respected,  and  to 
the  last  was  treated  with  forbearance.  "  You  need,"  he 
wrote  to  his  brother,  April  28th,  "  be  under  no  concern  about 
me.  I  am  well  supported  and  not  obnoxious  to  any,  unless 
it  be  to  some  of  our  infernal  independents  who  are  in  league 
with  the  Bostonians."2  The  political  power  was  vested  in 

1  Journal  of  the  Provincial  Congress  in  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  vi.  1615. 
The  votes  relative  to  Governor  Franklin  are  in  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post" 
of  June  18,  attested  by  the  President  and  Secretary  of  Congress. 

2  MSS.  in  Jared  Sparks's  Collection. 


520  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

a  Convention  which  created  the  Council  of  Safety  and  pro- 
vided for  the  common  defence.  This  was,  however,  so 
much  under  the  control  of  the  proprietary  party  and  timid 
Whigs  that,  on  the  21st  of  May,  it  renewed  its  former 
instructions  against  independence ;  and  after  considering 
the  Resolution  of  Congress  of  the  Fifteenth  of  May,  and 
providing  for  a  suspension  of  the  oaths  of  allegiance,  it 
declared  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  suppress  every  kind  of 
authority  under  the  crown,  or  to  establish  government  on  the 
power  of  the  people.1  This  action  created  the  issue  which 
stirred  the  neighboring  colonies  so  profoundly,  whether  this 
decision  or  the  recommendation  of  the  United  Colonies 
should  stand.  The  popular  leaders  determined  "  to  take 
the  sense  of  the  people."  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrolton,  and 
Samuel  Chase,  who  had  just  returned  from  Canada,  entered 
with  zeal  into  the  movement  on  the  side  of  independence 
and  revolution.  Meetings  were  called  in  the  counties,  and 
the  political  sentiment  embodied  in  their  proceedings  liar 
monized  with  that  of  the  counties  in  Virginia  and  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  of  the  towns  in  Massachusetts,  in  principle  and 
object.  Anne  Arundel  County  declared  that  the  province, 
except  in  questions  of  domestic  policy,  was  bound  by  the 
decisions  of  Congress,  that  the  instructions  of  this  colony 
against  independence  ought  to  be  rescinded,  and  that  their 
own  action  proceeded  "  from  a  thorough  conviction  that 
the  true  interests  and  substantial  happiness  of  the  United 
Colonies  in  general,  and  this  in  particular,  are  inseparably 
interwoven  and  linked  together,  and  essentially  dependent 
on  a  close  union  and  continental  confederation."  This 
sentiment  was  embodied  in  instructions,  under  ten  heads, — 
as  clear,  strong,  and  sound  as  any  paper  of  the  times,  — 
addressed  to  Charles  Carroll,  Barrister,  Samuel  Chase, 

1  The  resolves  occupy  a  column  of  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post "  of  May 
25.  In  the  same  issue  is  a  memorial  to  the  Congress  of  the  Committee  of  the  City 
and  Liberties  of  Philadelphia,  dated  May  24,  saying  "  that  they  have  beheld  with 
great  affliction  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  withdraw  from  its  union  with  the  Con- 
gress," by  its  action  on  the  Resolve  of  May  15th. 


BIRTH   OF  THE  NATION.  527 

Thomas  Johnson,  William  Paca,  and  Charles  Carroll  of 
Carrolton.  Charles  County  followed,  pronouncing  for  inde- 
pendence, confederation,  and  a  new  government.  Talbot 
County,  addressing,  among  others,  Matthew  Tilghman,  "  saw 
with  grief  and  astonishment  the  Convention  of  Maryland,  in 
matters  of  the  utmost  importance,  resolving  in  direct  oppo- 
sition to  the  honorable  Congress,"  and  regarded  their  action 
on  the  Resolution  of  the  Fifteenth  of  May  as  "  a  direct 
breach  of  the  Continental  Union."  Frederick  County  (June 
17)  unanimously  resolved :  "  That  what  may  be  recommended 
by  a  majority  of  the  Congress  equally  delegated  by  the 
people  of  the  United  Colonies,  we  will,  at  the  hazard  of  our 
lives  and  fortunes,  support  and  maintain ;  and  that  every 
resolution  of  the  Convention  tending  to  separate  this  prov- 
ince from  a  majority  of  the  colonies,  without  the  consent  of 
the  people,  is  destructive  to  our  internal  safety,  and  big  with 
public  ruin."  1  This  was  immediately  printed.  "  Read  the 
papers,"  Samuel  Chase  wrote  on  the  21st  to  John  Adams, 
"  and  be  assured  Frederick  speaks  the  sense  of  many  coun- 
ties." 2  Two  days  afterward  the  British  man-of-war,  Fowey, 
with  a  flag  of  truce  at  her  top-gallant  mast,  anchored  before 
Annapolis ;  the  next  day  Governor  Eden  was  on  board ;  and 
so  closed  the  series  of  royal  governors  on  Maryland  soil. 
A  convention  assembled  at  Annapolis,  on  the  21st  of  June, 
in  which  were  Chase,  Carroll  of  Carrolton,  Johnson,  and 
Tilghman ;  and  on  the  28th  it  recalled  the  former  instruc- 
tions against  independence,  and  authorized  the  delegates  "  to 
concur  with  the  delegates  of  the  other  colonies  in  declaring 
the  United  Colonies  free  and  independent  States,"  and  in 
forming  a  compact  or  confederation,  "  provided  the  sole  and 
exclusive  right  of  regulating  the  internal  government  and 
police  of  this  colony  be  reserved  to  the  people  thereof."3 

1  I  copy  the  Resolve  of  Frederick  County  as  printed  from  the  "Pennsylvania 
Journal"  of  June  26,  1776.    The  proceedings  of  the  several  counties  are  in  Force's 
Archives,  4th  Series,  Volume  vi. 

2  Life  and  Works  of  John  Adams,  ix.  412, 
8  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  vi.  1491. 


528  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  result  was  hailed  with  the  liveliest  satisfaction  by  the 
popular  leaders  in  Congress. 

In  Georgia  there  was  strong  opposition  to  independence. 
The  Provincial  Congress  chose  a  new  set  of  delegates,  and 
on  the  5tji  of  April  authorized  them  to  join  in  all  measures 
which  they-  might  think  calculated  for  the  common  good,  — 
charging  them  "  always  to  keep  in  view  the  general  utility, 
remembering  that  the  great  and  righteous  cause  in  which 
they  were  engaged  was  not  provincial,  but  continental." l  It 
was  circulated  in  the  newspapers  that  the  delegation  were 
authorized  to  go  to  the  full  length  of  a  separation  from  Great 
Britain. 

In  South  Carolina  independence  was  opposed  by  a  large 
portion  of  the  people.  The  new  government,  however,  on 
the  23d  of  March,  gave  full  authority  to  their  delegates  to 
agree  to  any  measure  judged  necessary  for  the  welfare  of 
the  colony  or  of  America.  On  the  1st  of  April  the  legis- 
lature, in  an  address  to  the  President,  said,  that  their  new 
constitution  looked  forward  to  an  accommodation  with  Great 
Britain,  an  event,  "  which,  though  traduced  and  treated  as 
rebels,  we  earnestly  desire  "  ;  yet  on  the  6th  they  declared 
that  the  colony  "  would  not  enter  into  any  treaty  or  corre- 
spondence with  that  power,  or  with  any  persons  under  that 
authority,  but  through  the  medium  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress." 2 

In  New  York  there  was  great  hesitancy  in  acting  on  the 
question  of  independence.  The  external  danger  was  immi- 
nent ;  the  internal  strife,  bitter.  A  party,  which  had  in  its 
ranks  John  Jay,  Alexander  Hamilton,  Robert  R.  Livingston, 
and  George  Clinton,  was  certainly  a  power ;  but  it  had  hard 
odds  to  contend  against,  and  down  to  the  date  of  the  dec- 
laration it  had  failed  to  bring  over  a  majority  to  decisive 
measures.  The  course  of  things  here  gave  the  popular 

1  "  Pennsylvania  Evening  Post,"  May  28,  1776. 

2  These  important  resolves  were  directed  to  be  forthwith  printed  and  made  pub- 
lic.    They  are  in  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of  May  28.     Also  the  address 
to  Governor  Rutledge  and  his  reply.     These  papers  occupy  one  side  the  paper. 


BIETH   OP   THE   NATION.  529 

leaders  in  Congress  great  vexation.  In  vain  did  the  New- 
York  delegates  write  letters  soliciting  instructions  on  the 
subject  of  independence.  The  Resolution  of  the  Fifteenth 
of  May  elicited  in  the  Provincial  Congress  —  in  which  the 
political  power  resided  —  an  elaborate  report  and,  on  the 
31st  of  May,  a  measure  designed  to  ascertain  the  sense  of 
the  electors  on  the  propriety  of  instituting  such  government 
as  Congress  recommended.  The  final  instruction  to  the 
delegates  on  independence  was  chilling.  In  reply  to  their 
pressing  letter  of  the  8th  of  June,  the  Provincial  Congress, 
on  the  llth,  advised  them,  that  they  were  not  authorized  to 
vote  for  independence,  that  Congress  declined  to  instruct 
them  on  that  point,  and  that  as  measures  had  been  taken  to 
obtain  the  authority  of  the  people  to  establish  regular  gov- 
ernment, "  it  would  be  imprudent  to  require  the  sentiments 
of  the  people  relative  to  the  question  of  independence,  lest  it 
should  create  division  and  have  an  unhappy  influence  on  the 
other."  However  able  and  brilliant  New  York  might  have 
been  in  laying  down  the  principles  of  the  Revolution,  it  was 
the  least  unanimous  in  embodying  them  in  the  great  meas- 
ures of  independence.1 

In  New  England  the  issues  that  stirred  up  the  Middle 
Colonies  were  already  virtually  settled.  The  Governments 
were  in  the  hands  of  a  people  who  were  longing  for  a 
declaration  of  independence.  Only  in  Massachusetts,  how- 
ever, were  the  towns  called  upon  to  express  their  views ; 
and  the  returns  showed  that  a  people  could  not  be  more 
united  than  this  people  were  on  the  expediency  of  a  declara- 
tion of  independence.  In  Connecticut  the  king's  name  was 
disused  in  issuing  writs  and  civil  processes  ;  the  governor 
returned  a  cordial  reply  to  the  circular  of  Virginia  on  inde- 

1  Force's  Archives,  4th  Series,  vi.  814.  This  volume,  p  1299,  has  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Provincial  Congress.  On  the  llth  of  June  it  adopted  a  series  of  resolves 
in  relation  to  local  government,  and  requesting  the  freeholders  to  express  their  opin- 
ions "respecting  the  great  question  of  independency,"  but  agreed  t<>  postpone  their 
publication  until  after  the  election  of  deputies,  with  powers  to  form  a  new  govern- 
ment. 

84 


530  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

pendence,  expressing  "  the  most  sensible  satisfaction  to  see 
the  ancient  and  patriotic  Colony  of  Virginia  had  nobly 
advanced  "  to  the  point  of  instructing  their  delegates  to 
propose  independence  ;  and  the  legislature,  on  the  14th  of 
June,  instructed  their  delegates  to  propose  in  Congress,  "  to 
declare  the  United  American  Colonies  free  and  independent 
States,"  and  to  promote  a  permanent  plan  of  union  and 
confederation, —  "saving  that  the  power  for  the  regulation 
of  the  internal  concerns  and  police  of  each  colony  "  be  left 
to  the  colonial  legislature.  The  New-Hampshire  legislature, 
on  the  15th  of  June,  instructed  their  delegates  "  to  join  in 
declaring  the  Thirteen  Colonies  an  independent  State,  .  .  . 
provided  the  regulation  of  their  internal  police  be  under  the 
direction  of  their  own  assembly." 

In  the  last  days  of  June  the  agitation  on  the  question 
of  independence  ceased  in  every  colony  except  New  York. 
Ten  colonies  —  North  Carolina,  Rhode  Island,  Massachu- 
setts, Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  New  Jersey,  Mary- 
land, Connecticut,  and  New  Hampshire  —  expressed  their 
will  in  direct  action  upon  it ;  while  Georgia  and  South  Caro- 
lina gave  commissions  to  their  delegates  which  covered  the 
power  to  vote  for  it.  Thus  twelve  of  the  United  Colonies 
authorized  their  representatives  to  join  in  making  a  declara- 
tion of  independence ;  and  hence  designated  Congress  to 
perform  this  high  act  of  sovereignty.  Indeed  no  other 
course  was  suggested.  "  Such  a  declaration,"  Judge  Dray- 
ton  said  from  the  bench,  "  was  of  right  to  be  made  only  by 
the  general  Congress,  because  the  united  voice  and  strength 
of  America  were  necessary  to  give  a  desirable  credit  and 
prospect  of  stability  to  a  declared  state  of  total  separation 
from  Great  Britain."1  The  unanimity  was  thought  remark- 
able. The  secret  and  providential  influence  which  disposed 


1  Charge  in  a  court  in  Charleston,  Oct.  15,  1776,  "  On  the  rise  of  the  American 
Empire."  He  says:  "  A  decree  is  now  gone  forth  not  to  be  recalled !  and  thus  has 
suddenly  risen  in  the  world  a  new  empire,  styled  The  United  States  of  America."  — 
American  Remembrancer,  v.  827. 


BIKTH    OF   THE   NATION.  531 

the  hearts  and  minds  of  the  people  to  form  a  union,1  and 
to  give  the  union  the  force  of  law,  disposed  them  to  go 
forward  together  and  assume  rank  as  a  nation. 

All  through  this  popular  movement,  the  union  is  seen  act- 
ing in  obedience  to  the  primal  law  of  self- preservation,  — 
clinging  to  life,  and  frowning  on  whatever  tended  to  destroy 
life.  Yet  in  all  the  enthusiasm  roused  by  unfurling  a 
national  flag,  and  the  prospect  of  attaining  independence, 
there  is  manifested  no  desire  for  such  consolidation  as 
would  weaken  the  old  self-government.  The  intelligent 
grasp  by  the  public  mind  of  fundamentals  in  a  republic  is 
seen  in  the  sagacious  reservation  by  each  colony  of  the 
right  to  regulate  the  internal  police  or  to  frame  the  local 
law.  In  this  way  the  people,  as  they  entered  into  the 
solemn  covenant  which  recognized  a  common  country, 
marked  the  outlines  of  the  two  spheres  of  political  power — 
the  two  orders  of  trusts — which  they  intended  to  establish 
in  a  new  American  system,  —  local  governments  for  the 
States,  and  a  general  government  for  the  Union.  Neither 
language  nor  acts  could  have  been  desired  to  show  more 
conclusively  that  both  political  units  —  the  State  and  the 
Nation  — were  designed  to  be  paramount,  each  in  its  allotted 
sphere. 

The  publicity  attending  every  important  movement  rela- 
tive to  independence  enabled  the  members  of  Congress  to 
judge  for  themselves  of  the  state  of  public  opinion  on  the 
question.  They  could  see  a  type  of  the  sentiment  of  New 
England  in  the  noble  instructions  of  Boston,  which  declared 
that  loyalty  to  the  king  had  become  treason  to  the  country. 
They  could  know  the  spirit  that  triumphed  in  the  Middle 
Colonies,  from  the  admirable  Declaration  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Conference,  which  averred  that  the  public  virtue  would  be 
endangered  by  a  longer  connection  with  Great  Britain. 
They  had  the  determination  of  the  Southern  Colonies,  as 
embodied  in  the  strong  papers  of  North  Carolina  and  Vir- 

1  See  the  citation  from  Ramsay  on  p.  398. 


532  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

ginia.1  On  the  29th  of  June  they  might  have  read  a  fresh 
and  most  spirited  expression  of  the  public  feeling  in  an 
article  in  a  Philadelphia  newspaper,  denouncing  in  severe 
terms  those  who  thought  of  reconciliation  ;  and,  with  the 
remark  that  Americans  could  not  offer  terms  of  peace  with 
Great  Britain  until  they  had  agreed  upon  a  name,  suggest- 
ing that  the  contemplated  power  be  called  The  United 
States  of  America.2 

The  popular  verdict  had  settled  the  question  in  favor  of  a 
declaration  of  independence ;  and  as  the  expectation  was 
general,  if  not  universal,  that  it  should  be  made  at  once,  to 
postpone  it  was  to  hazard  internal  convulsion.  The  form 
only  remained  to  be  determined  upon.  The  committee 
appointed  to  report  a  draft  requested  their  chairman,  Jeffer- 
son, to  prepare  one,  which  he  did.  He  submitted  his  manu- 
script to  Franklin  and  Adams  separately,  members  whose 
critical  judgment  he  valued  the  most ;  and  each  made  a  few 
verbal  alterations,  still  to  be  seen  in  their  handwriting. 
Then  the  paper  was  read  in  a  meeting  of  the  committee, 
and,  without  further  alterations,  was  accepted.  It  was  re- 
ported in  Congress  on  the  28th  of  June,  and  ordered  to  lie 
on  the  table.  On  the  same  day  Francis  Hopkinson  of  New 
Jersey,  one  of  the  five  new  members  from  that  colony,  "  all 
independent  souls,"  presented  instructions  in  favor  of  a 
declaration. 

Congress,  as  assembled  on  the  first  day  of  July  in 
Independence  Hall,  contained  probably  fifty-one  delegates.3 
Some  met  for  the  first  time.  The  names  of  the  new  mem- 
bers, and  of  others  who  signed  the  declaration  but  who  were 
not  yet  elected,  are  found  connected  with  the  past  revolu- 

1  The  papers  referred  to  in  the  text  were  printed  in  the  Philadelphia  newspapers. 

2  "Republicus,"  in  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post,"  June  29.    He  says:  "  The 
condition  of  those  brave  fellows  who  have  fallen  into  the  enemies'  hands  makes  a 
declaration  of  independence  absolutely  necessary,  because  no  proper  cartel  for  an 
exchange  of  prisoners  can  take  place  while  we  remain  dependents.     It  is  some 
degree  of  comfort  to  a  man  taken  prisoner,  that  he  belongs  to  some  national  power,  — 
is  the  subject  of  some  State  that  will  see  after  him." 

8  Bancroft,  viii.  459. 


BIRTH   OP  THE  NATION.  533 

fcionary  action  of  their  several  colonies.  Among  the  dele- 
gates were  the  enterprising  merchant,  the  learned  lawyer, 
the  eminent  divine,  the  profound  jurist,  and  the  ripe  scholar. 
It  was  a  body  remarkably  rich  in  individuality  of  character, 
containing  illustrious  men:  "not  such  as  they  are  lauded  by 
chosen  encomiasts,  but  as  they  are  proved  to  have  been  " 
by  their  character,  designs,  and  works.  Thus  their  political 
ideas  had  an  anchorage  in  morals,  law,  order,  and  religion  ; 
and  they  acted  upon  principle  to  a  degree  unparalleled  in  the 
examples  of  collective  public  virtue.1  John  Hancock  and 
Samuel  Adams  were  under  sentence  of  proscription  from  the 
king.  Franklin,  "  the  genius  of  the  day  and  the  patron  of 
American  liberty,"  2  had  fame  as  wide  as  civilization.  Many 
were  destined  to  serve  their  countrymen  in  a  new  political 
system,  as  representatives,  senators,  judges,  governors,  and 
cabinet  officers  ;  others,  to  enlarge  the  bounds  of  knowledge 
by  contributions  to  literature  and  science ;  and  the  greater 
number,  to  live  to  a  great  age,  and  to  see  the  fruits  of  their 
labors  ripen.  John  Adams  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  to  the 
honor  of  that  generation,  rose  to  be  presidents.  They  were 
permitted  to  linger  among  a  new  generation,  beloved  and 
venerated ;  and  after  passing  an  old  age  of  singular  beauty  and 
glory,  to  enter  into  their  rest,  on  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the 
event  which,  by  their  large  service  in  hastening  it,  is  indeli- 
bly associated  with  their  memories.  On  this  morning  of  an 
eventful  day  Adams  expressed  the  foregone  conclusion  as  he 
wrote  of  the  work  laid  out :  "  Heaven  prosper  the  new-born 
republic,  and  make  it  more  glorious  than  any  former  repub- 
lics ;  "  3  while  Jefferson  had  the  sanction  of  his  colleague  to 
the  great  instrument  which  embodied  the  principles  on  which 
the  republic  was  to  be  based. 

The  preliminary  business  having  been  disposed  of,  the 
resolution  of  the  Maryland  Convention  on  independence  was 

1  American  Quarterly  Review,  i.  437. 

2  This  term  was  applied  to  him  in  the  newspapers  in  June,  1776. 
8  John  Adams  to  Archibald  Bullock,  July  1.     Works,  ix.  414. 


534  THE  RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

read  ;  and  this  trophy  of  a  hard  political  fight  diffused  gen- 
eral joy.  The  order  of  the  day  was  read,  when  Congress 
voted  to  "  resolve  itself  into  a  committee  of  the  whole  to  take 
into  consideration  the  resolution  respecting  independency," 
and  to  refer  "  the  draft  of  the  declaration  to  this  committee." 
Benjamin  Harrison  was  called  to  the  chair.  The  new  dele- 
gates from  New  Jersey  now  desired  to  hear  the  question 
discussed,  and  Richard  Stockton  was  so  importunate  that 
several  remarked,  "  Let  the  gentlemen  be  gratified."  "All 
was  silence,"  John  Adams  writes.  "  No  one  would  speak. 
All  eyes  were  turned  upon  me.  Mr.  Edward  Rut-ledge  came 
to  me  and  said,  laughing,  '  Nobody  will  speak  but  you  upon 
this  subject.  You  have  all  the  topics  so  ready  that  you 
must  satisfy  the  gentlemen  from  New  Jersey.'"  Others 
also  said  to  him,  "  You  must  recapitulate  the  arguments." 
Adams,  somewhat  confused  at  this  personal  appeal,  rose  and 
began :  "  This  is  the  first  time  of  my  life  when  I  seriously 
wished  for  the  genius  and  eloquence  of  the  celebrated  orators 
of  Athens  and  Rome,  called  in  this  unexpected  and  unpre- 
pared manner  to  exhibit  all  the  arguments  in  favor  of  a 
measure  the  most  important  in  my  judgment  that  had  ever 
been  discussed  in  civil  or  political  society.  I  had  no  art  or 
oratory  to  exhibit,  and  could  produce  nothing  but  simple 
reason  and  plain  common  sense.  I  felt  myself  oppressed  by 
the  weight  of  the  subject ;  and  I  believe  if  Demosthenes  or 
Cicero  had  ever  been  called  to  deliberate  on  so  great  a  ques- 
tion, neither  would  have  relied  on  his  own  talents  without  a 
supplication  to  Minerva,  and  a  sacrifice  to  Mercury  or  the 
god  of  eloquence."  l  No  further  report  of  this  unpremedi- 

1  "All  this,"  he  says,  "to  be  sure,  was  but  a  flourish,  and  not,  as  I  conceive, 
a  very  bright  exordium."  —  John  Adams  to  Mrs.  Mercy  Warren,  dated  "  Quincy, 
1807."  I  am  indebted  to  Hon.  Charles  H.  Warren  for  a  copy  of  this  letter,  which  may 
be  found  in  the  appendix.  Daniel  Webster  ( Curtis' s  Life,  ii.  295)  in  a  letter  dated 
Jail.  27,  1846,  says:  "  So  far  as  I  know  there  is  not  existing  in  print  or  manuscript 
the  speech,  or  any  part  or  fragment  of  a  speech,  delivered  by  Mr.  Adams  on  the 
Declaration  of  Independence."  The  biographer  of  Adams  (Works,  i.  228)  says  of 
this  speech,  "  Not  a  word  has  been  transmitted  to  posterity."  Adams  in  his  Auto- 
biography (Works,  iii.  58)  gives  some  of  the  incidents  attending  this  speech,  but  not 
the  exordium. 


BIRTH   OF   THE  NATION. 

tated  speech  is  known  to  be  in  existence.  According  to  one 
statement  he  set  forth  the  justice,  the  necessity,  and  the 
advantages  of  a  separation  from  Great  Britain ;  dwelt  on  the 
neglect  and  insult  with  which  their  petitions  had  been  treated 
by  the  king,  and  on  the  vindictive  spirit  which  showed  itself 
in  the  employment  of  German  troops  to  compel  the  colonists 
to  unconditional  submission ;  and  concluded  by  urging  the 
present  time  as  the  most  suitable  for  separation,  because  it 
had  become  the  desire  of  the  communities  which  the  dele- 
gates represented.1  Another  account  says,  that  he  urged 
the  immediate  dissolution  —  and  the  questions  of  time  and 
form  were  really  the  only  open  questions  —  of  all  political 
connection  of  the  colonies  with  Great  Britain,  "  from  the 
voice  of  the  people,  from  the  necessity  of  the  measure  in 
order  to  obtain  foreign  assistance,  from  a  regard  to  consis- 
tency, and  from  the  prospects  of  glory  and  happiness  which 
opened  beyond  the  war,  to  a  free  and  independent  people.'' 2 
This  speech  was  replied  to  by  John  Dickinson.  He  began 
an  elaborate  argument  in  favor  of  the  postponement  of  a 
declaration  by  saying,  that  the  member  from  Massachusetts 
introduced  his  defence  of  a  declaration  by  invoking  a 
heathen  god,  but  that  he  should  begin  his  objections  to  it  by 
solemnly  invoking  the  Governor  of  the  Universe  so  to  influ- 
ence the  minds  of  the  members,  that  if  the  proposed  measure 
was  for  the  benefit  of  America,  nothing  which  he  should  say 
against  it  might  make  the  least  impression.3  He  said :  — 

"  I  value  the  love  of  my  country  as  I  ought,  but  I  value 
xny  country  more,  and  I  desire  this  illustrious  assembly 
to  witness  the  integrity,  if  not  the  policy  of  my  conduct. 
The  first  campaign  will  be  decisive  of  the  controversy.  The 
declaration  will  not  strengthen  us  by  one  man,  or  by  the 
least  supply,  while  it  may  expose  our  soldiers  to  additional 

1  Bancroft,  viii.  452. 

2  Ramsay's  History  of  the  American  Revolution,  i.  341. 

8  Ibid.,  i.  341.  This  remark  of  Dickinson,  with  the  positive  statement  of  Dr. 
Ramsay  and  others,  that  Adams  invoked  the  god  of  eloquence,  occasioned  the  letter 
of  1807  already  cited. 


586  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

cruelties  and  outrages.  Without  some  prelusory  trials  of 
our  strength,  we  ought  not  to  commit  our  country  upon  an 
alternative  where  to  recede  would  be  infamy,  and  to  persist 
might  be  destruction.  With  other  powers  it  would  rather 
injure  than  avail  us.  Foreign  aid  will  not  be  obtained  but 
by  our  actions  in  the  field,  which  are  the  only  evidences  of 
our  union  and  vigor  that  will  be  respected.  Before  such  an 
irrevocable  step  shall  be  taken,  we  ought  to  know  the  dispo- 
sition of  the  great  powers  ;  and  how  far  they  will  permit 
any  one  or  more  of  them  to  interfere.  The  erection  of  an 
independent  empire  on  this  continent  is  a  phenomenon  in 
the  world ;  its  effects  will  be  immense,  and  may  vibrate 
round  the  globe.  The  formation  of  our  governments,  and 
an  agreement  on  the  terms  of  our  confederation,  ought  to 
precede  the  assumption  of  our  station  among  sovereigns. 
When  this  is  done,  and  the  people  perceive  that  they  and 
their  posterity  are  to  live  under  well  regulated  constitutions, 
they  will  be  encouraged  to  look  forward  to  independence,  as 
completing  the  noble  system  of  their  political  happiness. 
The  objects  nearest  to  them  are  now  enveloped  in  clouds, 
and  those  more  distant  appear  confused ;  the  relation  one 
citizen  is  to  bear  to  another,  and  the  connection  one  State 
is  to  have  with  another,  they  do  not,  cannot  know.  The 
boundaries  of  the  colonies  ought  to  be  fixed  before  the 
declaration.  The  unlocated  lands  ought  also  to  be  solemnly 
appropriated  to  the  benefit  of  all.  Upon  the  whole,  when 
things  shall  thus  be  deliberately  rendered  firm  at  home  and 
favorable  abroad,  then  let  America,  '  Attollens  humeris 
famam  et  fata  nepotum,'  bearing  up  her  glory  and  the 
destiny  of  her  descendants,  advance  with  majestic  steps  and 
assume  her  station  among  the  sovereigns  of  the  world."  l 
No  member  immediately  rose  to  reply  to  this  speech  ; 


l  Adams  says  in  his  Autobiography,  written  twenty -nine  years  afterward  (1805), 
while  Dickinson  had  published  his  speech,  he  made  no  preparations  befoiehand,  and 
never  committed  any  minutes  of  his  to  writing.  His  letter  is  dated  1807  The  cita- 
ti.ns  in  the  text  are  copied  from  Bancroft,  viii.  452  456. 


BIRTH    OF  THE   NATION.  537 

and,  after  waiting  some  time,  Adams  again  took  the  floor, 
saying  that  he  believed  he  could  answer  to  the  satisfaction 
of  the  House  all  the  arguments  which  had  been  produced, 
notwithstanding  the  ability  they  displayed,  and  the  eloquence 
with  which  they  had  been  enforced.1  No  further  account  of 
his  reply  has  appeared.  James  Wilson  now  said  tl  at  he 
had  at  an  early  day  foreseen  independence  as  the  probable, 
though  not  the  intended  result  of  the  contest,  and  had  uni- 
formly declared  in  his  place  that  he  never  would  vote  for  it 
contrary  to  his  instructions  ;  nay,  that  he  regarded  it  as 
something  more  than  presumption  to  take  a  step  of  such 
importance  without  express  instructions  and  authority.  For 
ought  that  act  to  be  the  act  of  four  or  five  individuals,  or 
should  it  be  the  act  of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  ?  But 
now  that  their  authority  was  given  by  the  conference  of 
committees,  he  stood  on  very  different  ground,  and  could  no 
longer  agree  with  his  colleague.2  Others  spoke,  —  Paca  of 
Maryland,  "  who  behaved  nobly,"  McKean,  of  Delaware, 
and  Edward  Rutledge  being  named.  Samuel  Adams  could 
hardly  have  kept  silent  during  a  long  debate  on  a  question 
in  which  he  was  so  deeply  interested.  There  is,  however, 
no  report  of  what  they  or  others  said.  Imagination  alone 
can  supply  the  picture  of  a  scene  indelibly  impressed  on 
the  minds  of  those  present.3 

The  question  before  the  committee  was  the  portion  of  the 
motion  relating  to  independence,  submitted  by  the  Virginia 
delegates  on  the  7th  of  June.  The  New- York  members 
read  their  instructions,  and  were  excused  from  voting.  Of 
the  three  delegates  from  Delaware,  Rodney  was  absent, 
McKean  was  in  the  affirmative,  Read  in  the  negative,  and 
thus  the  vote  of  this  colony  was  lost.  South  Carolina  was 
in  the  negative ;  and  so  was  Pennsylvania,  by  the  votes  of 
Dickinson,  Willing,  Morris,  and  Humphries,  against  those 

1  Works  of  John  Adams,  iii.  55.  2  Bancroft's  History,  viii.  456. 

8  "A  scene  which  has  ever  been  present  to  my  mind,"  George  Walton,  a  dele- 
gate from  Georgia,  wrote,  Nov.  7, 1789.  John  Adams's  Works,  iii.  56. 


538  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

of  Franklin,  Morton,  and  Wilson.  Nine  Colonies  —  New 
Hampshire,  Connecticut,  Massachusetts,  Khode  Island,  New 
Jersey,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Georgia  — 
voted  in  the  affirmative.  The  committee  rose,  the  President 
resumed  the  chair,  and  Harrison  reported  the  resolution  as 
having  been  agreed  to.  Edward  Rutledge,  of  South  Caro- 
lina, saidf  that  were  the  vote  postponed  till  the  next  day,  he 
believed  that  his  colleagues,  though  they  disapproved  of  the 
resolution,  would  then  join  in  it  for  the  sake  of  unanimity. 
The  final  question,  in  accordance  with  this  request,  was 
postponed  until  the  next  day ;  but  it  was  agreed  to  go  into  a 
committee  of  the  whole  then  on  the  draft  of  the  declaration. 
On  the  second  day  of  July,  probably  fifty  members  were 
present  in  Congress.  After  disposing  of  the  business  of 
the  morning,  it  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  resolution 
on  independence,  and  probably  without  much  debate  pro- 
ceeded to  vote.  McKean  sent  an  express  to  Rodney,  at 
Dover,  which  procured  his  attendance,  and  secured  the  vote 
of  Delaware  in  the  affirmative ;  wrhile  the  same  result  was 
reached  for  Pennsylvania  by  Dickinson  and  Morris  absent- 
ing themselves,  and  allowing  Franklin,  Wilson,  and  Morton 
to  give  the  vote  against  Willing  and  Humphries.1  The 
South-Carolina  delegates  concluded  to  vote  for  the  measure. 
Thus  twelve  colonies  united  in  adopting  the  following  reso- 
lution :  "  That  these  United  Colonies  are  and  of  right  ought 
to  be  free  and  independent  States ;  that  they  are  absolved 
from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  that  all  political 
connection  between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain  is 
and  ought  to  be  totally  dissolved."  And  now  John  Adams 
wrote,  in  a  generous  enthusiasm :  "  The  greatest  question 
has  been  decided  which  ever  was  debated  in  America,  and  a 
greater  perhaps  never  was  or  will  be  decided  among  men."  2 
The  United  Colonies  were  then  decreed  the  political  unit  of 
the  United  States  of  America. 

1  Thomas  McKean  to  John  Adams,  Aug.  20,  1813.     Niles's  Register,  xii.  308 
Also  (Ibid.,  278)  Letter  to  William  Corkle  &  Son,  June  16,  1817. 

2  Letter  dated  July  3,  1776. 


BIRTH   OF   THE   NATION.  539 

Congress  went  immediately  into  committee  of  the  whole 
to  consider  the  draft  of  a  Declaration  of  Independence,  or 
the  form  of  announcing  the  fact  to  the  world.  During  the 
remainder  of  that  day,  and  during  the  sessions  of  the  third 
and  fourth,  the  phraseology,  allegations,  and  principles  of 
this  paper  were  subjected  to  severe  scrutiny.  Its  author  re- 
lates :  "  The  pusillanimous  idea  that  we  had  friends  in  Eng- 
land worth  keeping  terms  with  still  haunted  the  minds  of 
many.  For  this  reason,  those  passages  which  conveyed 
censure  on  the  people  of  England  were  struck  out,  lest  they 
should  give  them  offence.  The  clause,  too,  reprobating  the 
enslaving  the  inhabitants  of  Africa  was  struck  out  in  com- 
plaisance to  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  who  had  never 
attempted  to  restrain  the  importation  of  slaves,  and  who,  on 
the  contrary,  wished  to  continue  it.  Our  Northern  brethren 
also,  I  believe,  felt  a  little  tender  under  those  censures ;  for 
though  their  people  had  very  few  slaves  themselves,  yet  they 
had  been  pretty  considerable  carriers  of  them  to  others."  l 
The  striking  out  of  the  passage  declaring  the  slave  trade 
"  piratical  warfare  against  human  nature  itself,"  was  deeply 
regretted  by  many  of  that  generation.  Other  alterations 
were  for  the  better,  making  the  paper  more  dispassionate 
and  terse,  and  —  what  was  no  small  improvement  —  more 
brief  and  exact.  On  the  evening  of  the  fourth,  the  com- 
mittee rose,  when  Harrison  reported  the  Declaration  as 
having  been  agreed  upon.  It  was  then  adopted,  as  follows, 
by  twelve  States,  unanimously,  as  "  The  Declaration  by  the 
Representatives  of  The  United  States  of  America  in  Con- 
gress assembled  " :  — 

"  When,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  neces- 
sary for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have 
connected  them  with  another,  and  to  assume  among  the 
powers  of  the  earth  the  separate  and  equal  station  to  which 
the  laws  of  Nature  and  of  Nature's  God  entitle  them,  a  decent 
respect  for  the  opinions  of  mankind  requires  that  they 

1  Memoirs  of  Jefferson,  i.  15. 


540  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

should  declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the  separ- 
ation. 

"  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident — that  all  men  are 
created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  unalienable  rights;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness ;  that,  to  secure  these  rights, 
governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed ;  that  whenever 
any  form  of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends, 
it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to 
institute  new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such 
principles,  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to 
them  shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happi- 
ness. Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate,  that  governments, 
long  established,  should  not  be  changed  for  light  and  tran- 
sient causes ;  and  accordingly  all  experience  hath  shown, 
that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils  are 
sufferable,  than  to  right  themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms 
to  which  they  are  accustomed.  But  when  a  long  train  of 
abuses  and  usurpations,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object, 
evinces  a  design  to  reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism, 
it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty  to  throw  off  such  govern- 
ment, and  to  provide  new  guards  for  their  future  security. 
Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these  colonies ;  and 
such  is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains  them  to  alter 
their  former  systems  of  government.  The  history  of  the 
present  king  of  Great  Britain  is  a  history  of  repeated  in- 
juries and  usurpations,  all  having  in  direct  object  the  estab- 
lishment of  an  absolute  tyranny  over  these  States.  To  prove 
this,  let  facts  be  submitted  to  a  candid  world. 

"  He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome 
and  necessary  for  the  public  good. 

"  He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  imme- 
diate and  pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their 
operation,  till  his  assent  should  be  obtained ;  and,  when  so 
suspended,  he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 


BIRTH   OF   THE   NATION.  541 

"  He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws  for  the  accommoda- 
tion of  large  districts  of  people,  unless  those  people  would 
relinquish  the  right  of  representation  in  the  legislature  —  a 
right  inestimable  to  them,  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

"  He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies,  at  places  unu- 
sual, uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  the  depository  of  their 
public  records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them  into 
compliance  with  his  measures. 

"  He  has  dissolved  Representative  Houses  repeatedly,  for 
opposing,  with  manly  firmness,  his  invasions  on  the  rights 
of  the  people. 

"  He  has  refused  for  a  long  time,  after  such  dissolutions,  to 
cause  others  to  be  elected ;  whereby  the  legislative  powers, 
incapable  of  annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  people  at 
large,  for  their  exercise ;  the  State  remaining,  in  the  mean 
time,  exposed  to  all  the  dangers  of  invasion  from  without, 
and  convulsions  within. 

"  He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these 
States  ;  for  that  purpose  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturaliza- 
tion of  foreigners  ;  refusing  to  pass  others,  to  encourage 
their  migrations  hither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of  new 
appropriations  of  lands. 

"  He  has  obstructed  the  administration  of  justice,  by 
refusing  his  assent  to  laws  for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

"  He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  will  alone,  for  the 
tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their 
salaries. 

"He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  and  sent 
hither  swarms  of  officers  to  harass  our  people  and  eat  out 
their  substance. 

"  He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  standing 
armies,  without  the  consent  of  our  legislatures. 

"  He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of, 
and  superior  to,  the  civil  power. 

"  He  has  combined  with  others,  to  subject  us  to  a  juris- 
diction, foreign  to  our  constitution,  and  unacknowledged  by 


542  THE   RISE    OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

our  laws  ;  giving  his  assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended  legis- 
lation: — 

"  For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us : 

"  For  protecting  them  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punishment 
for  any  murders  which  they  should  commit  on  the  inhabi- 
tants of  these  States : 

"  For  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world : 

"  For  imposing  taxes  on  us,  without  our  consent : 

"  For  depriving  us,  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  trial 
by  jury : 

"  For  transporting  us  beyond  seas,  to  be  tried  for  pre- 
tended offences: 

"  For  abolishing  the  free  system  of  English  laws  in  a 
neighbouring  province,  establishing  therein  an  arbitrary  gov- 
ernment, and  enlarging  its  boundaries  so  as  to  render  it  at 
once  an  example  and  fit  instrument  for  introducing  the 
same  absolute  rule  into  these  colonies : 

"  For  taking  away  our  charters,  abolishing  our  most  valu- 
able laws,  and  altering  fundamentally  the  forms  of  our  gov- 
ernments : 

"  For  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and  declaring 
themselves  invested  with  power,  to  legislate  for  us  in  all 
cases  whatsoever. 

"  He  has  abdicated  government  here,  by  declaring  us  out 
of  his  protection,  and  waging  war  against  us. 

"  He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt 
our  towns,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

"  He  is,  at  this  time,  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign 
mercenaries,  to  complete  the  works  of  death,  desolation,  and 
tyranny,  already  begun,  with  circumstances  of  cruelty  and 
perfidy,  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages, 
and  totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

"  He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens,  taken  captive  on 
the  high  seas,  to  bear  arms  against  their  country,  to  become 
the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to  fall 
themselves  by  their  hands. 


BIRTH   OF   THE   NATION.  543 

"He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and. 
has  endeavoured  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers, 
the  merciless  Indian  savages,  whose  known  rule  of  warfare 
is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes,  and 
conditions. 

"  In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions,  we  have  petitioned 
for  redress,  in  the  most  humble  terms :  our  repeated  peti- 
tions have  been  answered  only  by  repeated  injury.  A  prince 
whose  character  is  thus  marked,  by  every  act  which  may 
define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  people. 

"  Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attention  to  our  British 
brethren.  We  have  warned  them,  from  time  to  time,  of 
attempts  made  by  their  legislature,  to  extend  an  unwarrant- 
able jurisdiction  over  us.  We  have  reminded  them  of  the 
circumstances  of  our  emigration  and  settlement  here.  We 
have  appealed  to  their  native  justice  and  magnanimity,  and 
we  have  conjured  them  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred, 
to  disavow  these  usurpations,  which  would  inevitably  inter- 
rupt our  connexions  and  correspondence.  They,  too,  have 
been  deaf  to  the  voice  of  justice  and  consanguinity.  We 
must,  therefore,  acquiesce  in  the  necessity,  which  denounces 
our  separation,  and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  man- 
kind—  enemies  in  war  ;  —  in  peace,  friends. 

"  WE,  therefore,  the  Representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  in  General  Congress  assembled,  appealing  to 
the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world,  for  the  rectitude  of  our 
intentions,  Do,  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  good 
people  of  these  colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare,  that 
these  United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  Free 
and  Independent  States ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all 
allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  that  all  political  connex- 
ion between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain  is  and 
ought  to  be  totally  dissolved  ;  and  that  as  Free  and  Indepen- 
dent States,  they  have  full  power  to  levy  war,  conclude 
peace,  contract  alliances,  establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all 
other  acts  and  things  which  Independent  States  may  of 


544  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

right  do.  And  for  the  support  of  this  declaration,  with  a 
firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we 
mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and 
our  sacred  honor." 

Congress  ordered  that  the  Declaration  be  authenticated ; 
printed  under  the  direction  of  the  committee  that  reported 
it ; l  sent  to  the  several  committees  and  conventions,  and  the 
commanding  officers  of  the  Continental  troops ;  and  pro- 
claimed in  each  of  the  United  States,  and  at  the  head  of  the 
army.  A  committee  —  Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Jeffer- 
son—  were  directed  to  prepare  a  device  for  the  seal  of  "The 
United  States  of  America." 

The  Declaration  went  forth  authenticated  by  John  Han- 
cock, President,  and  Charles  Thomson,  Secretary.  It  was 
received  in  the  new  convention  of  New  York  on  the  9th  of 
July,  and  referred  to  a  committee  of  which  John  Jay  was 
the  chairman,  who  reported  the  same  day,  when  the  conven- 
tion, pronouncing  the  reasoning  of  the  Declaration  cogent 
and  conclusive,  resolved  to  support  it  with  their  fortunes 

1  A  letter  dated  Philadelphia,  July  5,  in  the  "Continental  Journal,"  Aug.  8, 
1776,  says  the  Declaration  was  "published  yesterday."  On  the  5th  the  President 
transmitted  copies,  printed  probably  on  a  broadside,  to  several  assemblies.  The 
"Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of  Saturday,  the  6th,  contains  it,  signed  by  order  of 
Congress,  John  Hancock,  President,  and  Charles  Thomson,  Secretary.  It  is  printed 
with  great  accuracy.  It  is  in  the  "  Maryland  Gazette  "  of  July  11,  the  "  Continental 
Journal"  (Boston)  of  July  18,  and  "New-Hampshire  Gazette"  of  July  20.  A 
synopsis  of  it  is  in  the  "  Virginia  Gazette  "  of  July  19,  and  in  full  in  that  of  the  26th. 

Jefferson's  original  draft  was  printed  in  "Niles's  Weekly  Register"  of  July  3, 
1813,  from  a  copy  in  his  handwriting,  found  among  the  papers  of  George  Wythe, 
and  communicated  by  his  executor  to  the  editor  of  the  "  Richmond  Inquirer."  It 
is  said  there  had  been  "much  curiosity  and  speculation  "  about  this  paper. 

In  1824  Timothy  Pickering  in  his  "Review"  of  the  Cunningham  Correspondence 
printed  the  original  draft  from  a  copy  made  from  one  in  Jefferson's  handwriting  — 
the  same  which  he  sent  on  the  8th  of  July  to  Richard  Henry  Lee. 

In  1840  it  was  printed  in  the  "  Papers  of  James  Madison  "  purchased  by  Con- 
gress, from  the  copy  which  Jefferson  sent  in  his  own  handwriting  to  Madison. 

Afac-simile  of  the  original  draft,  with  the  interlineations  of  Franklin  and  Adams, 
and  the  erasures,  was  printed  in  1829,  in  Randolph's  "  Memoir,  Correspondence, 
and  Miscellanies,"  from  the  papers  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  from  Jefferson's  own  copy; 
in  1853,  in  "  The  Writings  of  Thomas  Jefferson,"  printed  from  his  original  manu- 
scripts in  the  Department  of  State,  purchased  by  Congress,  and  edited  by  H.  A. 
Washington;  in  1858,  in  the  "Life  of  Thomas  Jefferson,"  by  Henry  S.  Randall. 


BIETH  OP  THE  NATION.  545 

and  their  lives,  and  ordered  it  transmitted  to  the  county 
committees.  They  announced  their  action  as  that  of  "  The 
representatives  of  the  State  of  New  York."  \ •'•> 

Thus  the  Declaration  of  Independence  became  the  act  of 
the  Thirteen  United  States. 

According  to  the  journals,  Congress,  on  the  19th  of  July, 
resolved  that  the  "  declaration,  passed  on  the  4th,  be  fairly 
engrossed  on  parchment,  with  the  title  and  style  of  '  The 
unanimous  Declaration  of  the  Thirteen  United  States  of 
America,'  and  that  the  same,  when  engrossed,  be  signed  by 
every  member  of  Congress."  On  the  second  day  of  August 
the  journals  say,  "  The  Declaration  being  engrossed,  and 
compared  at  the  table,  was  signed  by  the  members."  J  On 


1  This  manuscript  is  preserved  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  In  the 
proposals  to  print  an  engraving  of  it,  with  fac-similes  of  the  signers,  dated  March, 
1816  (Niles's  Register,  Vol.  x.  310),  it  is  said  there  was  no  authentic  copy  of  it  in 
print.  This  splendid  engraving  was  published  in  November,  1819.  A.fac-simile  of 
the  engrossed  copy  is  in  the  5th  Series  of  Force's  Archives,  i.  1595.  The  copy  in  the 
text  is  printed  from  this  copy. 

The  statements  relative  to  signing  the  Declaration  are  conflicting.  Jefferson 
states  that  it  was  signed  generally  on  the  4th  (Memoirs  i.  94),  and  he  in  other 
places  reiterates  this  statement,  but  this  manuscript  is  not  known  to  be  extant. 
(Randall's  Jefferson,  i.  171).  John  Adams,  on  the  9th  of  July  (Works,  ix.  417),  says, 
"  As  soon  as  an  American  seal  is  prepared,  I  conjecture  the  Declaration  will  be 
superscribed  by  all  the  members." 

Thomas  McKean,  in  a  letter  dated  June  16, 1817  (Niles's  Register,  xii.  280)  says: 
"  Probably  copies  with  the  names  then  signed  to  it  were  printed  in 'August,  1776." 
One  of  the  signers,  Thornton,  was  not  a  member  until  Nov.  4.  But  the  list  was 
otherwise  incorrect.  The  early  lists,  in  law  books  and  other  works,  omitted  the 
name  of  McKean,  which  is  not  in  the  list  printed  by  Ramsay  in  1789  (vol.  i.  346), 
nor  in  the  "Journals  of  Congress,"  published  by  authority,  by  Folwell,  in  180. 
(vol.  ii.  232).  The  fifty-six  signers  are  as  follows:  — 

New  Hampshire  — Josiah  Bartlett,  William  Whipple,  Matthew  Thornton. 

Massachusetts  —  John  Hancock,  Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  Robert  Treat 
Paine,  Elbridge  Gerry. 

Rhode  Island  —  Stephen  Hopkins,  William  Ellery. 

Connecticut  —  Roger  Sherman,  Samuel  Huntington,  William  Williams,  Oliver 
Wolcott. 

New  York  —  William  Floyd,  Philip  Livingston,  Francis  Lewis,  Lewis  Morris. 

Ne-w  Jersey  —  Richard  Stockton,  John  Witherspoon,  Francis  Hopkinson,  John 
Hart,  Abram  Clark. 

Pennsylvania  —  Robert  Morris,  Benjamin  Rush,  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Mor- 
ton, George  Clymer,  James  Smith,  George  Taylor,  James  Wilson,  George  Ross. 

Delaware  —  Caesar  Rodney,  George  Read,  Thomas  McKean. 

35 


546  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

the  20th  of  January,  1777,  it  was  voted  that  an  authenti 
cated  copy,  with  the  names  of  the  signers,  be  sent  to  each 
of  the  United  States,  with  the  request  that  it  be  put  on 
record. 

There  is  no  mention  of  the  service  of  the  members  who 
took  part  in  the  proceedings  except  what  has  been  related. 
Richard  Henry  Lee  and  George  Wythe  returned  to  Virginia, 
and  were  not  in  Congress  when  the  question  was  taken ;  and 
there  is  not  a  word  of  Gerry,  of  Franklin,  or  of  Samuel 
Adams,  —  who  could  hardly  have  kept  entirely  silent. 
There  is  nothing  recorded  of  Hancock,  whose  bold  signature 
stands  first  and  most  conspicuous.  Daniel  Webster  describes 
Samuel  Adams  as  "of  the  deepest  sagacity,  the  clearest 
foresight,  and  the  profoundest  judgment  in  men,"  and  as 
one  who  hungered  and  thirsted  for  the  independence  of  his 
country.1  Some  of  the  signers  were  not  members  when  the 
question  was  taken  ;  but  it  does  not  follow  that  they  had  no 
part  in  bringing  it  about.  Large  service  was  rendered  on 
local  fields  by  some  who  had  been  or  were  to  be  members  : 
among  them  Gadsden  in  South  Carolina,  Nelson  in  Virginia, 
Chase  in  Maryland,  McKean  in  Delaware,  Rush  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, Sergeant  in  New  Jersey,  Jay  in  New  York ;  and 
Thornton  signed  the  first  State  paper  suggesting  independ- 
ence in  New  Hampshire,  and  signed  the  Declaration,  though 
not  a  member  until  November. 

John  Dickinson  and  John  Adams  stand  forth  the  most 
prominently  in  the  debates,  and  their  great  encounter  was 
on  the  1st  of  July.  The  speech  of  Dickinson,  delivered  on 
that  day,  is  preserved  entire,  —  the  only  speech  delivered  in 

Maryland  —  Samuel  Chase,  William  Paca,  Thomas  Stone,  Charles  Carroll  of 
Carrolton. 

Virginia  —  George  Wythe,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Benjamin 
Harrison,  Thomas  Nelson,  Jr.,  Francis  Lightfoot  Lee,  Carter  Braxton. 

North  Carolina  —  William  Hooper,  Joseph  Hewes,  John  Penn. 

South  Carolina  —  Edward  Rutledge,  Thomas  Heyward,  Jr.,  Thomas  Lynch,  Jr., 
Arthur  Middleton. 

Georgia — Button  Gwinnett,  Lyman  Hall,  George  Walton. 

i  Works  of  Daniel  Webster,  i.  136. 


BIRTH   OF  THE  NATION.  547 

these  debates  known  to  be  extant.  It  is  clear,  strong, 
marked  by  great  ability  ;  and  in  making  it  he  courageously 
acted  up  to  his  convictions.  He  breasted  the  popular  will. 
He  required  too  many  great  questions  to  be  settled  at  once, 
and  thus  embodied  the  conservatism  that  unwisely  holds 
back.  He  ran  counter  to  the  time,  and  his  voice  was  no 
longer  that  of  an  accepted  leader.  A  few  sentences  only 
of  the  great  speech  of  John  Adams  on  this  occasion  remain. 
He  then  was  fully  roused ;  for  on  that  debate  of  nine  hours 
"  all  the  powers  of  the  soul  had  been  distended  with  the 
magnitude  of  the  object";1  and  of  this  speech  he  wrote,  "I 
wish  some  one  had  remembered  the  speech,  for  it  is  almost 
the  only  one  I  ever  made  that  I  wish  was  literally  pre- 
served."2 The  tribute  of  his  contemporaries  to  this  grand 
service  is  full  and  unreserved.  "  John  Adams,"  said  Jeffer- 
son to  Daniel  Webster,  "  was  our  Colossus  on  the  floor.  He 
was  not  graceful,  nor  elegant,  nor  remarkably  fluent,  but  he 
came  out  occasionally  with  a  power  of  thought  and  expres- 
sion, that  moved  us  from  our  seats."3  Madison  well  recol- 
lected that  "  his  fellow-laborers  in  the  cause  from  Virginia 
filled  every  mouth  in  that  State  with  the  praises  due  to  the 
comprehensiveness  of  his  views,  the  force  of  his  arguments, 
and  the  boldness  of  his  patriotism."4 

The  high  honor  of  having  been  the  author  of  the  Declara- 
tion belongs  to  Jefferson ;  for  the  changes  by  the  committee 
of  the  whole  in  the  original  draft  altered  neither  the  arrange- 
ment, the  tone,  nor  the  general  character.  His  genius  for 
political  science,  and  his  talent  of  compressing  sentiment 
into  maxims,  enabled  him  to  embody  so  faithfully  the  cur- 
rent thought  of  his  countrymen  as  to  mirror  the  soul  of  the 
nation.  This,  and  not  originality,  is  the  crowning  merit  of 
this  immortal  paper.  In  preparing  it  neither  book  nor  pam- 
phlet was  referred  to  ;  but  so  thoroughly  imbued  was  its 

1  Jefferson's  Letter,  dated  Paris,  Aug.  29,  1787. 

2  John  Adams  to  Mercy  Warren,  1807. 

»  Ticknor's  relation  in  Curtis' s  Life  of  Webster,  vol.  i.  589. 
•*  Writings,  vol.  iii.  204. 


548  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

author  with  the  republican  spirit  of  the  Parliamentarians  of 
the  times  of  the  Commonwealth,  that  the  paper  reflects  their 
dignity  of  thought  and  solidity  of  style.  "  To  say  that  he 
performed  his  great  work  well  would  be  doing  him  injustice. 
To  say  that  he  did  it  excellently  well,  admirably  well,  would 
be  inadequate  and  halting  praise.  Let  us  rather  say,  that 
he  so  discharged  the  duty  assigned  him,  that  all  Americans 
may  well  rejoice  that  the  work  of  drawing  the  title-deed  of 
their  liberties  devolved  upon  him."  1 

To  welcome  this  great  State-paper,  thousands  in  all  the 
States  rested  from  their  daily  toil,  and  gathered  at  their  accus- 
tomed places  of  meeting.  The  occasion  of  its  proclamation 
was  the  event  of  the  day  in  hundreds  of  villages,  towns,  cities, 
and  counties.  The  record  of  the  proceedings  is  voluminous. 
There  were  imposing  assemblages  that  listened  to  the  read- 
ing from  the  balcony  of  the  Old  State  House,  in  Boston ;  in 
New  Hampshire,  at  Portsmouth  and  Amherst ;  in  Rhode 
Island,  at  Newport  and  Providence ;  in  New  York,  at  the 
City  Hall ;  in  New  Jersey,  at  Trenton ;  in  Delaware^  at 
Dover  ;  at  Philadelphia,  in  Independence  Square,  when  the 
Liberty  Bell  of  the  State  House  was  rung  ;  in  Maryland,  at 
the  Baltimore  Court  House  ;  in  Virginia,  at  Williamsburg  ; 
in  North  Carolina,  at  Halifax ;  in  Georgia,  at  Savannah ;  and 
at  other  places  too  many  to  enumerate.  Similar  terms  of 
description  will  apply  to  most  of  the  proceedings.  The 
civil  authorities  were  present.  The  military  paraded,  bear- 
ing the  standard  of  the  United  States.  The  salutes  were 
often  by  thirteen  divisions.  The  population  gathered  as  on 
gala  days.  The  Declaration  was  read  amidst  the  acclama- 
tions of  the  people,  mingled  with  the  roll  of  drums  and  the 
roar  of  cannon.  Then  followed  the  feast  and  the  toasts, 
and  in  the  evening  bonfires  and  illuminations,  with  the  re- 
moving or  destruction  of  the  emblems  of  royalty.2 

1  Works  of  Daniel  Webster,  i.  127.    Jefferson  gave  the  portable  writing-desk  on 
which  he  wrote  the  Declaration  to  Joseph  Coolidge,  Jr.     It  is  now  in  Boston.  — 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proceedings,  1855-58,  p.  151. 

2  The  newspapers  contain  full  accounts  of  these  occasions. 


BIRTH   OP  THE  NATION.  549 

In  some  celebrations  there  were  peculiar  features.  Such 
was  the  case  in  the  rural  town  of  Amherst,  New  Hampshire, 
the  shire-town  of  Hillsborough  County.  The  committee  of 
safety  required  the  Declaration  to  be  proclaimed  by  the 
sheriff.  Ho,  accompanied  by  the  greater  number  of  the 
magistrates  of  the  county,  and  a  large  body  of  citizens, 
escorted  by  the  militia,  marched  to  the  church,  and  attended 
prayers.  Then  the  procession  went  to  the  parade  ground, 
and  there  formed  in  a  circle  round  an  eminence.  Here  the 
sheriff  on  horseback,  with  a  drawn  sword  in  his  hand,  read 
the  Declaration.  "  After  that  was  done,  three  cheers  were 
given,  colors  were  flying,  drums  beating ;  the  militia  fired 
in  thirteen  divisions,  attended  with  universal  acclamations." 

In  Savannah,  Georgia,  the  executive  officers  and  council 
met  in  the  Council  Chamber  and  listened  to  the  Declaration ; 
then  proceeded  to  the  square  before  the  Assembly  House, 
where  it  was  read  before  a  great  concourse,  after  which  the 
Grenadiers  and  Light  Infantry  fired  a  general  volley.  Then 
a  procession,  with  the  Grenadiers  in  front,  the  Provost 
Marshal  with  his  sword  drawn,  the  Secretary  with  the 
Declaration,  and  the  civil  authorities,  closing  with  the  Light 
Infantry,  went  to  the  Liberty  Pole,  where  they  met  the 
Georgia  Battalion,  when  there  was  another  reading,  and 
salutes  were  fired.  The  procession  then  went  to  the  Bat- 
tery, where  the  paper  having  been  read  for  the  last  time, 
cannon  were  again  discharged.  The  principal  gentlemen 
dined  in  a  grove  of  cedar  trees,  and  in  the  evening  the  town 
was  illuminated.1 

A  few  of  the  narratives  report  the  words  spoken  on  these 
occasions.  In  Delaware,  at  Dover,  a  picture  of  the  king 
was  carried  by  a  drummer  in  a  procession ;  the  military 
marched  to  slow  time,  and  then  formed  in  a  circle  round  a 
fire,  when  the  president  of  the  day  committed  the  portrait 

l  Washington,  on  proclaiming  His  Majesty's  Declaration  of  War  against  France, 
in  1756,  at  Winchester,  Va.,  marched  his  troops  to  several  places,  where  it  was  read. 
See  p.  134. 


550  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

to  the  flames,  saying,  "  Compelled  by  strong  necessity  thus 
we  destroy  even  the  shadow  of  that  king  who  refused  to 
reign  over  a  free  people  ;  "  on  which  three  loud  huzzas 
rose  from  the  multitude  assembled.1  In  Savannah,  in  the 
evening,  an  effigy  of  the  king  was  borne  in  a  procession, 
and  buried  before  the  Court  House ;  the  speaker  saying 
"  that  George  the  Third  had  most  flagrantly  violated  his 
coronation  oath,  trampled  upon  the  constitution  of  the 
country  and  the  sacred  rights  of  mankind.  .  .  .  Let  us 
remember  America  is  free  and  independent ;  that  she  is, 
and  will  be,  with  the  blessing  of  the  Almighty,  great  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth.  Let  this  encourage  us  in  well 
doing,  to  fight  for  our  rights  and  privileges,  for  all  that  is 
near  and  dear  to  us.  May  God  give  us  His  blessing  and  let 
all  the  people  say  Amen."2  At  Cumberland,  New  Jersey, 
the  gathering  was  large,  the  procession  moved  to  the  court 
house,  and,  after  the  reading  and  an  address,  the  peace 
officers'  staves  having  the  king's  coat  of  arms  were  burned 
in  the  streets.  The  address  by  Dr.  Elmer,  the  chairman  of 
the  committee,  —  one  of  the  few  things  of  this  kind  preserved 
entire, — is  admirable,  embodying  the  spirit  of  fidelity  to 
law,  as  well  as  to  liberty,  characteristic  of  the  time.  He 
said  that  the  Declaration  had  been  brought  about  by 
unavoidable  necessity,  and  had  been  conducted  with  a  pru- 
dence and  moderation  becoming  the  wisest  and  best  of 
men ;  that  a  new  era  in  politics  had  commenced ;  that  no 
people  under  heaven  was  ever  favored  with  a  fairer  oppor- 
tunity of  laying  a  sure  foundation  for  future  grandeur  and 
happiness  ;  and  that  it  was  impossible  for  any  one  possessed 
of  the  spirit  of  a  man  who  is  a  friend  to  the  United  States, 
to  stand  by,  an  idle  spectator,  while  his  country  was  strug- 
gling and  bleeding  in  her  own  necessary  defence,  and  that 
all  such  ought  to  be  shunned  as  enemies  or  despised  as 
cowards.3 

1  Biography  of  the  Signers,  ,viii.  100. 

2  Force's  Archives,  5th  Series,  i.  882.  »  Ibid.,  811. 


BIRTH   OF  THE  NATION.  551 

No  State  paper  was  ever  more  widely  circulated,  or  more 
thoroughly  read,  or  more  heartily  indorsed,  than  the  Declar- 
ation. The  act  it  justified  was  hailed  everywhere  with  a 
feeling  as  spontaneous  as  the  joy  that  burst  forth  on  the 
destruction  of  the  tea,  or  the  fraternity  that  was  manifested 
on  the  passage  of  the  Port  Act.  "  Was  there  ever  a  reso- 
lution brought  about,"  wrote  Samuel  Adams,  "  especially 
so  important  as  this,  without  great  internal  tumults  and 
violent  convulsions  ?  The  people,  I  am  told,  recognize  the 
resolution  as  though  it  were  a  decree  promulgated  from 
Heaven." 

But  the  strictly  official  action,  following  the  transmission 
of  the  Declaration  by  the  President  of  Congress  to  the  civil 
and  military  authorities,  is  far  too  important  to  be  omitted. 

The  President,  in  sending  (July  5th  and  6th)  the  Declar- 
ation to  the  assemblies  and  conventions,  said  that  Congress 
had  judged  it  necessary  to  dissolve  all  connection  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  American  colonies,  and  requested  that 
its  action  be  proclaimed  in  the  manner  that  might  be  thought 
best.  The  approval  of  its  terms  was  general.  The  Massa- 
chusetts Assembly  (September  4)  expressed  their  "  entire 
satisfaction "  with  it ;  their  congratulations  on  the  very 
general  approbation  it  met  with  among  all  ranks  of  people 
in  the  United  States ;  and  pledged  their  fortunes,  lives,  and 
sacred  honor  to  support  it.  The  South  Carolina  Assembly 
said  (September  20)  that  it  was  with  the  most  unspeakable 
pleasure  they  expressed  their  joy  and  satisfaction  at  the 
measure.  "  It  is  a  decree  now  worthy  of  America,"  say  the 
council.  "We  thankfully  receive  the  notification  of  and 
rejoice  at  it ;  and  we  are  determined  at  every  hazard  to 
endeavor  to  maintain  it,  that  so,  after  we  have  departed, 
our  children  and  their  latest  posterity  may  have  cause  to 
bless  our  memory."  The  greater  number,  if  not  all,  the 
Assemblies  made  similar  pledges.  The  Maryland  Assembly 
resolved  that  they  would  maintain  the  freedom  and  inde- 
pendence of  the  United  States  with  their  lives  and  fortunes ; 


552  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

the  North  Carolina  Council  added,  under  the  sanction  of 
virtue,  honor,  and  the  sacred  love  of  liberty  and  their  coun- 
try ;  the  Pennsylvania  Convention,  in  behalf  of  themselves, 
their  constituents,  and  before  God  and  the  world.  These 
ratifications  were  printed,  and  in  some  instances,  as  was  the 
case  in  Rhode  Island,  were  read  before  great  assemblages 
of  the  civil  authorities,  the  military,  and  the  people.1  The 
ratification  was  hearty  and  unanimous.  These  bodies  or  the 
councils  ordered  the  Declaration  to  be  published  in  due  form 
in  every  locality ;  as  by  the  selectmen  in  every  town,  or  by 
the  sheriffs  in  every  county,  or  by  the  clergy  from  the  pulpit 
on  Sunday. 

The  President  wrote  to  the  Commander-in-Chief  that  Con- 
gress had  for  some  time  been  occupied  with  one  of  the  most 
important  subjects  that  could  possibly  come  before  any  as- 
sembly of  men,  which,  in  obedience  to  the  duty  they  owed 
to  themselves  and  to  posterity,  they  had  decided  in  the  best 
manner  they  were  able,  and  left  the  consequences  to  that 
Being  who  controls  both  causes  and  events,  to  bring  about 
his  own  determinations ;  and  he  requested  Washington  to 
proclaim  the  Declaration  at  the  head  of  the  army  in  the 
way  he  should  think  most  proper.  Washington  (July  9) 
communicated  it  in  a  General  Order,  in  which  he  said: 
"  The  General  hopes  this  important  event  will  serve  as 
an  incentive  to  every  officer  and  soldier  to  act  with  fidel- 
ity and  courage,  as  knowing  that  now  the  peace  and  safety 
of  his  country  depend  (under  God)  solely  on  the  success 
of  our  arms ;  and  that  he  is  now  in  the  service  of  a  State 
possessed  of  sufficient  power  to  reward  his  merit  and  ad- 
vance him  to  the  highest  honors  of  a  free  country."  The 

1  The  following  is  the  pledge  of  Rhode  Island :  — 

"  State  of  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations.  In  General  Assembly,  Juiy 
session,  1776.  This  General  Assembly,  taking  into  the  most  serious  consideration  the 
Resolution  of  the  most  Honorable  the  General  Congress  of  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica, of  the  4th  instant,  declaring  the  said  States  Free  and  Independent  States,  do 
approve  the  said  Resolution ;  and  do  most  solemnly  engage  that  we  will  support  th« 
Bald  General  Congress,  in  the  said  Resolution,  with  our  Lives  and  Fortunes. 

"  A  true  copy.  HENRY  WAKD,  Secretary  " 


BIRTH   OP  THE  NATION.  553 

Declaration  was  read  at  six  o'clock  that  evening  at  the  head 
of  each  brigade,  when  copies  of  it  were  freely  distributed. 
"  The  expressions  and  behavior,"  wrote  Washington,  "  of 
officers  and  men,  testified  their  warmest  approbation." 
"  Three  cheers,"  writes  another,  "  proclaimed  the  joy  of 
every  heart  in  the  camp."  In  other  places  there  were 
military  parades  and  rejoicings.  At  Ticonderoga,  "  the 
language  of  every  man's  countenance  was,  "  Now  we  are  a 
free  people,  and  have  a  name  among  the  States  of  the 
world." 

This  picture  of  joy  and  exultation  of  a  free  people  — 
this  pledge  of  life  and  fortune  —  had  its  shadow  in  the 
anguish  in  their  homes  created  by  internal  war  and  foreign 
invasion.  The  land  was  poor,  and  the  future  all  uncertain ; 
but  the  sentiment  of  nationality  —  the  fresh  emotion  of 
country — was  inspiration,  and  it  was  strength.  The  people 
were  confident  that  their  cause  would  raise  up  defenders ; 
and  though  the  cloud  of  war  made  their  horizon  as  the 
night,  yet  a  living  faith  in  the  providence  of  God  looked  up 
in  trust,  and  in  the  darkened  sky  saw  golden  hues  that  gave 
the  promise  of  the  morning. 

I  have  endeavored  to  traverse  the  course  of  events  —  as 
one  prepared  the  way  for  another  —  by  which  the  subjects 
of  thirteen  dependent  colonies  became  transformed  into 
citizens  of  independent  States.  They  undoubtedly  had  a 
right,  at  the  outset,  to  resist  the  obnoxious  measures  sepa- 
rately, or  as  distinct  communities,  each  in  its  own  way,  and 
each  fighting  its  own  battle,  as  was  insidiously  suggested  by 
the  tory  leaders  :  they  might  have  continued  this  policy  in 
declaring  their  independence  ;  and  if  success,  and  not  ruin, 
had  been  the  result,  they  might  have  decreed  that  each 
should  have  external  as  well  as  internal  powers  of  sover- 
eignty, or  the  right  to  deal  with  foreign  nations  as  well  as 
the  right  to  regulate  their  "internal  police."1  But  they  did 
not  choose  this  course.  They  strove  so  persistently  as  dis- 

l  Reports  of  Decisions  in  the  Supreme  Court     Curtis,  i.  100. 


554  THE  BISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

tinct  communities  to  unite  in  general  measures  of  resistance, 
that  for  ten  years  Union  was  the  key  to  their  politics.  It 
grew  to  be  a  conviction  that  a  common  country  was  a  neces- 
sity ;  and  when  they  came  to  act  on  the  large  scale  of 
assuming  national  powers,  they  declared  their  independence 
by  a  joint  act.  Hence  they  became  one  nation.  The  stages 
of  the  "  national  birth  " l  were  the  ripening  of  public  senti- 
ment, the  delegation  of  power,  the  resolution  declaring  the 
colonies  independent  States,  the  Declaration,  and  the  ratifi- 
cation. Thus  the  united  colonies  assumed  their  station  as 
The  United  States.  That  generation  comprehended  the 
greatness  of  the  result.  John  Adams  said  that  it  would  be 
"  a  memorable  epoch  in  the  history  of  America.  I  am  apt 
to  believe  that  it  will  be  celebrated  by  succeeding  genera- 
tions as  the  great  anniversary  festival.  It  ought  to  be  com- 
memorated as  the  day  of  deliverance  by  solemn  acts  of  de- 
votion to  God  Almighty."  2  Colonel  Haslett  wrote  :  "  I 
congratulate  you  on  the  important  day  which  restores  to 
every  American  his  birthright ;  a  day  which  every  freeman 
will  record  with  gratitude,  and  the  millions  of  posterity  will 
read  with  rapture."  3  "  It  is  the  most  important  event,"  it 
was  said  in  the  press,  "  that  has  ever  happened  to  the 
American  colonies  ;  "  and  it  was  predicted  that,  as  a  grand 
era  in  their  history,  it  would  be  celebrated  by  anniversary 
commemorations  through  a  long  succession  of  future  ages.4 

1  That  decisive  and  important  step  (Independence)  was  taken  jointly.     We  de- 
clared ourselves  a  nation  by  a  joint,  not  by  several  acts. — President  Jackson's 
proclamation,  Dec.  10,  1832. 

Madison  (Writings,  iii.  337)  terms  the   action   of  Virginia  in  instructing  her 
delegates,  May  15,  1776,  "  A  link  in  the  history  of  our  national  birth  ;' 

2  Letter  dated  July  3,  1776.     The  important  portion  of  this  celebrated  letter  was 
printed  in  "  The  Universal  Asylum,"  for  May,  1792.     A  few  phrases  are  different 
in  this  copy  from  the  letter  in  the  works  of  John  Adams,  ix.  420.     Thus:  the  words 
in  the  last,  "  of  the  thirteen,"  are  not  in  the  copy  in  the  Asylum.     The  publica- 
tion for  March  has  the  two  letters  of  Adams,  dated  July  1,  1776. 

3  Letter  to  Caesar  Rodney,  July  6,  1776.     Biography  of  the  Signers,  viii.  99. 
Col.  Haslett  was  the  commander  of  the  Continental  troops  in  Delaware. 

4  The  "Continental  Journal,"  of  Boston,  of  July  18,  1776,  contains  the  following 
under  the  New  York  head:  "The  first  (fourth?)  instant  was  rendered  remarkable 
by  the  most  important  event  that  ever  happened  to  the  American  colonies,  —  an 


BIRTH  OF  THE  NATION.  555 

The  contemporary  prophecy  breathed  the  assurance  that  the 
entire  series  of  divine  dispensations,  from  the  infant  days  of 
the  fathers  of  America,  was  big  with  omens  in  her  favor, 
and  pointed  to  something  great  and  good,  —  a  faith  that  the 
grand  chorus  of  praise  and  thanksgiving  which  greeted  the 
Declaration  would  echo  along  the  line  of  future  generations. 
The  Declaration  not  only  announced  that  the  heretofore 
dependent  colonies  were  independent  States,  but  that  they 
were  United  States,  meaning  that  the  same  Union  which 
had  existed  between  them  as  colonies,  should  be  continued 
between  them  as  States.1  Hence  it  has  been  termed  the 
fundamental  act  of  Union.2  It  was  an  embodiment  of  the 
public  will,  as  a  source  of  authority,  when  it  was  the  will 
of  the  people  composing  one  nation.3  This  act,  however, 
did  not  consist  merely  in  the  Declaration  issued  by  Con- 
gress, but  embraced  the  prior  action  of  the  colonies  con- 
ferring the  power  to  adopt  the  measure,  and  the  subsequent 
ratification  of  it  by  them.  They  were  successive  stages  of 
one  joint  act,  by  which  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  ordained  and  established  as  organic  law.  It  was  a 
covenant  of  country  in  which  the  people  recognized  the 
providential  development  of  Union.  This  Union  had  al- 
ready been  consecrated  by  precious  blood  and  revered  mem- 
ories. Joint  effort,  common  suffering,  and  patient  labor, 
were  to  make  it  more  perfect.  Thus,  hardening  more  and 
more  into  a  mighty  historic  force,  it  was  bequeathed  as  a 
sacred  possession  to  posterity. 

event  which  will  doubtless  be  celebrated  through  a  long  succession  of  future  ages 
by  anniversary  commemorations,  and  be  considered  as  a  grand  era  in  the  history  of 
the  American  States.  On  this  auspicious  day  the  Representatives  of  the  Thirteen 
United  Colonies,  by  the  Providence  of  God,  unanimously  agreed  to  and  voted  a 
Proclamation  declaring  the  said  colonies  to  be  Free  and  Independent  States,  which 
was  proclaimed  at  the  State  House  in  Philadelphia,  on  Monday  last,  and  received, 
with  joyful  acclamations." 

1  "  A  Brief  Enquiry  into  the  Nature  and  Character  of  our  Federal  Government,"\ 
p.  40.     This  was  written  by  Hon.  Abel  P.  Upshur.  J 

2  Letters  and  other  writings  of  James  Madison,  iii.  482.  / 
8  "In  our  complex  system  of  polity,  the  public  will,  as  a  source  of  authority 

may  be  the  will  of  the  people  as  composing  one  nation,"  &c. — Madison's  Letters 
&c.,  iii.  479. 


556  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

The  Declaration  established  Union  as  a  fundamental  law 
by  the  side  of  the  old  law  of  Diversity.  These  laws  appear 
as  correlative  forces,  the  existence  of  the  one  being  depend- 
ent on  that  of  the  other  ;  and,  in  their  normal  requirements 
they  are  so  free  from  antagonism  or  conflict,  that  fidelity 
to  one  cannot  be  treason  to  the  other,  while  obedience  to 
both  —  each  paramount  in  its  sphere  —  constitutes  the  life, 
harmony,  and  glory  of  the  American  political  world.  On 
the  one  rests  local  self-government ;  on  the  other  National 
Union.  These  historic  ideas,  entwined  like  warp  and  woof, 
influenced  results  along  the  whole  line  of  the  revolutionary 
struggle ;  and,  if  as  it  advances,  the  Union  appears  to  grow 
more  stern  and  to  become  at  times  imperative,  yet  there  is 
evinced  the  same  determination  to  secure  the  right  of  local 
government  in  future  from  internal  violation,  as  there  had 
been  in  the  past  to  protect  it  from  foreign  aggression. 

The  Declaration  transformed  the  sentiment  of  nationality 
into  the  fact  of  nationality  ;  thought  into  reality.  This  was 
the  precise  nature  of  the  birth.  The  revolutionary  leaders 
expressed  it  exactly,  —  the  birth  of  the  Nation.  The 
transcendent  fact  of  Union  was  now  joined  to  the  fact  of  a 
Republic.  This  Union  was  the  country.  This  feeling  of 
country  does  not  come  of  compacts,  cannot  be  improvised 
by  great  men,  but  is  a  growth,  a  development.  It  is  the 
moral  power,  or  the  influence,  or  the  spirit  that  precedes 
the  letter  or  the  forms  of  organic  law.  It  sprang  from  the 
aggregate  of  habits,  energies,  affections  —  the  inner  life  — 
of  a  free  people,  imbued  with  a  traditionary  republicanism 
to  such  a  degree  that  they  unconsciously  applied  it  in  their 
customs  and  laws,  and  thus  attained  a  common  character. 
They  grew  into  the  feeling  that  they  had  the  right,  as  indi- 
viduals, to  a  country  all  their  own,  —  a  right  to  the  incal- 
culable benefits  of  a  Fatherland  for  which  the  language  has 
no  term,  but  a  love  for  which  Providence  has  planted  deep 
in  the  human  heart.  Its  spirit  breathes  in  national  song. 
Its  power  is  symbolized  in  the  national  flag.  Americans 
felt  the  full  force  of  the  inspiration. 


BIRTH   OP  THE  NATION.  557 

The  Declaration  announced  to  the  world  the  fact  of  The 
United  States  of  America,  and  the  justification  of  the  fact. 
The  existence  of  a  new  political  sovereignty  de  facto  among 
the  nations  is  sufficient  to  establish  it  dejure.  Sovereignty, 
as  used  in  matters  of  international  law,  is  classed  as  exter- 
nal and  internal.  To  render  external  sovereignty  perfect, 
it  is  necessary  that  the  established  powers  should  act ;  for 
it  is  by  their  recognition  that  a  new  power  effects  an  en- 
trance into  the  society  of  nations,  and  enjoys  its  advantages, 
—  enters  upon  the  rights  to  which  nations  are  entitled,  and 
the  duties  they  are  called  upon  reciprocally  to  fulfil.  Hence 
the  external  sovereignty  of  the  United  States  was  imperfect 
until  other  nations  recognized  its  independence.  It  was  not 
so  with  its  internal  sovereignty.  This  was  at  once  complete 
within  the  limits  of  its  own  territory,  and  in  all  action  re- 
lating to  its  own  citizens, — none  the  less  complete  for  its  not 
having  been  recognized  by  foreign  powers.  Nor  were  its 
people  any  the  less  a  nation  for  their  not  having  attained  an 
adequate  general  government.  They  delegated  the  power  to 
sever  their  relations  with  the  monarchy,  and  to  take  steps 
to  form  a  new  government  or  confederation,  and  not  only 
left  the  local  law  undisturbed,  but  stipulated  that  each  com- 
munity should  retain  full  right  over  its  domestic  affairs ;  and 
this  right  was  by  the  Declaration  freed  from  the  interference 
of  a  foreign  power. 

The  Declaration  changed  the  allegiance  of  the  individual 
from  the  monarchy  to  the  new  political  unit  of  the  United 
States.  This  power  —  in  the  language  of  Congress,  in 
treaties,  in  official  letters,  in  the  thought  of  American 
statesmen,  termed  at  once  a  nation  —  was  in  a  state  of  war 
with  Great  Britain,  and  all  persons  residing  in  its  jurisdic- 
tion were  expected  to  govern  themselves  accordingly.  The 
popular  party  accepted  the  declaration  as  though  it  were  law ; 
just  as  they  accepted  the  Association  and  the  Resolve  on 
local  government.  It  was  the  title-deed  of  the  individual 
unit  to  his  right  in  a  common  country.  It  was  a  test  of 


558  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

loyalty.  Whoever  upheld  it  was  counted  as  a  friend ;  who- 
ever spoke  against  it  was  an  enemy  ;  whoever  took  up  arms 
against  it  was  guilty  of  treason. 

The  Declaration  embodied  the  doctrine  of  the  funda- 
mental equality  of  the  race,  and  thus  clothed  abstract  truth 
with  vitalizing  power.  Its  mighty  sentences  aver  as  self- 
evident  "  that  all  men  are  created  equal :  that  they  are 
endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights  ; 
that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happi- 
ness ;  that  to  secure  these  rights  governments  are  instituted 
among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed  ;  that  whenever  any  form  of  government  be- 
comes destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people 
to  alter  or  to  abolish  it  and  institute  new  government,  laying 
its  foundation  on  such  principles  and  organizing  its  powers 
in  such  form,  as  shall  to  them  seem  most  likely  to  effect 
their  safety  and  happiness."  This  is  the  American  theory, 
expressed  "  in  words  the  memory  of  which  can  never  die."1 
It  includes  far  more  than  it  expresses :  for  by  recognizing 
human  equality  and  brotherhood,  and  the  individual  as  the 
unit  of  society,  it  accepts  the  Christian  idea  of  man  as  the 
basis  of  political  institutions  ;  2  and  by  proclaiming  the  right 
to  alter  them  to  meet  the  progress  of  society,  it  provided  for 
the  results  of  a  tendency  to  look,  not  to  the  past,  but  to  the 
future,  for  types  of  perfection  that  was  brought  into  the 
world  by  Christianity.3  To  maintain  such  a  theory  were 
fought  the  battles  of  the  revolution.  To  build  on  it  a 
worthy  superstructure  of  government  and  law,  was  the  work 
entered  upon  by  heroes  and  sages,  and  bequeathed  to  pos- 
terity. 

The  Declaration  met  the  requirements  of  the  American 
cause.  "  It  has  had  a  glorious  effect  —  has  made  these  col- 

1  Buckle's  History  of  Civilization,  i.  846. 

2  See  pages  6  and  9  of  this  work. 

«  Maine's  Ancient  Law,  71.  He  remarks:  "Ancient  literature  gives  fewer  no 
hints  of  a  belief  that  the  progress  of  society  is  necessarily  from  worse  to  better." 


BIRTH   OF  THE  NATION.  559 

onies  all  alive,"  writes  one.1  "  The  continent  should  defend 
the  continent,"2  was  the  great  thought  of  another.  The 
conviction  was  general  that  American  liberty  could  find 
permanent  security  only  in  the  protection  of  an  American 
Republic.  The  ideal  of  what  this  Republic  ought  to  em- 
brace as  to  territory,  the  earnest  devotion  to  principle, 
and  the  self-reliant  Americanism  of  that  remarkable  era, 
are  reflected  in  the  terse  war-cry :  — 

"  In  vain  do  ye  rely  on  foreign  aid, 
By  her  own  arm  Columbia  must  be  freed. 

Rise,  then,  my  countrymen !  for  fight  prepare, 
Gird  on  your  swords  and  fearless  rush  to  war! 
'Tis  your  bold  task  the  generous  strife  to  try, 
For  your  grieved  Country  nobly  dare  to  die 
And  empty  all  your  veins  for  Liberty ! 
No  pent-up  Utica  contracts  your  powers, 
But  the  whole  boundless  Continent  is  yours."  8 

A  just  cause,  maintained  in  such  a  spirit,  commanded 
the  respect  of  the  liberal  world,4  and  its  triumph  was  de- 
sired throughout  Europe.  "  The  Declaration  "  says  one 
historian,  "  had  an  immense  effect.  .  .  .  The  cause  was  so 
noble  and  the  effort  was  so  grand,  that  there  was  not  a 
doubt,  not  a  hesitation,  in  the  sentiment  of  the  entire 
world,  and  that  governments  and  the  rulers  of  States 


1  Letter  of  William  Whipple,  a  signer,  July  16,  1776.    Force's  Archives,  5th 
Series,  i.  368. 

2  Letter  of  Samuel  Tucker,  President  of  the  New  Jersey  Provincial  Congress,  to 
John  Hancock,  July  9,  1776.    Ibid.,  139. 

3  "A  new  Epilogue  to  Cato,"  in  the  "  Continental  Journal"  of  April  30,  1778. 
This  was  written  by  Jonathan  Mitchell  Sewall.    It  was  altered  by  the  author  for 
his  collection  of  Poems  printed  in  1801. 

4  It  is  curious  to  contrast  this  judgment  with  that  of  the  tory  school.    Thomas 
Hutchinson  was  true  to  this  school  to  the  last.    He  pronounced  the  reasons  of  the 
Declaration  "false  and  frivolous,"  and  the  counts  "  a  list  of  imaginary  grievances." 
He  avers  that  "there  were  men  in  the  principal  colonies  who  had  independence  in 
view  "  before  the  Stamp  Act,  and  soon  after  the  reduction  of  Canada.    His  "  Stric- 
tures upon  the  Declaration  of  the  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  addressed  to  the  Rt. 
Hon.  the  E of "  is  dated  London,  Oct.  15, 1776.    He  cites  the  Decla- 
ration in  paragraphs,  and  denies  the  soundness  of  its  principles,  and  the  accuracy 
of  nearly  all  its  statements.    This  is  a  bitter  partisan  production. 


560  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

would  seek  glory  by  thinking  like  the  people." 1  Buckle, 
sympathizing  with  "  the  great  people  who  gloriously  ob- 
tained their  independence,"  remarks  that  their  Declara- 
tion "  ought  to  be  hung  up  in  the  nursery  of  every  king, 
and  blazoned  on  the  porch  of  every  royal  palace."  2 

1  Histoire  des  Fran^ais,  par  J.  C.  L.  Simonde  de  Sismondi,  &c.,  30  p.  139. 
a  History  of  Civilization  in  England,  London  Ed.,  1857,  i.  846. 


CHAPTER    XH. 

How  THE  PEOPLE  BY  ORDAINING  THE  CONSTITUTION  OP  THE  UNITED 
STATES  INSTITUTED  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT. 

1776  TO  1790. 

WHEN  the  people  of  the  United  States  assumed  rank  as  a 
nation,  the  conviction  was  general  that  a  common  country 
and  national  government  were  essential  to  promote  the  pub- 
lic welfare.  The  first  result  they  reached  of  a  confederation, 
matured  in  Congress  and  ratified  by  the  legislatures  of  the 
States,  created  a  government  depending  on  the  local  author- 
ities to  give  effect  to  its  decrees,  and  proved  inadequate  to 
meet  their  wants.  When  this  became  manifest,  a  general 
convention  ordained  and  established  a  "  Constitution  for 
the  United  States,"  which  was  ratified  bythe  people,  act- 
ing as  separate  communities  through  local  conventions. 
They  thus  instituted  a  self-sustaining  Republican  govern- 
ment. 

By  the  Declaration  of  Independence  the  sovereignty  of 
the  thirteen  colonies  passed  from  the  crown  to  the  people 
dwelling  in  them,  not  as  an  aggregate  body,  but  as  forming 
States *  endowed  with  the  functions  necessary  for  their  sepa- 

1  President  Monroe,  in  tracing  American  institutions  to  their  origin,  says  that 
two  important  facts  are  disclosed.  "The  first  is,  that  in  wresting  the  power,  or 
what  is  called  the  sovereignty,  from  the  crown,  it  passed  directly  to  the  people. 
The  second,  that  it  passed  directly  to  the  people  of  each  colony,  and  not  to  the 
people  of  all  the  colonies  in  the  aggregate:  to  thirteen  distinct  communities,  and 
not  to  one.  To  these  two  facts,  each  contributing  its  equal  proportion,  I  am  in- 
clined to  think  we  are,  in  an  eminent  degree,  indebted  to  the  success  of  our  Revolu- 
tion." —  Niles's  Register,  xxii.  366. 

"The  people  of  the  United  States  must  be  considered  attentively  in  two  very  dif- 
ferent views,  —  as  forming  one  nation  great  and  united, '  and  as  forming  at  the  same 


562  THE   RISE   OP   THE   REPUBLIC. 

rate  existence  ;  also  States  in  union.  Whoever  had  refused 
to  acquiesce  in  the  decisions  of  the  head  of  the  Union, 
Congress,  had  been  summarily  dealt  with.  The  individual 
had  been  disarmed,  the  assembly  had  been  annulled,  the 
governor  had  been  imprisoned :  the  Union  in  its  sphere 
was  paramount. 

Congress  for  several  years  continued  to  be  the  political 
power.  As  the  war  began,  so  it  virtually  ended,  under  its 
direction.  The  spirit  of  the  people,  and  the  necessity  of 
combining  their  strength,  supplied  the  place  of  efficient  po- 
litical machinery.1  "  In  every  stage  of  the  conflict,"  says  a 
contemporary,  ufrom  its  commencement  until  March,  1781, 
the  powers  of  Congress  were  undefined,  but  of  vast  extent. 
.  .  .  Never  was  a  movement  so  spontaneous,  so  patriotic, 
so  efficient.  The  nation  exerted  its  whole  faculties  in  sup- 
port of  its  rights  and  of  its  independence." 2  Whatever 
power  Congress  had  exercised,  even  to  the  creation  of  a 
dictator,  was  acquiesced  in  by  the  people.  This  power, 
however,  was  strictly  influence,  not  government.  It  was 
foreseen  that,  although  enthusiasm  and  patriotism  might  be 
relied  on  in  the  struggle  for  independence,  yet  after  it  was 
over  American  liberty  could  be  secure  only  in  American 
law.3  Not  one  of  the  popular  leaders,  perhaps,  had  a  just 
conception  of  the  political  machinery  which  the  public  needs 
required ;  and  as  to  the  powers  to  be  conferred,  beyond  the 
few  of  a  national  character  already  vested  in  the  Union,  all 
was  vague.  There  were,  however,  in  the  public  mind 
sharply  defined  objects  ;  and  "  it  is  impossible  to  overrate 

time  a  number  of  separate  States,  to  that  nation  subordinate,  but  independent  as  to 
their  own  interior  government.  This  very  important  distinction  must  be  continually 
before  our  eyes.  If  it  be  properly  observed,  every  thing  will  appear  regular  and 
proportioned :  if  it  be  neglected,  endless  confusion  and  intricacy  will  unavoidably 
ensue."  —  James  Wilson's  Works,  ii.  122. 

1  Bancroft,  ix.  57. 

2  President  Monroe.    Niles's  Register,  xxii.  364. 

8  A  different  view  is  taken  by  high  authority  Thus  John  Quincy  Adams,  in 
his  Jubilee  Oration,  says  of  the  people:  "In  the  enthusiasm  of  their  first  sponta- 
neous, unstipulated,  unpremeditated  union,  they  had  flattered  themselves  that  no 
general  government  would  be  required,"  &c.  —  p.  10.  See  pp.  479-483. 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF  EEPUBLICAN   GOVERNMENT.  563 

the  importance  to  a  nation  or  profession  to  have  a  distinct 
object  to  aim  at  in  the  pursuit  of  improvement."1  The 
general  aim  as  presented  in  the  newspapers  was  a  system 
of  organic  law  adequate  to  meet  the  requirements  of  a  people 
who  deemed  local  self-government  and  national  union  to  be 
institutions  as  real  as  habeas  corpus  and  trial  by  jury. 

The  work  was  going  on  when  the  Declaration  was  made. 
The  people  of  six  colonies,  under  the  advice  of  Congress, 
had  established  governments  independent  of  the  crown, 
which  governments  Congress,  as  the  political  power,  recog- 
nized as  the  public  authority.  "  From  the  moment  of  the 
Declaration,"  it  was  said,  "  every  thing  assumed  a  new 
appearance."  New  terms  came  into  use.  The  colonies  had 
been  transformed  into  States ;  and  hence  Congress  habitu- 
ally designated  them  as  "  Sovereign,  Free,  and  Independent 
States,"  and  referred  to  these  States  in  Union  as  a  nation 
Thus  Congress  declined  to  receive  peace-commissioners, 
because  they  did  not  present  letters  of  credence  "to  an  inde- 
pendent State  ; "  and  they  would  listen  only  to  such  terms 
as  might  consist "  with  the  honor  of  an  independent  nation." 
In  fact  the  people  of  thirteen  States,  imbued  with  the  spirit 
of  a  new  political  life,  which  gave  them  a  distinctive  charactei 
as  Americans,  by  working  together  for  years,  to  vindicate 
their  rights,  and  by  combining  their  strength  to  defend  them, 
had  grown  unconsciously  into  a  nation.3  The  work  of  con- 

1  Maine's  Ancient  Law,  75. 

2  Journals  of  Congress,  iv.  253,  v.  175,  vii.  52.    In  an  ordinance,  "  a  free  and 
independent  nation,"  vii.  59.    The  Revolutionary  statesmen,  habitually,  in  their 
correspondence  use  the  word  "nation."     It  will  be  found  in  the  diplomatic  corre- 
spondences of  Jefferson  and  John  Adams,  and  in  the  treaties  they  made. 

8  "  Nation.  A  body  of  people  inhabiting  the  same  country,  or  united  under  the 
same  sovereign  or  government,  as  the  English  nation  or  French  nation." — Web- 
ster's Dictionary. 

"  When  any  society  of  men,  or  body  politic,  is  united  for  the  purposes  of  govern- 
ment and  for  mutual  protection,  we  are  accustomed  to  call  such  society  or  body 
politic  a  state  or  nation."  — Encyclopaedea  Americana,  Law  of  Nations. 

"By  the  Declaration  of  Independence  the  colonies  became  a  separate  nation 
from  Great  Britain." — Tucker's  Commentaries  on  Blackstone,  vol.  ii.  App.  54. 
"On  which  day  they  declared  themselves  an  independent  and  sovereign  nation."  •-•- 
Ibid,  i.,  part  ii.  p.  101. 


564        ,  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

structing  government  had  necessarily  to  go  on  during  the 
confusions  of  a  distressing  war,  in  the  vicissitudes  of  which 
eleven  of  their  capitals  were  occupied  by  the  enemy. 

In  New  Jersey,  several  townships,  after  the  imprisonment 
of  the  Governor,  petitioned  the  Provincial  Congress  to  com- 
ply with  the  recommendation  of  the  General  Congress  to 
form  local  governments.  A  committee,  two  days  after  its 
appointment,  reported  (June  24,  1776)  a  constitution.  The 
Provincial  Congress  was  answering  pressing  appeals  for 
powder  and  troops,  disarming  all  "whose  religious  principles 
would  not  permit  them  to  bear  arms,"  preparing  to  meet  an 
insurrection  of  the  Tories, — in  a  word,  exercising  the  powers 
of  government.  On  the  second  day  of  July  it  adopted  the 
"  Constitution  of  New  Jersey."  The  government  thus 
established  went  into  full  operation,  and  lasted  sixty-eight 
years. 

The  Delaware  Assembly  advised  the  people  of  each  of  the 
three  counties  to  choose  ten  delegates  to  meet  in  convention 
and  ordain  a  government.  The  electors  acted  accordingly. 
The  convention,  on  the  20th  of  September,  1776,  adopted 
a  constitution  which  continued  sixteen  years. 

In  Maryland  the  convention,  exercising  powers  of  gov- 
ernment on  the  3d  of  July,  called  a  convention  "  for  the 
express  purpose  of  forming  a  new  government  by  the  au- 
thority of  the  people  only,  a-nd  enacting  and  ordering  all 
things  for  the  preservation,  safety,  and  general  weal  of  the 
colony."  In  pursuance  of  this  call,  delegates  were  elected 
and  met  in  convention.  On  the  3d  of  November  they  agreed 
upon  a  Declaration  of  Rights,  and  on  the  8th  upon  a  con- 
stitution. This  Convention  also  exercised  the  powers  of 

"  This  Declaration  has  ever  been  considered,  by  the  constituents  of  those  who 
made  it,  to  mark  the  era  of  their  birth  as  a  nation."  — George  Tucker,  History  of 
United  States,  i.  173. 

"In  truth  Anglo-America  had,  almost  unknown  to  herself,  grown  into  a  sep- 
arate nation."  — Gordon's  History  of  Pennsylvania,  538. 

"  The  Declaration  passed  July  4,  when  the  United  States  were  declared  to  be, 
and  became  in  fact,  an  independent  nation."  —  Sparks' s  Franklin,  i.  406. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.          565 

government.  The  constitution  thus  formed  was  not  changed 
for  seventy-five  years. 

In  Pennsylvania  the  convention  called  to  frame  a  consti- 
tution assembled  in  Philadelphia  on  the  12th  of  July,  chose 
Franklin  President,  and  assumed  the  powers  of  government. 
Or.  the  28th  of  September  the  members  signed  a  constitu- 
tion, declared  it  to  be  in  force  and  ordered  it  to  be  laid 
before  the  Charter  Assembly.  This  body,  however,  de- 
nounced the  convention,  and  declared  that  no  obedience 
was  due  to  its  ordinances.  On  the  26th  "  the  House  rose/' 
This  was  the  end  of  the  charter.  The  constitution  was  not 
satisfactory  to  a  portion  of  the  popular  party,  and  a  large 
public  meeting  held  in  Independence  Square  instructed  their 
delegates  to  propose  amendments.1  The  following  year, 
when  the  State  was  threatened  with  invasion,  Samuel  Adams, 
Mr.  Duer,  and  Richard  Henry  Lee,  were  appointed  a  com- 
mittee of  Congress,  to  exercise,  in  conjunction  with  the  high 
officers  of  the  State,  all  authority  requisite  for  the  public 
safety ;  and  the  commanders  of  the  Continental  forces  were 
ordered  to  support  their  authority.  The  State  amended  its 
constitution  in  1790. 

In  North  Carolina  the  Provincial  Congress  vested  the 
political  power  in  a  council  of  safety  consisting  of  twelve 
members,  who  (July  24,  1776)  signed  a  pledge  to  carry 
out  the  decisions  of  the  Provincial  Congress  and  the  Gen- 
eral Congress.  The  council  recommended  (Aug.  9,  1776) 
the  good  people  of  the  State  "  to  pay  the  greatest  attention" 
to  the  election  of  delegates  on  the  15th  of  October,  and  par- 
ticularly to  have  this  in  view,  that  it  will  be  their  business 
"  not  only  to  make  laws  for  the  good  government  of,  but 

l  In  the  "Pennsylvania  Evening  Post"  of  March  13,  1777,  is  an  appeal  "To 
the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  to  amend  the  Constitution,"  in  which  it  is  said:  "Massa- 
chusetts amended  her  constitution  at  Watertown,  within  four  miles  of  Howe's  army; 
New  Jersey  made  her  government,  within  sight  of  the  whole  body  of  the  British  and 
Hessian  troops,  on  Staten  Island ;  Virginia  made  their  government  when  Lord  Dun- 
more  was  spreading  devastation  on  every  part  of  the  seacoast;  and  New  York  is  at 
this  time  framing  her  government,  although  several  of  their  counties  are  now  in 
possession  of  the  enemy." 


566  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

also  to  form  a  constitution  for  this  State  ;  that  this  last,  as 
it  js  the  corner-stone  of  all  law,  so  it  ought  to  be  fixed  and 
permanent ;  and  that  as  it  is  well  or  ill  ordered  it  must  tend 
in  the  first  degree  to  promote  the  happiness  or  misery  of 
the  State."  The  delegates  elected  under  this  advice  con- 
vened at  Halifax,  and  on  the  18th  adopted  a  Bill  of  Rights 
and  constitution  which  lasted  sixty-nine  years. 

In  Georgia  the  government  was  vested  in  a  Provincial 
Council.  The  President,  by  proclamation,  called  a  conven- 
tion to  meet  at  Savannah  in  October,  on  the  warrant  of  the 
resolution  of  Congress  of  The  Fifteenth  of  May.  In  a  cir- 
cular letter  the  people  were  enjoined  to  adopt  such  govern- 
ment as  would  "  conciliate  the  affections  of  the  United 
States ;  for  under  their  shadow  they  would  find  safety,  and 
preserve  to  themselves  their  invaluable  rights,"  though 
"  they  should  be  purchased  with  garments  rolled  in  blood." 
The  convention  adopted  a  constitution  on  the  5th  of  Febru- 
ary, 1777.  It  was  peculiar  in  permitting  the  delegates  to 
Congress  to  sit  and  vote  in  the  assembly,  in  requiring  this 
body  to  advise  with  the  council  in  making  laws,  and  in 
enacting  that  the  vote  in  the  council  should  be  by  counties. 
It  was  in  force  but  eight  years. 

In  New  York  the  draft  of  a  constitution  was  submitted 
by  John  Jay,  and  was  adopted  by  a  convention  which  was 
exercising  the  powers  of  government,  on  the  20th  of  April, 
1777.  It  was  ordained  and  declared  by  this  body,  "  in  the 
name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  good  people  "  of  the  State. 
It  was  pronounced  superior  to  any  of  the  constitutions,  and 
forty-five  years  elapsed  before  a  convention  was  called  to 
amend  it. 

A  glance  has  been  given  at  the  six  States  which  formed 
governments  before  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  South 
Carolina  amended  hers  in  1778,  "  to  accommodate  it  to  that 
great  event."  Virginia  did  not  alter  hers  until  the  mem- 
orable convention  met  in  1829.  Rhode  Island  and  Con- 
necticut did  not  displace  their  charters  for  many  years. 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF  REPUBLICAN   GOVERNMENT.  567 

New  Hampshire  provided  a  new  government  in  1784.  Mas- 
sachusetts, after  rejecting  one  form  mainly  because  it  did 
not  contain  a  Bill  of  Rights,  adopted  in  1780  a  constitution 
which  was  not  amended  until  1820.  It  was  not  only  an 
improvement  on  all  that  preceded  it ;  but  the  American 
method  of  preparing  and  establishing  an  organic  law  was 
pursued  in  all  its  stages.  The  existing  authority  called  a 
convention,  to  be  composed  of  delegates  chosen  as  the  rep- 
resentatives were,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  preparing  a  frame 
of  government.  These  delegates  assembled  in  convention, 
matured  a  constitution  which  had  been  reported  by  John 
Adams,  Samuel  Adams,  and  James  Bowdoin;  and,  after 
submitting  it  to  the  people  to  be  voted  on,  adjourned.  They 
reassembled  to  receive  the  returns  of  the  votes.  After 
examination  they  declared  the  constitution  adopted. 

I  have  not  space  to  analyze  these  constitutions.  In  all 
there  were  the  three  departments, — the  Executive,  Legisla- 
tive, and  Judicial ;  and  these  were  rendered  independent  of 
one  another.  In  most  of  the  States  the  executive  was  ham- 
pered by  a  council.  In  Pennsylvania  and  Georgia  the  leg- 
islature consisted  of  one  branch;  in  the  others  of  two 
branches,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  colonial  period.  In 
four  States  the  Governor  was  to  be  chosen  by  the  people ; 
in  the  others,  by  the  legislature. 

These  constitutions  were  said  to  be  "  ordained,  declared, 
established,"  and  were  not  to  be  altered  unless  in  the  man- 
ner pointed  out.  Thus  they  assume  to  be  modes  of  action 
different  from  ordinary  acts  of  legislation.  They  were  uni 
versally  recognized  and  held  to  be  such.  They  were  really 
decrees  of  the  people  as  constituting  the  sovereignty.  They 
prescribed  the  degrees  and  spheres  of  power  by  which  their 
agents  or  "trustees"  periodically  chosen  to  make  or  admin- 
ister the  laws  were  to  be  governed  in  their  various  depart- 
ments. Their  sphere  is  internal  government.  Their 
provisions  give  validity  and  continuity  to  the  body  of  local 
law.  In  no  instance  is  there  power  conferred  on  these  local 


568  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

agents  to  deal  with  foreign  nations.  This  function  had  been 
vested  by  the  same  sovereignty  in  a  congress ;  and  the  con- 
stitutions contain  provisions  for  the  appointment  of  members 
to  compose  it. 

These  governments  went  immediately  into  operation. 
Well-known  characters  were  selected  to  fill  the  high  offices. 
At  the  head  of  Virginia  were  Henry,  and  then  Jefferson ;  of 
Massachusetts,  Hancock,  and  then  Bowdoin ;  of  Maryland, 
Johnson ;  of  New  Jersey,  William  Livingston ;  of  New 
Hampshire,  successively,  Weare,  Langdon,  and  Sullivan ; 
of  Connecticut,  Trumbull ;  of  South  Carolina,  John  Rut- 
ledge,  and  then  Rawlins  Lowndes ;  of  North  Carolina,  Cas- 
well ;  of  Pennsylvania,  Joseph  Reed,  and  subsequently 
Franklin  ;  of  Delaware,  George  Read ;  of  New  York,  George 
Clinton.  These  names  gave  eclat  to  the  new  governments. 
This  field  of  labor  and  honor  proved  more  attractive  than 
the  national  council ;  and  the  work  of  enfranchising  the 
local  law  from  features  derived  from  European  traditions  — 
the  abolition  of  entails,  primogeniture,  and  an  established 
church  —  worthily  employed  the  time  and  thought  of  the 
most  able  statesmen. 

The  spectacle  of  republican  order  was  a  novelty  in  the 
political  world.  Congress  characterized  the  result  as  thir- 
teen independent  States  formed  with  republican  govern- 
ments, on  the  basis  of  "  the  rights  of  human  nature,"  say- 
ing that  "  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  were  responsible 
for  the  greatest  trust  ever  confided  to  a  political  society."  J 
"  Thirteen  governments,"  John  Adams  wrote,  "  thus 
founded  on  the  natural  authority  of  the  people  alone,  with- 
out a  pretence  of  miracle  or  mystery,  which  are  destined  to 
spread  over  the  northern  part  of  that  whole  quarter  of  the 
globe,  are  a  great  point  gained  in  favor  of  the  rights  of 
mankind.  The  experiment  is  made,  and  has  completely 
succeeded."2 

1  Journals  of  Congress,  8,  201.     Address  to  the  States,  April  26,  1783,  drawn 
by  Madison. 

2  Defence  of  the  American  Constitution,   by  John  Adams,   Ed.  Phil.   1787, 
Preface,  idi.    Dated  Grosvenor  Sauare.  London.  Jan.  1.  1787. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.          569 

In  the  mean  time  the  formation  of  a  republican  govern- 
ment for  the  United  States,  or  an  American  Constitution, 
kept  so  continuously  before  the  public  mind,  was  awaited 
with  deep  interest.  Several  plans  had  appeared  in  the 
newspapers,  and  the  subject  was  embraced  in  the  motion 
on  Independence,  submitted  in  Congress  by  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  on  the  7th  of  June,  1776.  On  the  llth  they  voted  to 
appoint  a  committee  "  to  prepare  and  digest  the  form  of  a 
confederation  to  be  entered  into  between  these  colonies ; "  and 
the  next  day  they  voted  that  it  should  consist  of  xme  member 
from  each  colony.1  On  the  12th  of  July  they  reported  arti- 
cles, which  were  drawn  up  by  John  Dickinson.  Eighty 
copies  were  ordered  to  be  printed  for  the  use  of  the  mem- 
bers, the  strictest  secrecy  being  enjoined  as  to  their  pub- 
lication.2 

There  is  a  voluminous  history  connected  with  the  sue 
cessive  stages  of  this  plan.  "  One  great  question,"  John 
Adams  wrote  on  the  29th  of  July,  "  is  how  we  shall  vote,  — 
whether  each  colony  shall  have  one,  or  whether  each  shall 
have  weight  in  proportion  to  its  number  or  wealth,  or  im- 
ports or  exports,  or  a  compound  ratio  of  all  ?  Another  is 
whether  Congress  shall  have  authority  to  limit  the  dimen- 
sions of  each  colony,  to  prevent  those  which  claim  by  proc- 
lamation, or  commission,  to  the  South  Sea,  so  as  to  be 
dangerous  to  the  rest." 


1  The  Committee  consisted  of  Josiah  Bartlett  of  New  Hampshire,  Samuel  Adams 
of  Massachusetts,  Stephen  Hopkins  of  Rhode  Island,  Roger  Sherman  of  Connecticut, 
Robert  R.   Livingston  of  New  York,  John  Dickinson  of  Pennsylvania,  Thomas 
McKean  of  Delaware,  Thomas  Stone  of  Maryland,  Thomas  Nelson,  Jr.,  of  Vir- 
ginia,  Joseph  Hewes  of  North  Carolina,   Edward  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina, 
Button  Gwinnett  of  Georgia.     Francis  Hopkinson,  of  New  Jersey,  was  appointed 
June  28. 

2  Notwithstanding  the  injunction  of  secrecy,  a  copy  of  the  articles  purporting 
'•to  have  been  signed  by  all  the  delegates  the  4th  of  October"   appeared  in 
Europe.     They  differ  materially  from  the  articles  as  finally  agreed  upon,  and  num- 
ber sixteen.     The  articles  adopted  are  thirteen  in  number.     In  the  "  Annual  Regis- 
ter" for  1776  they  follow  the  Declaration  of  Independence.     They  are  in  "  Almon'i 
Remembrancer  "  vol.  iv.  240. 


570  THE   EISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

Slavery  is  not  named  in  this  letter.  The  silence  of  the 
popular  leaders  on  this  question  is  remarkable.  It  was 
ignored  as  a  political  issue  in  general  politics,  though  eman- 
cipation was  freely  advocated  in  pamphlets  and  newspapers. 
Nearly  all  the  colonies  sought  to  abolish  the  slave-trade  ;  in 
all  emancipation  was  desired  ;  and  stronger  language  could 
hardly  have  been  chosen  than  that  in  which  slavery  was 
denounced  at  this  period  by  the  most  illustrious  of  the  Revo- 
lutionary statesmen.1  They  looked  forward  to  its  abolition. 
The  work,  however,  was  left  to  each  State.  Still,  in  adjust- 
ing the  political  power,  slavery  had  to  be  taken  into  account. 
The  earliest  division  between  large  slaveholding  States  and 
States  in  which  slavery  was  of  little  account  was  in  October, 
1777,  when  the  rule  was  adopted  for  the  distribution  of  the 
quotas  to  be  assessed  on  the  States.  All  property  in  slaves 
was  exempted.  Slavery  was  not  the  great  difficulty  of  that 
period.  The  broadest  political  sentiment  was  embodied 
in  the  State  papers  coming  from  the  largest  slaveholding 
States.  Though  slavery  necessarily  had  to  be  considered 
in  the  political  arrangements,  it  did  not  seriously  disturb 
current  politics  until  after  the  invention  of  the  cotton-gin 
and  the  increase  of  the  culture  of  cotton. 

The  plan  submitted  by  the  committee  did  not  meet  the 
cordial  approval  of  the  members  of  Congress.  The  ques- 
tions of  commerce,  the  public  lands,  taxation,  the  relative 
positions  of  the  large  and  small  States,  were  difficult  to  set- 
tle. Then  the  pressing  demands  of  the  war  and  the  uncer- 
tainty as  to  the  future  caused  delay.  Hence  sixteen  months 
elapsed  before  Congress  could  agree  upon  articles  of  confed- 
eration. On  the  15th  of  November,  1777,  they  were  trans- 
mitted by  the  president,  Henry  Laurens,  to  the  several 
legislatures,  with  the  recommendation  that  their  respective 

1  "The  abolition  of  domestic  slavery  is  the  great  object  of  desire  in  those  colo- 
nies where  it  was  unhappily  introduced  in  their  infant  state."  — Jefferson's  Summary 
of  Rights,  1774.  There  is  no  more  terrible  denunciation  of  slavery  than  may  be 
found  in  Query  xviii.  of  Jefferson's  "  Notes  in  Virginia,"  written  in  1781. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  EEPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.          571 

delegates  be  authorized  to  ratify  them  in  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States.1 

A  circular  letter  accompanied  the  articles.  It  commends 
them  as  a  plan  u  for  securing  the  freedom,  sovereignty,  and 
independence  of  the  United  States ; "  as  the  best  that  could 
be  adapted  to  the  circumstances  of  all;  as  the  only  one  which 
afforded  any  tolerable  prospect  of  general  ratification ;  as 
"  essential  to  their  very  existence  as  a  free  people,"  and 
without  which  they  might  "  soon  be  constrained  to  bid 
adieu  to  independence,  to  liberty  and  safety." 

The  following  extract  from  this  letter  embodies  the 
current  feeling  relative  to  the  States  and  the  Union  :  "  Per- 
mit us  then  earnestly  to  recommend  these  articles  to  the 
immediate  and  dispassionate  attention  of  the  legislature  of 
the  respective  States.  Let  them  be  candidly  reviewed 
under  a  sense  of  the  difficulty  of  combining  in  one  general 
system  the  various  sentiments  and  interests  of  a  continent 
divided  into  so  many  sovereign  and  independent  communi- 
ties, under  a  conviction  of  the  absolute  necessity  of  uniting 
all  our  councils  and  all  our  strength  to  maintain  and  defend 
our  common  liberties  ;  let  them  be  examined  with  a  liber- 
ality becoming  brethren  and  fellow-citizens,  surrounded  by 
the  same  imminent  dangers,  contending  for  the  same  illus- 
trious prize,  and  deeply  interested  in  being  for  ever  bound 
and  connected  together  by  ties  the  most  intimate  and  indis- 
soluble ;  and  finally  let  them  be  adjusted  with  the  temper 
and  magnanimity  of  wise  and  patriotic  legislators,  who, 
while  they  are  concerned  with  the  prosperity  of  their  own 
more  immediate  circle,  are  capable  of  rising  superior  to 
local  attachments  when  they  may  be  incompatible  with  the 
safety  and  glory  of  the  general  confederacy." 

The  thirteen  legislatures  now  discussed  the  articles, 
bringing  to  this  work  the  results  of  experience  in  the  past, 

l  Journals  of  Congress,  iii.  404.  Thirteen  copies  of  the  articles  were  ordered  to 
be  made  out,  signed  by  the  President,  and  forwarded  to  the  several  States;  and 
(Nov.  29)  they  were  ordered  to  be  translated  into  French  and  sent  to  Canada. 


572  THE  EISE  OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

and  fresh  from  the  debates  elicited  by  the  framing  of  the 
local  governments.  As  a  result,  nine  conferred  authority  on 
their  delegates  in  Congress  to  sign  the  articles ;  which  were 
accordingly  ratified  by  them  in  July,  1778.  They,  however, 
were  not  to  be  binding  unless  ratified  by  all  the  legislatures. 
On  the  10th  of  July,  Congress  issued  an  appeal  to  the 
remaining  States  "  to  conclude  the  glorious  compact,"  say- 
ing that  they  "  never  ceased  to  consider  a  confederacy  as 
the  great  principle  of  Union  which  can  alone  establish  the 
liberty  of  America  and  exclude  for  ever  the  hopes  of  its 
enemies." 

This  was  a  period  of  great  political  languor.  The  burden 
of  the  war  was  severely  felt.  The  blaze  of  freedom,  it  was 
said,  that  burst  forth  at  the  beginning,  had  gone  down  ;  and 
numbers,  in  the  thirst  for  riches,  lost  sight  of  the  original 
object.1  "  Where,"  wrote  Henry  Laurens,  the  president  of 
Congress  to  Washington,  —  "  where  is  virtue,  where  is  patri 
otism  now  ;  when  almost  every  man  has  turned  his  thoughts 
and  attention  to  gain  and  pleasures,  practising  every  arti- 
fice of  Change-alley  or  Jonathan's  ?  " 2 

A  train  of  great  events,  however,  soon  revived  enthu- 
siasm. The  surrender  of  General  Burgoyne  and  his  army 
(Oct.  16,  1777)  was  an  earnest  of  the  fact  that  Great 
Britain  could  not  conquer  America.  This  was  followed  by 
the  French  Treaty  and  Alliance  (Feb.  6,  1778)  to  estab- 

1  Independent  Chronicle,  March  12,  1778. 

2  Letter,  Nov.  20,  1778.     Jonathan's  was  the  name  of  a  coffee-house  in  Lon- 
don, the  great  resort  of  speculators.     It  is  referred  to  in  British  periodicals.    In  the 
"Gentleman's  Magazine"  for  May,  1767,  is  the  line:    "And  all  the  tongues  at 
Jonathan's  lie  quiet."     The  British  called  the  Americans  Jonathan  and  Jonathans. 
A  British  ballad  on  the  expedition  to  Rhode  Island  in  1778,  in  "Rivingston's  Gaz- 
ette," has,  "Jonathan  felt  bold,  sir."     The  British  account  of  the  burning  of  Fair- 
field  in  1779  uses  the  term   "Jonathan,"  all  through.     "The  troops  faced  about 
and  drove  Jonathan."     "Rivingston's  Gazette"  in  1780  says,  "Col.  Delaney  took 
a  cannon  which  the  Jonathans  in  vain  attempted  to  defend."     I  have  not  met  thus 
early  the  term  "  Brother  Jonathan."     Water-marks  on  paper  used  in  1780  by  Wash- 
ington has  a  figure  that  may  represent  Jonathan  as  a  Yankee  in  an  enclosure,  hold- 
ing a  staff  with  the  figure  of  a  hat  on  the  end,  over  the  British  lion,  moving  out  of 
the  enclosure.     It  had  on  it  "Pro  Patria." 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.  573 

lish  "  the  liberty,  sovereignty,  and  independence  of  the 
United  States,  "  —  a  treaty  faithfully  carried  out  by  Yer- 
gennes  to  this  great  result.  In  a  few  months  Congress 
received  (Aug.  6, 1778)  a  minister  from  France,  M.  Gerard. 
A  description  of  the  imposing  ceremonies  of  the  audience 
closes :  "  Thus  has  a  new  and  noble  sight  been  exhibited 
in  this  new  world,  the  representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America  solemnly  giving  public  audience  to  a  minister 
plenipotentiary  from  the  most  powerful  Prince  in  Europe. 
Four  years  ago,  such  an  event,  at  so  near  a  day,  was  not  in 
view  even  of  imagination.  But  it  is  the  Almighty  who 
raiseth  up.  He  hath  stationed  America  among  the  powers 
of  the  earth,  and  clothed  her  in  robes  of  sovereignty."  1 

These  events  produced  a  profound  impression  throughout 
the  civilized  world.  In  Parliament  the  invectives  of  the 
opposition  against  the  ministers  were  terrific.  The  remedy, 
said  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  "  is  instantly  to  declare  Amer- 
ica independent,  and  withdraw  our  fleet  and  armies."2 
The  ministry,  in  bills  introduced  into  Parliament,  gave  up 
the  points  in  dispute,  and  again  sent  over  commissioners 
of  peace.  The  States  were  approached  separately.  One 
overture  was  made  through  Governor  Tryon  to  Jonathan 
Trumbull,  Governor  of  Connecticut,  to  tempt  that  State  to 
act  as  a  sovereignty.  He  spurned  the  offer.  After  remark- 
ing that  such  proposals  were  usually  made  "  from  the  supreme 
authority  of  one  contending  power  to  the  similar  authority 
of  the  other,"  he  said  that  "  all  such  proposals  were  to  be 
addressed  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States."  3 

The  drawback  on  the  rising  fortunes  of  the  Republic  was 
a  failure  to  ratify  the  Confederation.  Lord  North  used  this 
fact  in  Parliament  to  justify  his  hope  of  effecting  disunion, 
and  it  gave  uneasiness  to  France.  The  obstacle  to  a  ratifi- 

1  Continental  Journal,  Aug.  17,  1778. 

2  The  "  General  Advertiser,"  London,  of  March  30,  1778,  contains  the  Duke  of 
Richmond's  speech,  and  is  very  severe  on  the  administration. 

»  Trumbull's  Reply  to  Tryon  is  dated  April  23,  1778.  The  Bills,  "  Tryon's  Let- 
ter and  the  Reply,"  are  in  the  "Continental  Journal,"  April  30,  1778. 


574  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

cation  was  the  disposal  of  the  western  lands,  which  Dickin 
son  insisted  on  settling  before  a  declaration  of  independence. 
There  was  no  ground  for  controversy  about  the  bounda- 
ries of  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  New 
Hampshire,  and  Rhode  Island ;  but  the  remaining  seven 
States,  on  the  letter  of  their  charter  or  other  grounds, 
claimed  that  their  bounds  extended  to  the  South  Sea  or  to 
the  Mississippi  River.  The  States  which  preferred  no  claims 
held  that  a  territory  unsettled,  and  ceded  to  the  crown  by 
the  treaty  of  Paris,  if  wrested  from  the  common  enemy  by 
the  blood  and  treasure  of  the  thirteen  States,  ought  "  to  be 
considered  as  a  common  property,  subject  to  be  parcelled 
out  by  Congress  into  free,  convenient,  and  independent 
governments."  l  Maryland,  on  these  grounds,  instructed  her 
delegates  not  to  consent  to  the  Confederation  until  an  article 
was  added  securing  that  domain  for  the  common  benefit. 
This  drew  a  strong  remonstrance  from  Virginia,  defending 
her  claims.  The  issue  at  stake  was  the  magnificent  domain 
now  divided  into  great  States,  each  an  empire  in  itself.  At 
length  the  legislature  of  New  York  (Feb.  19,  1780)  em- 
powered its  delegates  to  cede  a  portion  of  its  territory  for 
the  common  benefit.  Congress  (September  6)  advised  a 
liberal  surrender  by  the  States  of  a  portion  of  their  terri- 
torial claims,  as  they  could  not  preserve  them  entire  without 
endangering  the  stability  of  the  confederacy  ;  and  reminded 
them  how  important  it  was  to  establish  the  Union,  how 
essential  to  public  credit  and  confidence,  to  tranquillity 
at  home  and  reputation  abroad,  "  to  their  very  existence 
as  a  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  people."  2  A  month 
later  (October  10)  it  resolved  that  the  lands  that  might  be 
ceded  should  be  formed  into  republican  States,  and  become 
members  of  the  Union,  with  the  same  rights  of  sovereignty, 
freedom,  and  independence  as  those  possessed  by  the  orig- 
inal States.  This  assuredly  was  the  action  of  patriots  and 
statesmen. 

1  Journals  of  Congress,  v.  160.  2  Journals  of  Congress,  vi.  123. 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF  REPUBLICAN   GOYERNMENT.  575 

The  Assembly  of  Virginia,  "  preferring  the  good  of  the 
country  to  every  object  of  smaller  importance,"  now  ten- 
dered to  Congress  for  the  common  benefit  the  whole  of  the 
vast  territory  claimed  by  her,  north-west  of  the  Ohio  and 
extending  to  the  Mississippi  and  the  lakes,  —  a  great  act,  in 
the  consummation  of  which  Madison  bore  a  leading  part. 
Although  it  was  not  completed  at  once,  yet  its  effect  was 
very  great  in  removing  obstacles  to  the  establishment  of  the 
Republic.1 

The  refusal  of  Maryland  to  ratify  the  articles  was  severely 
commented  on,  dismemberment  being  suggested  as  the 
remedy  for  standing  out  against  the  wishes  of  the  majority 
of  the  Colonies.  But  at  length,  impressed  among  other 
considerations  with  the  idea  that  "  their  friends  and  illus- 
trious ally "  believed  that  the  common  cause  would  be 
promoted  by  their  acceding  to  the  Confederation,  both 
branches  of  the  Assembly  united  (Feb.  2,  1781)  in  an  act 
authorizing  their  delegates  to  ratify  the  articles.2 

These  instruments  were  not  uniform.  Some  were  brief; 
some  embraced  the  articles  entire ;  some,  in  accepting  them, 
called  for  amendments.  But  Congress  resolutely  adhered 
to  the  articles  which  they  had  sent  out. 

The  form  of  the  final  ratification  in  Congress  was  im- 
pressive. "  Whereas,"  it  runs,  "  it  hath  pleased  the  Great 
Governor  of  the  world  to  incline  the  hearts  of  the  legisla- 
tures we  respectively  represent  in  Congress  to  approve  of 
and  authorize  us  to  ratify  the  articles,  we  do  solemnly  plight 
and  engage  the  faith  of  our  respective  constituents  that 

1  Rives's  Life  of  Madison,  i.  124. 

2  Journals  of  Congress,  vii.  727.     The  "  Independent  Chronicle "  of  July  5, 
1781,  says:  "Lord  North  had  the  impudence  to  declare,  with  an  air  of  triumph,  to 
the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  that  the  confederation  of  America  was  not  accom- 
plished, and  that  Maryland  had  refused  to  accede  to  it.  ...  This  Confederation  is 
now  completed,  and  by  the  confession  of  our  enemies  themselves  it  is  an  immense 
advantage  we  have  gained  against  them.    But  the  noble  motive  which  actuated 
Maryland  in  this  accession  was  to  content  Congress  and  to  satisfy  his  most  Chris- 
tian Majesty,  who  appeared  earnestly  to  wish  that  the  union  of  the  States  might  be 
consummated." 


576  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

they  shall  abide  by  the  determination  of  the  United  States 
in  Congress  assembled,"  on  all  questions  which  by  the  said 
Confederation  are  committed  to  them.  The  signature  of 
Maryland  on  the  first  day  of  March,  1781,  completed  the 
ratification  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  the  advance 
from  the  government  of  committees  and  congress  to  an 
American  Constitution. 

The  title  was  "  Articles  of  Confederation  and  Perpetual 
Union  ;  "  the  style,  "  United  States  of  America  ;  "  and  the 
object,  a  firm  league  of  friendship  for  the  common  defence 
against  attacks  on  them,  whether  on  account  of  religion  or 
of  sovereignty.  The  free  inhabitants  of  each  State  were  to 
be  entitled  to  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  the  free  citi- 
zens of  every  other  State.  This  provision  recognized  the 
individual  as  the  unit  of  society,  and  guaranteed  the  com- 
bined strength  for  his  protection. 

The  Union  was  represented  in  a  single  body, —  a  congress 
of  delegates  in  which  each  State  was  to  have  one  vote.  It 
was  to  have  the  sole  right  of  determining  on  war  and  peace  ; 
of  determining  the  quota  of  men  which  each  State  was  to 
raise  for  the  common  defence,  and  the  amount  of  funds 
which  each  was  to  supply;  of  forming  treaties  and  alli- 
ances ;  of  establishing  prize-courts  and  granting  letters  of 
marque  and  reprisal;  of  deciding  disputes  between  two  or 
more  States  respecting  boundaries  or  for  other  causes,  with 
the  restriction  that  no  State  should  be  deprived  of  territory 
for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States  ;  of  borrowing  money, 
regulating  the  value  of  coin,  fixing  the  standard  of  weights 
and  measures,  establishing  post-offices,  and  making  rules  for 
the  government  of  the  army  and  navy.  The  assent  of  nine 
States  was  required  for  the  decision  of  the  more  important 
questions. 

Local  self-government  was  fully  recognized.  The  reserved 
powers  were  thus  stated :  "  Each  State  retains  its  sover- 
eignty, freedom,  and  independence,  and  every  power,  jurisdic- 
tion, and  right,  which  is  not  by  this  Confederation  expressly 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.          577 

delegated  to  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled."1 
The  term  State  here  means  a  people  or  community  dwelling 
within  definite  boundaries  and  in  the  possession  of  political 
power.  Among  the  powers  reserved  were  those  of  regulating 
commerce,  and,  in  general,  that  of  taxation.  Among  the 
prohibitions  were,  that  the  several  States  should  not  receive 
or  send  embassies  from  or  to  foreign  powers,  or  treat  with 
them,  or  enter  into  alliances  with  one  another.  Each  State 
was  bound  to  abide  by  the  determination  of  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled  on  all  questions  submitted  to 
them  by  the  Confederation. 

An  article  vested  authority  in  Congress  to  appoint  a  com- 
mittee of  one  from  each  State  to  sit  during  the  recess  of  this 
body,  and  execute  such  powers  as  they  might  designate. 
The  articles  might  be  amended  by  being  agreed  to  in  Con- 
gress, and  confirmed  by  every  legislature. 

Congress  directed  the  articles,  attested  by  the  President, 
to  be  sent  to  the  executives  of  the  thirteen  States,  to  the 
Commander-in-Chief,  with  directions  to  announce  them  to  the 
army,  and  to  the  ministers  abroad,  to  be  communicated  to 
the  several  courts  near  which  they  resided ;  and  to  be  trans- 
lated into  French  and  circulated  in  Canada. 

By  order  of  Congress  the  final  ratification  was  announced 
to  the  public  on  the  1st  of  March,  1781,  at  twelve  o'clock, 
under  a  discharge  of  cannon  on  the  land  and  from  the 
vessels  in  the  Delaware,  conspicuous  among  which  was 
the  Ariel  Frigate,  under  Paul  Jones,  beautifully  decorated. 
"  The  day,"  it  was  said,  "  will  be  memorable  in  the  annals 
of  America  to  the  latest  posterity."  "  Thus  has  the  Union 
begun  by  necessity  been  indissolubly  cemented.  Thus 
America  is  growing  up  in  war  into  greatness  and  conse- 
quence among  the  nations."  2 

1  In  the  articles  as  found  in  English  publications  in  1777,  this  article  reads: 
"Each  State  reserves  to  themselves  alone  the  exclusive  right  of  regulating  their 
internal  government,  and  of  framing  laws  in  all  matters  that  are  not  included  in  the 
present  confederation,  and  which  cannot  any  way  prejudice  the  same." 

3  These  citations  are  copied  from  "Diary  of  the  American  Revolution"  by 
Frank  Moore,  ii.  390. 

87 


578  THE   RISE   OP  THE   REPUBLIC. 

Congress  had  voted  (June  14,  1777)  "that  the  flag  of  the 
thirteen  United  States  be  thirteen  stripes,  alternately  red 
and  white  ;  that  the  union  be  thirteen  stars,  white,  in  a  blue 
field,  representing  a  new  constellation ; "  and  it  adopted, 
June  20,  1782,  for  "  the  great  seal,"  the  American  eagle 
holding  in  his  dexter  talon  an  olive  branch,  in  his  sinister  a 
bundle  of  thirteen  arrows,  in  his  beak  a  scroll  inscribed 
"  E  Pluribus  Unum,"  and  over  his  head  on  an  azure  field 
thirteen  stars,  —  on  the  reverse,  a  pyramid  unfinished,  with 
an  eye,  having  over  it  "  Annuit  cceptis,"  on  the  base 
MDCCLXXVI,  and  underneath  "  Novus  Ordo  Seclorum." 

The  articles  took  from  Congress  powers  which  it  had 
exercised, — the  control,  for  instance,  of  commerce,  —  and 
increased  the  importance  of  the  States.  While  the  latter 
had  government,  the  Congress  was  virtually  but  a  consulting 
body.  The  Confederation,  as  a  whole,  had  no  proper  common 
executive,  no  judiciary  except  admiralty  courts,  no  machin- 
ery to  carry  its  decrees  into  effect ;  and  it  depended  on 
requisitions  upon  the  States  for  every  dollar  of  its  revenue. 
It  leaned  on  the  State  governments,  and  had  no  self-sustain 
ing  capacity. 

The  establishment  of  regular  government,  local  and  gen- 
eral, produced  a  salutary  effect  on  the  American  cause 
abroad.  "  The  eagerness  to  complete  the  American  code," 
John  Adams  wrote  from  Passy,  "  and  the  strains  of  pane 
gyric  in  which  they  speak  and  write  of  those  parts  of  it 
which  have  been  published  in  Europe,  are  very  remarkable, 
and  seem  to  indicate  a  general  revolution  in  the  sentiments 
of  mankind  upon  the  subject  of  government." 

The  Confederation  was  scarcely  less  beneficial  at  home. 
Under  the  provision  conferring  on  Congress  the  authority  to 
settle  controversies  between  States,  the  long  dispute  between 
Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania  was  decided  in  favor  of  the 
latter,  with  the  acquiescence  of  the  former.  "  A  singular 
event,"  writes  Robert  R.  Livingston.  "  There  are  few  in- 
stances of  independent  States  submitting  their  cause  to  a 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.          579 

court  of  justice.  The  day  will  come  when  all  disputes  in 
the  great  republic  of  Europe  will  be  tried  in  the  same  "way, 
and  America  be  quoted  to  exemplify  the  wisdom  of  the 
measure."  1 

In  this  way  the  Confederation,  notwithstanding  its  defects, 
was  of  extended  benefit.  It  met  the  pressing  wants  of  the 
Union,  and  thus  strengthened  it.  It  conferred  a  great  edu- 
cational service  through  the  experience  of  its  defects ;  and  it 
carried  the  nation  along  until  a  more  efficient  system  was 
provided.  "  This  service  alone  entitles  that  instrument  to 
the  respectful  recollections  of  the  American  people,  and  its 
framers  to  their  gratitude."  2 

The  decline  of  public  spirit,  evinced  in  the  neglect  to 
comply  with  the  requisitions  of  Congress,  was  painfully  felt 
in  the  national 3  finances,  before  the  Articles  of  Confedera- 
tion took  effect  and  drew  attention  to  the  question  of  reform. 
John  Adams  was  convinced  that  deep  and  broad  taxation 
was  the  only  remedy.4  Hamilton  said  that  the  want  of 
power  in  Congress  was  universally  acknowledged.5  Wash- 
ington declared  that  independence,  respectability,  conse- 
quence in  Europe,  and  greatness  as  a  nation  depended  on  a 
change.6  Congress  recommended  that  the  States  should  lay 
an  impost  of  five  per  cent  on  imported  goods  and  on  prizes 
(Feb.  2,  1781),  to  keep  the  public  faith  inviolate.  Some 
States  passed  the  necessary  laws  ;  others  were  silent.  This 
shameful  neglect  induced  Madison  "  to  urge  the  necessity  of 
arming  Congress  with  coercive  powers,"  and  he  proposed  to 
clothe  it  with  authority  to  use  the  force  of  the  United  States 
by  sea  and  land  to  compel  the  delinquent  States  to  fulfil  their 
engagements.7  Soon  after  the  ratification  of  the  Articles, 

1  Sparks' s  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  x.  21. 

2  Marshall's  Washington,  iv.  416. 

8  Congress  habitually  used  the  word  national;  as,  "national  debt"  (Journals, 
v  238),  "  national  faith  "  (ibid.  266). 

•*  Letter,  1778.    Diplomatic  Correspondence,  iv.  263. 

6  Letter,  Sept.  3,  1780. 

«  Letter,  Feb.  28, 1781. 

1  Letter  and  Report,  April  16,  1781.    Madison  Papers,  i.  86. 


580  THE  RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Robert  Morris,  in  a  clear  and  strong  circular,  uttered  a 
warning  against  the  policy  of  showing  "  a  distrust  of  the 
States  in  the  sovereign  representation  of  America,"  and 
urged  the  Whigs  to  give  to  the  union  of  sentiment,  daily 
increasing,  "  a  proper  political  form  and  consistency." ] 
Perhaps  not  one  of  the  prominent  public  men  regarded 
the  Articles  as  more  than  a  step  toward  a  better  system. 

Great  events  were  at  hand.  The  remarkable  campaign 
of  General  Greene  in  the  Southern  States  was  consummated 
by  the  victory  at  Eutaw  on  the  8th  of  September,  1781.  The 
brilliant  operations  of  Washington  and  Rochambeau  cul- 
minated at  Yorktown,  on  the  nineteenth  day  of  October,  in 
the  surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis  and  his  army  to  the  com- 
bined forces  of  France  and  the  United  States.  The  journals 
are  crowded  with  the  details  of  this  decisive  result.  The 
spectacle  is  said  to  have  been  inspiring  when  "  the  flags  of 
the  two  nations  were  borne  in  triumph  by  their  officers." 
The  enthusiasm  was  intense  and  general.  Days  were  set 
apart  for  demonstrations  of  the  general  joy.  Congress 
went  in  procession  to  church  to  give  thanks  to  Almighty 
God  for  the  victory. 

Hostilities  were  kept  up  in  various  quarters,  but  the  main 
armies  remained  inactive,  and  the  war  was  virtually  over. 
At  length,  in  March,  1783,  the  newspapers  spread  the  great 
and  joyful  intelligence  that  terms  of  peace  had  been  agreed 
upon.  Congress  soon  (April  11)  by  proclamation  an- 
nounced that  provisional  articles  were  signed  on  the  30th 
of  November,  and  declared  a  cessation  of  arms.  Washing* 
ton,  in  an  admirable  general  order,  named  the  nineteenth 
day  of  April  —  completing  the  eighth  year  of  the  war  —  as 
the  time  to  read  to  the  army  this  proclamation,  which  he 
said,  "  like  another  morning  star,  promised  the  approach  of 
a  brighter  day  than  hath  hitherto  illumed  the  western  hemi- 
sphere." There  was  now  an  outburst  of  joy,  gratitude,  and 

1  The  circular  was  addressed  to  the  Governors.  It  is  dated  July  27,  1782.  Dip 
lomatic  Correspondence,  xi.  408-414. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.          581 

praise,  such  as  is  seldom  seen  in  the  annals  of  a  people. 
Certain  provisions  relative  to  the  refugees  were  criticised 
by  those  who  kept  up  a  war  on  the  Tories  after  the  war  with 
Great  Britain  was  ended ;  but  "  fault-finders  were  borne 
down  by  the  general  torrent  of  applause," l  and  hearty  com- 
mendation was  awarded  to  the  negotiators,  Franklin,  John 
Adams,  and  Jay. 

Washington  was  the  idol  of  the  people.  The  air  was 
vocal  with  his  praise.  "  Your  services,"  said  the  President 
of  Congress  to  him  in  an  audience, 2  "  have  been  essential  in 
acquiring  and  establishing  the  freedom  and  independence 
of  your  country.  They  deserve  the  grateful  acknowledg- 
ments of  a  free  and  independent  nation.  .  .  .  Hostilities 
have  ceased,  but  your  country  still  needs  your  services." 
Washington  expressed  himself  as  amply  rewarded  by  the  af- 
fection of  his  fellow-citizens ;  and  said,  "  I  cannot  hesitate  to 
express  my  best  endeavors  towards  the  establishment  of  the 
national  security  in  whatever  manner  the  sovereign  power 
may  think  proper  to  direct."  He  soon  issued  an  elaborate 
farewell  address  to  the  army.  He  appealed  to  every  offi- 
cer and  every  soldier  to  add  to  the  immense  service  they 
had  rendered  by  using  every  endeavor  to  "  support  the 
Federal  Government,  and  enlarge  the  powers  of  the  Union, 
on  which  depended  the  very  existence  of  the  nation."  The 
eulogistic  notices  of  this  address  warrant  the  remark  that  it 
produced  a  profound  impression  on  the  public  mind. 

Three  months  afterward  occurred  the  interesting  scene 
in  Congress,  at  Annapolis,  when,  in  the  presence  of  a  bril- 
liant audience,  Washington  laid  down  his  authority.  It  is 
related  that  the  members  "  were  seated  and  covered  as 
representatives  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  Union."  Wash- 
ington, standing,  read  a  brief  speech,  in  which  he  said  that 
he  was  "  happy  in  the  confirmation  of  independence  and 
sovereignty,  and  pleased  with  the  opportunity  afforded  the 
United  States  of  becoming  a  respectable  nation."  He 

l  Robert  Morris's  letter,  Sept.  20,  1783.  a  August  26,  1783. 


582  THE   BISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

then  advanced  to  the  chair,  and  gave  his  address  arid  his 
commission  to  the  President.  He,  in  a  reply  penned  by 
Jefferson,  said  that  "  Congress  accepted  with  emotions  too 
affecting  for  utterance  the  solemn  resignation  of  authority ; 
assured  him  that  he  had  the  blessings  of  his  fellow-citizens  ; 
expressed  the  conviction  that  the  glory  of  his  virtues  would 
continue  to  animate  remotest  ages ;  and  joined  him  in 
beseeching  Almighty  God  to  dispose  the  hearts  and  minds 
of  the  citizens  to  improve  the  opportunity  afforded  them  of 
becoming  a  happy  and  respectable  nation."  l  The  citizen- 
soldiers,  following  their  beloved  and  illustrious  commander, 
impressed  an  American  lesson  on  mankind,  as,  with  unsat- 
isfied claims  and  impaired  constitutions,  they  quietly  returned 
to  their  former  occupations. 

On  the  14th  of  January,  1784,  Congress  announced  by 
proclamation  that  the  treaty  of  peace  had  been  confirmed, 
and  enjoined  on  "  all  good  citizens  of  the  United  States  "  to 
carry  it  into  effect  by  "  reverencing  those  stipulations  entered 
into  on  their  behalf,  under  the  authority  of  that  federal 
bond  by  which  their  existence  as  an  independent  people  is 
bound  up  together,  and  is  known  and  acknowledged  by  the 
nations  of  the  world." 

"  The  times  that  tried  men's  souls  are  over,"  wrote  the 
author  of  "  Common  Sense,"  "  and  the  greatest  and  complet- 
est  revolution  the  world  ever  knew  is  gloriously  and  happily 
accomplished.  .  .  .  That  which  .  .  renders  easy  all  inferior 
concerns  is  the  union  of  the  States.  .  .  I  ever  feel  myself 
hurt  when  I  hear  the  Union,  that  great  palladium  of  our 
liberty  and  safety,  the  least  irreverently  spoken  of.  It  is 
the  most  sacred  thing  in  the  Constitution  of  America,  and 

1  On  this  day,  Dec.  23,  1783,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Williamson,  seconded  by  Mr. 
Jefferson,  Congress  ordered  that  letters  be  addressed  to  the  executives  of  New 
Hampshire,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia, 
informing  them  that  the  honor  of  the  United  States  required  the  attendance  of  their 
delegates;  that  during  that  session  there  had  not  been  more  than  seven  States 
represented,  and  the  most  of  those  bj'  only  two  delegates;  and  that  "matters  of 
great  national  concern"  required  the  utmost  despatch,  and  the  assent  of  nine  States. 
Journals,  ix.  12. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.          583 

that  which  every  man  should  be  the  most  proud  and  tender 
of.  Our  citizenship  in  the  United  States  is  our  national 
character.  Our  citizenship  in  any  particular  State  is  only 
our  local  distinction.  By  the  latter  we  are  known  at  home ; 
by  the  former  to  the  world.  Our  great  title  is  Americans  ; 
our  inferior  one  varies  with  the  place."  1  This  citation  will 
show  the  sentiment  expressed  in  private  and  official  letters, 
—  from  those  of  Washington  down,  —  in  the  toasts  at  public 
festivals,  by  the  press  and  at  public  meetings. 

The  times  of  trial  were  by  no  means  over.  To  construct 
the  republican  government,  represented  by  the  press  as  easy,2 
proved  the  hardest  of  work.  On  the  return  of  peace  the 
need  of  it  was  more  painfully  felt  than  ever.  The  great 
minister  of  finance,  Robert  Morris,  engaged  in  Herculean 
labors,  wrote :  "  The  necessity  of  strengthening  our  con- 
federacy, providing  for  our  debts,  and  forming  some  federal 
constitution,  begins  to  be  most  seriously  felt.  But,  unfor- 
tunately for  America,  the  narrow  and  illiberal  prejudices 
of  some  have  taken  such  deep  root,  that  it  must  be  difficult, 
and  may  prove  impracticable,  to  remove  them." 

Great  Britain,  baffled  on  the  field  of  arms,  kept  up  an 
insidious  war  on  the  Union.  The  king,  from  the  throne, 
expressed  a  desire  that  America  might  be  free  from  the 
calamities  which  had  proved  in  the  mother  country  how 
essential  monarchy  was  to  the  enjoyment  of  constitutional 
liberty.  The  cabinet  required,  before  treating  on  commerce, 
that  each  State  should  send  separate  ambassadors.3  An  or- 
der in  council  excluded  from  the  West  Indies  American  ves- 
sels and  American  products,  except  in  British  ships.  The 
free  trade  for  the  United  States  was  met  by  restriction 
and  monopoly.  Congress,  in  endeavors  to  form  commercial 
treaties,  declared  that  in  every  case  under  them  the  United 
States  should  be  considered  "  as  one  nation  upon  the  prin- 

1  The  Last  Crisis,  No.  XIII.;  Boston  Evening  Post,  May  10,  1783. 

2  See  p.  481. 

3  John  Adams  (Works,  viii.  243)  commented  severely  on  the  idea  of  thirteen 
plenipotentiaries. 


584  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

ciplos  of  the  federal  constitution."1    Lord  Sheffield  urged 

that  the  American  States  were  not  to  be  feared  as  a  nation.2 

The  acts  of  local  legislatures,  in  retaliation,  were  failures. 

All  branches  of  industry  —  the  rice  and  tobacco   of  the 

South,  as  well  as  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the  North  — 

suffered  from  this  foreign  policy.     In  the  "  war  of  imposts," 

,.  as  Washington  termed  it,  the  Confederation  proved  entirely 

:  inadequate  to  the  common  defence.     American  agriculture, 

commerce,  and  manufactures  demanded  the  protection  of  an 

1  efficient  government. 

Intelligent  minds  in  every  quarter  lamented  the  evils 
of  the  existing  system ;  but  Hamilton  and  Madison  identi- 
fied themselves  so  thoroughly  with  the  measures  adopted  to 
effect  a  reform,  as  to  stand  out  prominent  in  this  work. 

Alexander  Hamilton  was  born  at  Nevis,  in  the  West 
Indies.  At  the  age  of  fifteen  he  was  sent  to  New  York  to 
obtain  an  education,  and  became  a  student  in  Columbia  Col- 
lege. About  two  years  afterward,  in  the  heat  and  glow  of 
the  fraternal  feeling  evoked  by  the  Port  Act,  he  electrified  a 
public  meeting  held  in  the  Fields  in  New  York  in  a  speech 
indicative  of  remarkable  intellectual  gifts ;  and  followed 
this  up  by  an  able  pamphlet  on  the  American  cause.  At 
seventeen  Hamilton  was  in  the  army  as  captain  of  an  artil- 
lery company ;  at  twenty  he  was  a  member  of  Washington's 
military  family  ;  and  to  the  proud  day  of  Yorktown  was  as 
chivalrous,  generous,  and  gallant  a  soldier  as  ever  drew 
his  sword  for  his  country.  He  became  a  member  of  the 
New- York  Assembly,  and  then  of  Congress.  He  wrote 
elaborately  on  political  affairs,  exposing  the  defects  of  the 
Confederation,  and  in  legislative  action  aimed  to  reform 
them.  His  productions  evince  great  maturity  of  thought, 
rare  logical  power,  and  the  intuitive  grasp  that  marks  the 
great  intellect.  They  assign  him  to  the  school  that  distrusts 
the  capacity  of  the  people,  seeks  paternal  government,  and 

1  The  Instructions  to  the  Ministers  Plenipotentiary  abroad  are  in  Pitkin's  His- 
tory, ii.  534.  2  ibid.,  189. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OP  EEPUBLICAN  GOVEKNMENT.          585 

relies  more  on  physical  force  than  on  consent.  His  plan  of 
government  contained  life-tenures  for  high  executive  and 
legislative  offices,  tended  towards  monarchy,  and  was  not 
adapted  to  the  genius  of  his  countrymen. 

James  Madison  was  born  in  Orange,  Ya.,  and  educated 
at  Princeton,  N.J.  He  began  public  life  as  a  member  of 
the  great  convention  that  formed  the  first  constitution  of 
that  State,  and  he  afterward  became  a  member  of  Con- 
gress. At  thirty-four,  he  felt  himself  called  to  the  study 
of  politics,  with  the  view  of  laboring  to  establish  an  ade- 
quate government  for  his  country.  He  left  Congress  when 
the  war  closed,  and  served  for  three  years  in  the  Virginia 
Assembly,  when  he  was  again  returned  to  Congress.  His 
ripe  culture  and  remarkable  power  in  debate  —  having  the 
rare  gift  of  the  eloquence  that  persuades  —  rendered  him 
able  to  cope  in  argument  with  the  ablest  of  his  contem- 
poraries. His  labors  were  uninterrupted  in  the  civil  line, 
and  present  the  record  of  a  great  and  wise  statesman. 
They  class  him  as  a  disciple  of  the  republican  school. 

It  is  not,  however,  history  to  select  one  or  two  great  men, 
and  to  ascribe  the  Union  to  their  influence,  and  the  Consti- 
tution to  their  insight.  It  is  only  necessary  to  state  things 
as  they  occurred  to  see  that  no  Lycurgus  had  been  born  to 
give  the  law  to  the  United  States.  Franklin,  with  his  great 
conception  of  a  self-sustaining  government,  held  to  a  single 
legislative  body ;  Richard  Henry  Lee  was  against  endowing 
the  Union  with  the  vital  function  of  regulating  commerce ; 
Hamilton  would  have  had  a  convention  act  as  the  sovereignty 
in  creating  a  new  sovereignty ;  Madison  proposed  to  give 
Congress  the  power  of  a  negative  on  State  laws. 

Madison,  however,  was  the  earliest  to  give  an  outline  of  a 
government  for  the  Union  designed  to  operate  on  individuals, 
and  to  be  established  by  the  people  of  the  States  in  their 
sovereign  character.1  This  was  sent  to  Jefferson,  then  in 
France,  who  had  written  profoundly  on  government  in  his 

1  Madison  Papers,  ii.  714. 


586  THE  RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

"  Notes  on  Virginia."  He  now  wrote  :  "  The  interests  of 
the  States  ought  to  be  made  joint  in  every  possible  instance, 
in  order  to  cultivate  the  idea  of  our  being  one  nation,  and  to 
multiply  the  instances  in  which  the  people  should  look  up  to 
Congress  as  its  head."  1 

Washington  continued  to  manifest  greatness  of  mind  in 
entering  on  the  work  of  peace.  He  did  not  attempt  to  con- 
struct a  political  system.  He  devoted  himself  to  developing 
the  resources  of  his  native  State.  He  treated  with  great  abil- 
ity the  questions  connected  with  the  commerce  and  political 
wants  of  the  one  country  always  in  his  mind  and  near  his 
heart ;  and  contemporary  records  will  be  searched  in  vain 
for  clearer  expositions  of  existing  evils,  and  of  the  necessity 
of  removing  them,  than  his  writings  afford.  His  unrivalled 
judgment  frowned  down  vagaries.  He  comprised  the  sub- 
stance of  what  the  Union  required  in  this  strong  statement : 
"  I  do  not  conceive  we  can  long  exist  as  a  nation  without 
having  lodged  somewhere  a  power  which  will  pervade  the 
whole  Union  in  as  energetic  a  manner  as  the  authority  of 
the  State  governments  extends  over  the  several  States."  2 

The  method  of  obtaining  an  American  Constitution  through 
a  representative  convention  was  historical,  and  was  sug- 
gested when  the  idea  was  to  form  a  union  that  should  be 
consistent  with  allegiance  to  the  crown.  It  was  renewed 
in  the  speculations  on  independence,  as  in  "  Common  Sense," 
in  1776.  When  the  aim  was  to  reform  the  Confederation,  a 
convention  was  suggested  by  Hamilton  in  1780 ;  by  Pelatiah 
Webster  in  1781 ;  by  the  New- York  Legislature  in  1782 ; 
was  named  in  Congress  by  Hamilton  in  1783  ;  was  proposed 
by  Richard  Henry  Lee  in  a  letter  in  1784  ;  and  was  recom- 
mended by  Governor  Bowdoin  in  a  speech  to  the  Massachu- 
setts Legislature  in  1785.  No  action,  however,  grew  out  of 
these  suggestions.  In  1786,  the  Assembly  of  Virginia, 

1  Memoirs  of  Jefferson,  i.  235;   letter  dated  June  17,  1785.     See  also  lottet 
dated  Feb.  8,  1786. 

2  Letter  dated  Aug.  1,  1786.     Sparks' s  Writings  of  Washington,  ix.  187. 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF  REPUBLICAN   GOVERNMENT. 


587 


under  the  lead  of  Madison,  appointed  commissioners  to  meet 
in  convention  and  consider  the  question  of  commerce,  with 
the  view  of  altering  the  Articles  of  Confederation ;  and  it 
was  made  the  duty  of  this  committee  to  invite  all  the  States 
to  concur  in  the  measure. 

The  convention  was  summoned  to  meet  at  Annapolis, 
and  delegates  from  five  legislatures  assembled,  on  the 
eleventh  day  of  September,  1786.  Hamilton  was  present 
from  New  York,  Madison  from  Virginia,  and  Dickinson 
from  Pennsylvania.  The  commissions  of  four  legisla- 
tures authorized  their  delegates  to  consider  what  ought  to 
be  done  to  benefit  the  commerce  of  the  United  States.  The 
commission  of  the  New-Jersey  delegates  embraced  "  other 
important  matters."  The  representation  was  so  partial, 
that  this  body  refrained  from  entering  upon  the  business  of 
their  mission.  In  a  brief  report,  drawn  up  by  Hamilton, 
addressed  to  their  constituents,  and  signed  by  John  Dick- 
inson, the  chairman,  they  recommended  the  powers  granted 
by  New  Jersey  as  an  improvement  of  the  original  plan,  and 
unanimously  urged  the  five  States  to  use  their  endeavors 
to  procure  the  appointment  of  commissioners  from  allJ 
the  States,  to  meet  in  Philadelphia,  on  the  second  Mon- 
day in  May  next,  to  devise  such  measures  as  might  appear 
necessary  to  render  the  Constitution  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  the  Union.1 

In  the  mean  time,  national  affairs  grew  worse.  To  the 
chronic  neglect  to  comply  with  the  requisitions  of  Congress, 
the  New  Jersey  Legislature  added  positive  refusal  by  an  act 
of  legislation.  The  legislatures  of  States  having  ports  for 
foreign  commerce,  taxed  the  people  of  other  States  trading 
through  them ;  others  taxed  imports  from  sister  States ;  in 
other  instances  the  navigation-laws  treated  the  people  of 

i  This  address  to  the  legislatures  of  Virginia,  Delaware,  Pennsylvania,  and  New 
York,  is  in  the  American  Museum  for  April,  1787.  It  states  that  commissioners  were 
appointed  by  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  and  North  Carolina, 
who  did  not  attend ;  and  that  no  notice  of  appointments  were  received  from  Con- 
necticut, Maryland,  South  Carolina,  or  Georgia. 


588  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

other  States  as  aliens.  The  authority  of  Congress  was  dis- 
regarded by  violating  not  only  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  but 
treaties  with  France  and  Holland.1  Congress,  in  a  circular 
letter  (April,  1787)  addressed  to  the  Governors,  to  be  laid 
before  the  legislatures,  say  that  "  the  national  Constitution 
having  committed  to  them  the  management  of  the  national 
concerns  with  foreign  states  and  powers,  it  was  their  duty  to 
take  care  that  all  the  rights  which  they  ought  to  enjoy 
within  their  jurisdiction,  by  the  laws  of  nations  and  the  faith 
of  treaties,  remain  inviolate  ;  "  and  "  that  when  a  treaty  was 
constitutionally  made,  it  immediately  became  binding  on 
the  whole  nation  and  superadded  to  the  laws  of  the  land, 
without  the  intervention  of  a  fiat  of  State  legislatures."  2  Ac- 
cording to  American  law,  the  sovereignty  had  not  entrusted 
to  the  State  legislatures,  the  right  of  exercising  national 
functions,  and  their  high-handed  acts  were  usurpations  of 
power.  These  bodies  were  transforming  the  Union  into 
the  low  condition  in  which  it  was  before  the  organization 
of  committees  of  correspondence.3 

This  was  the  period  of  "  Shays's  Rebellion  "  in  Massachu- 
setts, in  which  the  spirit  and  example  of  disobedience  to  law, 
exhibited  for  years  by  the  local  legislatures,  broke  out  among 
a  people.  It  created  a  profound  impression.  At  home  it 
seemed  a  herald  of  approaching  anarchy  ;  abroad  it  exalted 
the  hopes  of  monarchists,  and  was  regarded  as  the  knell  of 
republicanism.  The  treason  was  easily  subdued  by  a  military 
force,  under  General  Lincoln,  called  out  by  Governor  Bow 
doin.  It  was  the  first  rising  in  arms  against  a  government 
established  by  the  people  in  this  State,  and  thus  far  has 


1  The  "Introduction"  in  Madison  Papers,  ii.  712.     The  letter  of  Alexandei 
Hamilton  to  James  Duane  (Works  of  Hamilton,  i.  150),  dated  Sept.  3,  1780,  con- 
tains a  masterly  presentation  of  the  defects  of  the  Confederacy.     Its  recommenda- 
tions are  criticised  in  Rives's  Life  of  Madison,  i.  306.     "  The  Vices  of  the  Political 
System  of  the  United  States,"  in  the  Writings  of  Madison,  i  320,  contain  an  able 
summary  of  the  evil  practices  of  the  States. 

2  This  circular  was  signed  by  A.  St.  Glair,  President.  American  Museum,  i.  349. 
*  See  pages  256-259. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.  689 

proved  the  last.     It  had  the  effect  to  ripen  the  public  mind 
for  a  general  government. 

A  month  after  this  insurrection  began,  the  Virginia  Legis- 
lature, under  the  lead  of  Madison,  provided  (Nov.  9,  1786) 
for  the  choice  of  commissioners  to  attend  a  convention  at 
Philadelphia, "  to  concur  in  such  further  suggestions  and  pro-  5 
visions"  in  the  Federal  Government,  "  as  might  be  neces- 
sary to  secure  the  great  objects  for  which  that  government  j 
was  established,  and  to  render  the  United  States  as  happy  ; 
in  peace  as  they  have  been  glorious  in  war." l  Washington  \ 
was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  delegates.  The  legislatures 
of  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware,  saying,  among  other  things, 
that  they  desired  to  co-operate  with  Virginia,  soon  chose  com- 
missioners, as  did  those  of  New  Jersey  and  North  Caro- 
lina. Congress,  viewing  a  convention  as  the  most  probable 
means  of  "  establishing  in  those  States  a  firm  national 
government,"  recommended  (Feb.  21,  1787)  the  legisla- 
tures to  appoint  delegates  to  meet  in  convention  at  Philadel- 
phia "  for  the  sole  and  express  purpose  of  revising  the  Articles 
of  Confederation,"  and  report  to  Congress  and  the  several 
State  legislatures."  2  Afterward  the  legislatures  of  seven 
other  States  chose  delegates ;  all  electing  but  Rhode 
Island. 

The  delegates  elect  were  summoned  to  meet  in  Philadel- 
phia on  the  fourteenth  day  of  May,  in  Independence  Hall ; 
but,  a  majority  of  the  States  not  being  then  represented, 
those  present  adjourned  from  day  to  day  until  the  twenty- 
fifth.  They  then  organized  into  a  convention,  and  elected 
George  Washington  as  President.  Sixty-five  delegates  had 
been  chosen ;  ten,  however,  did  not  take  their  seats.  The 
credentials,  generally,  are  like  those  of  Virginia,  which  name, 
as  the  object,  to  devise  "  such  further  provisions  as  may  be 
necessary  to  render  the  Federal  Constitution  adequate  to 
the  exigencies  of  the  Union." 

*  Rives' s  Life  of  Madison,  ii.  134. 
2  Journals  of  Congress,  xii.  17. 


590  THE  EISE   OF  THE  EEPUBLTC.       . 

The  members  were  identified  with  the  heroic  and  wise 
counsels  of  the  Revolution.  The  venerable  Franklin  was  in 
the  Albany  convention,  and  now,  at  eighty-one,  was  the 
President  of  Pennsylvania.  Johnson  of  Connecticut,  Rut- 
ledge  of  South  Carolina,  and  Dickinson,  were  in  the  Stamp 
Act  Congress.  Seven  of  the  delegates  were  in  the  Congress 
of  1774.  Eight  of  them  signed  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, one  of  whom,  James  Wilson,  was  next  to  Madison 
in  ability,  culture,  and  preparation  for  the  wort  before  them. 
Eighteen  were  then  members  of  Congress,  and  only  twelve 
had  not  been  members  of  this  body.  Among  the  great 
men  who  were  elected,  but  declined,  were  Richard  Caswell 
and  Patrick  Henry.  The  delegates  most  distinguished  by 
Revolutionary  service  were  Langdon,  Gerry,  Sherman,  Liv- 
ingston, Read,  Mifflin,  Morris,  Clymer,  Wilson,  Mason, 
Wythe,  Rutledge,  Randolph,  the  two  Pinckneys,  Madison, 
Hamilton,  Dickinson,  Franklin,  and  Washington.  Of  those 
who  were  destined  to  be  widely  known  were  Rufus  King, 
Caleb  Strong,  Nathaniel  Gorham,  Oliver  Ellsworth,  Jared 
Ingersoll,  and  James  McHenry.  This  roll  of  names  marks 
the  rank  of  this  assembly  as  to  intellect,  character,  experi- 
ence, and  patriotism. 

The  Convention  was  occupied  for  nearly  four  months 
(May  25  to  Sept.  17)  in  its  great  labor.  Its  sessions  were 
held  with  closed  doors;  secrecy  was  enjoined,  —  no  mem- 
ber being  even  allowed  to  copy  from  its  journal ;  and  little 
transpired  of  its  proceedings  until  its  adjournment.  Its 
journal  was  intrusted  to  the  keeping  of  Washington,  who 
deposited  it  in  the  State  Department.  It  was  printed  by- 
direction  of  Congress  in  1818.  Robert  Yates,  one  of  the 
members  from  New  York,  made  short  notes  of  the  debates 
in  the  earlier  sessions,  which  were  printed  in  1821 ;  and 
Madison  took  short-hand  notes  of  each  day's  doings,  which 
he  wrote  out  daily.  They  were  printed  in  1840.  Luther 
Martin,  in  a  remarkable  letter  addressed  to  the  legislature 
of  Maryland,  gave  important  information  concerning  the 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.          591 

Convention.  These  and  other  authentic  materials 1  furnish 
nearly  a  complete  view  of  the  process  by  which  the  Consti- 
tution for  the  United  States  was  matured. 

The  Virginia  delegation,  through  Edmund  Randolph,  then 
the  Governor,  submitted  fifteen  resolutions  concerning  the 
establishment  of  a  national  government,  to  consist  of  a  legis- 
lature of  two  branches,  an  executive  and  a  judiciary.  Charles 
Pinckney  also  presented  a  draft  of  a  Federal  Government. 
These  propositions  were  referred  to  the  committee  of  the 
whole.  They  were  debated  from  day  to  day  until  the  13th 
of  June,  when  nineteen  resolutions  were  reported  to  the 
House.  Before  they  were  acted  on,  Mr.  Patterson,  of  New 
Jersey  (June  15),  submitted  eleven  resolutions,  proposing 
to  revive  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  "  so  as  to  render 
the  Federal  Constitution  adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  gov- 
ernment and  the  preservation  of  the  Union."  These  reso- 
lutions, together  with  the  nineteen  resolutions  previously 
reported,  were  referred  to  the  committee  of  the  whole.  In 
the  discussion,  after  John  Dickinson  had  spoken  on  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  Hamilton,  in  the  course  of  a 
speech,  read  a  paper  containing  his  ideas  of  a  Plan  of  Gov- 
ernment, with  a  legislature  of  two  branches,  —  the  assembly 
to  consist  of  persons  who  should  serve  for  three  years,  and 
the  senate  as  well  as  the  governor,  the  executive  head, 
to  serve  during  good  behavior.  He  proposed  that  the  gen- 
eral government  should  appoint  the  governor  of  each  State, 
who  should  have  a  negative  on  the  laws  to  be  passed  by  the 
legislature.  This  plan  was  not  acted  on.  On  the  19th  of 
June,  the  committee  of  the  whole  reported  to  the  House 
that  they  did  not  assent  to  the  resolutions  offered  by  the 
Hon.  Mr.  Patterson,  but  submitted  again  the  nineteen  reso- 
lutions before  reported.  The  first  was :  "  That  it  is  the 
opinion  of  this  committee  that  a  National  Government  ought 

l  Elliott's  Debates,  ed.  1866,  i.  121-123,  contains  an  account  ( f  these  materials. 
This  work  is  an  invaluable  repository  of  the  papers  connected  with  the  formation  of 
the  Constitution. 


592  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

to  be  established,  consisting  of  a  supreme  legislation,  judi- 
ciary and  executive." 

This  determination  to  frame  a  new  government  brought 
face  to  face  in  the  Convention  the  antagonisms  of  American 
society ;  the  errors  of  opinion  and  rooted  prejudices  ;  the 
local  interests,  jealousies,  and  ambitions  of  the  people  of  the 
several  States.  The  slavery  question  rose  to  fearful  emi- 
nence. It  was  connected  with  the  question  of  representa- 
tion, or  the  mode  in  which  the  political  power  should  be 
distributed.  Madison,  on  the  30th  of  June,  in  an  elaborate 
speech,  delineated  the  great  division  of  interests  in  the 
United  States  as  not  between  the  large  and  the  small  States, 
but  as  arising  from  their  having  or  riot  having  slaves.  "  It 
lay,"  he  said,  "  between  the  Northern  and  Southern ; "  and 
he  went  on  to  show  how  certain  arrangements  "would 
destroy  the  equilibrium  of  interests  between  the  two  sec- 
tions." In  this  he  probed  the  cause  of  the  passion  that 
mingled  in  the  debates.  The  storm  was  fearful.  "  I  be- 
lieve," Luther  Martin  said,  "  near  a  fortnight,  perhaps  more, 
was  spent  in  the  discussion  of  this  business,  during  which 
we  were  on  the  verge  of  dissolution,  scarce  held  together  by 
the  strength  of  a  hair ; "  and  this  is  confirmed  by  a  letter 
from  Washington,1  who  said  that  he  almost  despaired  of 
seeing  a  favorable  issue  to  the  proceedings,  and  therefore 
repented  of  having  had  any  agency  in  the  business. 

During  this  period  Franklin  made  his  well-known  impres- 
sive speech,  on  introducing  a  motion,  that  prayers  be  said  in 
the  Convention.  In  another  characteristic  speech,  on  the 
wide  diversity  of  opinion,  he  said  that  when  a  broad  table  is 
to  be  made,  and  the  edges  of  planks  do  not  fit,  the  artist  takes 
a  little  from  both  and  makes  a  good  joint.  In  like  manner, 
here,  both  sides  must  part  with  some  of  their  demands, 
in  order  that  they  may  join  in  some  accommodating  prop- 
osition. The  work  of  healing  commenced  when  the  com- 

1  The  letter  was  addressed  July  10, 1787,  to  Hamilton.  He  left  the  Convention 
on  the  29th  of  June,  and  did  not  return  until  the  13th  of  August. 


! 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.          593 

promise  was  agreed  to,  fixing  the  basis  of  representation 
by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  including 
those  bound  to  serve  for  a  term  of  years,  excluding 
Indians  not  taxed,  three-fifths  of  all  other  persons,  and  giv- 
ing to  each  State  one  representative  for  every  forty  thousand 
inhabitants,  and  to  each  State  an  equal  vote  in  the  Senate. 

After  the  adjustment  of  representation,  there  remained 
the  difficulty  of  discriminating  between  the  two  spheres  of 
power,  local  and  general.  The  proposal  of  Hamilton  to 
endow  a  central  government  with  power  to  appoint  the  local 
governors  met  with  little,  if  any,  favor.  The  advocates  of  to  <Jf-*p  g/ 
the  old  Articles  made  it  their  chief  point  to  preserve  to  the  ||  ' 
States  their  importance ;  and  Madison,  the  foremost  advo- 
cate of  the  Virginia  plan,  said  that  "  he  would  preserve  the 
State  rights  as  carefully  as  the  trial  by  jury."  The  clear 
and  profound  George  Mason  said  that,  "  notwithstanding 
his  solicitude  to  establish  a  national  government,  he  never 
would  agree  to  abolish  the  State  governments,  or  render 
them  absolutely  insignificant.  They  were  as  necessary  as 
the  general  government,  and  he  would  be  equally  careful 
to  preserve  them.  He  was  aware  of  the  difficulty  of  draw- 
ing the  line  between  them,  but  hoped  it  was  not  insur- 
mountable." He  also  said  he  was  sure  "  that,  though  the 
mind  of  the  people  might  be  unsettled  on  some  points,  yet 
it  was  settled  in  attachment  to  republican  government." 
Local  self-government,  union,  and  republicanism  were  as 
laws  inscribed  on  the  tablets  of  the  American  heart ;  and  it 
was  the  office  of  the  able  men  of  the  Convention  to  devise 
for  their  wants  the  letter  of  a  written  constitution. 

In  these  discussions  the  Convention  had  passed  on  the 
nineteen  resolutions.  On  the  23d  of  July  it  was  determined 
that  its  proceedings  "  for  the  establishment  of  a  national 
government,"  excepting  the  executive,  should  be  referred  to  a 
committee,  for  the  purpose  of  reporting  a  draft  of  a  consti- 
tution conformably  to  them ;  and  the  next  day,  when  five 
members  were  appointed  as  this  committee,  the  propositions 


594  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

submitted  by  Pinckney  and  Patterson  were  also  referred  to  it. 
On  the  6th  of  August  the  committee  reported ;  when  another 
month  of  debate  followed,  during  which  the  clauses  relative 
;  to  the  slave-trade  and  the  rendition  of  slaves  were  agreed 
.  to,  —  on  which  hung  mighty  issues.  They  are  of  the  past 
now.  They  were  the  price  that  was  paid  for  republican 
government,  an  instrument  of  vast  good  in  the  present  and 
for  the  future.  On  the  8th  of  September  a  committee  of  five 
|  was  appointed  "  to  revise  the  style  of  and  arrange  the  articles 
agreed  to  by  the  House."  This  work  was  intrusted  to  Gov- 
ernor Morris,  and  to  him  belongs  the  credit  of  the  simple 
style  and  clear  arrangement  of  the  Constitution.  The  com- 
mittee reported  on  the  twelfth,  when  the  printing  of  the  Con- 
stitution was  ordered.  Three  days  were  occupied  in  revising 
it,  when  it  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed.  It  was  then  read, 
when  Franklin  rose  with  a  speech  in  his  hand,  which  was 
read  by  James  Wilson. 

"  I  confess,"  it  begins,  "  that  there  are  several  parts  of 
this  Constitution  which  I  do  not  at  present  approve  ;  but  I 
am  not  sure  I  shall  never  approve  them.  For,  having  lived 
long,  I  have  experienced  many  instances,  by  being  obliged 
by  better  information,  or  fuller  consideration,  to  change 
opinions,  even  on  important  subjects,  which  I  once  thought 
right,  but  found  to  be  otherwise.  It  is,  therefore,  that  the 
older  I  grow,  the  more  apt  I  am  to  doubt  my  own  judgment 
and  to  pay  more  respect  to  the  judgment  of  others.  .  .  . 

"  In  these  sentiments,  sir,  I  agree  to  that  Constitution, 
with  all  its  faults,  if  they  are  such,  because  I  think  a  general 
government  necessary  for  us ;  arid  there  is  no  form  of  gov- 
ernment but  what  may  be  a  blessing  to  the  people  if  well 
administered ;  and  believe,  further,  that  this  is  likely  to  be 
well  administered  for  a  course  of  years,  and  can  only  end  in 
despotism,  as  other  forms  have  done  before  it,  when  the 
people  shall  be  so  corrupted  as  to  need  despotic  government, 
being  incapable  of  any  other." 

Franklin  concluded  by  moving  a  form,  in  which  the  Con- 


ESTABLISHMENT  OP  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT  595 

stitution  should  be  signed  by  the  members.  Mr.  Gorham,  of 
Massachusetts,  now  said  that,  if  it  was  not  too  late,  he  could 
wish,  for  the  purpose  of  lessening  objections,  that  the  number 
of  representatives,  which  had  produced  so  much  discussion, 
might  be  fixed  at  one  for  every  thirty  thousand  instead 
of  one  for  forty  thousand.  Washington's  suggestions  on 
government,  from  the  period  of  his  command  of  the  army  to 
his  election  as  President,  are  a  monument  of  his  judgment, 
sagacity,  and  wisdom.  He  watched  with  painful  solicitude 
the  progress  of  the  Convention ;  but  he  did  not  once  enter 
into  the  discussions.  When  he  rose  to  put  the  question  on 
the  motion  of  Mr.  Gorham,  he  said :  — 

"  That  although  his  situation  had  hitherto  restrained  him 
from  offering  his  sentiments  on  questions  depending  in  the 
House,  and,  it  might  be  thought,  ought  now  to  impose  silence 
on  him,  yet  he  could  not  forbear  expressing  his  wish  that 
the  alteration  proposed  might  take  place.  It  was  much  to 
be  desired  that  the  objections  to  the  plan  recommended 
might  be  made  as  few  as  possible.  The  smallness  of  the 
proportion  of  representatives  had  been  considered,  by  many 
members  of  the  Convention,  an  insufficient  security  for  the 
rights  and  interests  of  the  people.  He  acknowledged  that 
it  had  always  appeared  to  himself  among  the  exceptionable 
parts  of  the  plan  ;  and,  late  as  the  present  moment  was  for 
admitting  amendments,  he  thought  this  of  so  much  conse- 
quence that  it  would  give  him  much  satisfaction  to  see  it 
adopted." 

This  impressive  appeal  was  followed  by  a  unanimous  vote 
in  favor  of  the  motion.  There  was  then  a  vote  on  the  ques- 
tion whether  the  Constitution  should  be  agreed  to  as  en- 
grossed in  order  to  be  signed,  and  all  the  States  answered  ay. 
There  was  then  a  debate  on  signing.  Hamilton  now  entered 
upon  the  course  that  reflects  high  honor  on  him  as  a  patriot. 
He  was  anxious  that  every  member  should  sign,  saying: 
"  No  man's  ideas  were  more  remote  from  the  plan  than  his 
own  were  known  to  be  ;  but  is  it  possible  to  deliberate  be- 


596  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

tween  anarchy  and  convulsion  on  one  side,  and  the  chance 
of  good  to  be  expected  from  the  plan  on  the  other  ?  " 

All  the  members  signed  the  Constitution,  excepting  Ed- 
mund Randolph  and  George  Mason,  of  Virginia,  and  Elbridge 
Gerry,  of  Massachusetts.  Whilst  the  last  members  were 
signing,  Franklin,  the  Nestor  of  the  Assembly,  looking 
towards  the  President's  chair,  at  the  back  of  which  a  rising 
sun  happened  to  be  painted,  observed  to  a  few  members 
near  him,  that  painters  had  found  it  difficult  to  distinguish 
in  their  art  a  rising  from  a  setting  sun.  "  I  have,"  said  he, 
"  often  and  often,  in  the  course  of  the  session,  and  the  vicis- 
situde of  my  hopes  and  fears  as  to  its  issue,  looked  at  that 
behind  the  President,  without  being  able  to  tell  whether  it 
was  rising  or  setting ;  but  now,  at  length,  I  have  the  happi- 
ness to  know  that  it  is  a  rising  and  not  a  setting  sun." 
The  instrument  was  attested  in  the  form  submitted  by  him : 
"  Done  in  Convention,  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
States  present,  the  17th  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord,  1787,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  the  twelfth." 

The  debates  evince  clearly  enough  that  members  had  their 
share  of  the  infirmities  of  human  nature.  "  It  is  a  miracle," 
said  Hamilton,  "  that  we  are  here  exercising  our  tranquil  and 
free  deliberations."  When  the  difficulties  that  met  them  at 
every  turn  are  considered,  it  seems  a  wonder  that  they  were 
able  to  overcome  them.  Madison  was  not  absent  a  single 
day  from  the  session,  and  observed  closely  the  whole  course 
of  affairs.  He  writes,  "  that  there  never  was  an  assembly 
of  men,  charged  with  a  great  and  arduous  trust,  who  were 
more  pure  in  their  motives  or  more  anxiously  devoted  to  the 
objects  submitted  to  them." 

It  was  moved  in  the  Convention  by  Hamilton,  and  seconded 
by  Gerry,  that  the  Constitution  should  be  transmitted  to  "  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled,"  and,  if  it  should  be 
agreed  to  by  them,  that  it  should  be  communicated  to  the 
legislatures  of  the  several  States.  The  motion  was  rejected. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OP  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT. 


597 


The  important  decision  was  reached  that  it  should  be  trans- 
mitted through  Congress  and  the  local  legislatures  to  the 
people,  or  to  the  sovereignty  in  each  State ;  and  that  when 
the  conventions  of  nine  States  should  have  advised  Con- 
gress that  the  people  had  ratified  the  Constitution,  Congress 
should  appoint  the  time  and  place  for  commencing  proceed- 
ings under  it. 

Accompanying  the  transmission  of  the  Constitution  to 
Congress,  was  a  letter  signed  by  the  President  in  the  name 
of  the  Convention.  This  brief  and  admirable  paper  em- 
braces a  statement  of  the  need  of  a  general  government  for 
the  Union,  and  of  the  difficulties  experienced  in  drawing  the 
line  between  the  powers  reserved  and  the  powers  surren- 
dered ;  and  presents  the  Constitution  as  the  result  of  a  spirit 
of  amity.  "  In  all  our  deliberations,  we  kept  steadily  in 
view  that  which  appears  the  greatest  interest  of  every  true 
American,  —  the  consolidation  of  our  Union,  in  which  is 
involved  our  prosperity,  felicity,  safety,  perhaps  our  national 
existence." 

When  the  Constitution  and  accompanying  papers  were 
before  Congress,  some  urged  that  as  the  object  expressed  in 
the  call,  that  of  revising  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  had 
not  been  adhered  to  by  the  Convention,  but  a  new  system 
had  been  organized,  it  would  be  unbecoming  to  transmit  it 
to  the  legislatures  ;  also  that,  if  transmitted,  Congress  ought 
to  add  certain  amendments.  But  these  propositions  were  met 
so  efficiently  by  Madison,  —  who  immediately  resumed  his 
seat,  —  that,  on  the  28th  of  September,  Congress  unani- 
mously ordered  the  papers  to  "be  submitted  to  a  convention 
of  delegates,  chosen  in  each  State  by  the  people  thereof,  in 
conformity  to  the  resolves  of  the  Convention."  This  was  a 
great  point  gained,  as  it  presented  to  the  people  the  single 
question  of  the  acceptance  or  rejection  of  the  Constitution. 

Meanwhile,  this  grand  American  production  circulated 
immediately  (September  19)  through  the  newspapers.  It 
seemed  to  meet  with  general  favor,  and  even  to  excite  en- 


598  THE   RISE   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

thusiasm.  It  found  a  certain  preparation  of  the  public  mind 
ready  to  respond  to  its  main  features,  —  an  ideal  which  it 
met  and  satisfied.  The  secrecy  enjoined  by  the  Convention 
had  been  well  kept.  Still,  during  its  long  session,  and  the 
consequent  public  anxiety,  certain  facts  had  been  magnified 
into  unpleasant  rumors.  The  fact  that  propositions  had 
been  brought  forward  to  interfere  with  the  local  govern- 
ments grew  into  the  rumor  that  they  were  to  be  abolished ; 
the  fact  that  there  were  a  few  adherents  of  a  principle  tend- 
ing to  monarchy  grew  into  the  rumor  that  one  was  to  be 
established,  with  the  Bishop  of  Osnaburgh  at  its  head.  The 
Constitution  put  these  rumors  to  silence.  It  purported  to 
form  a  more  perfect  Union,  which  was  in  the  public  mind 
a  Palladium ;  to  recognize  the  States  and  guarantee  to  them 
republican  government,  which  met  and  satisfied  an  old  con- 
viction ;  to  be  a  Constitution,  which  was  a  result  prophesied 
twenty  years  before,1  and  held  up  as  a  necessity  ever  since ; 
and  to  provide  for  a  government,  a  public  authority,  clothed 
with  power  supreme  in  its  sphere,  any  thing  that  any  State 
might  do  to  the  contrary  ;  which  was  in  accordance  with  the 
pledges  proffered  before  the  first  Congress  convened,  and  sol- 
emnly agreed  to  in  the  Articles.  An  instrument  that  would 
enable  the  people  to  do  this  was  an  advance  indeed.  It 
would  put  an  end  to  the  flagrant  assumptions  of  national 
functions  by  local  legislatures,  in  disregarding  treaties,  vio- 
lating public  faith,  and  thus  making  the  American  name  a 
by-word.  The  Constitution  was  instinctively  and  joyfully 
welcomed  by  farmers,  mechanics,  and  merchants. 

Soon,  however,  the  newspapers  teemed  with  the  views  of 
men  eminent  for  ability,  honesty,  and  patriotism,  against 
its  adoption  ;  and  they  won  adherents.  Hence  the  country 
became  divided  into  two  great  parties:  one  called  the 
Federalists,  composed  of  those  who  were  in  favor  of  the 
ratification  of  the  Constitution ;  the  other  termed  anti -Fed- 
eralists, or  those  opposed  to  the  ratification,  who  could 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF  REPUBLICAN   GOVERNMENT.          599 

boasfc  among  their  leaders  the  great  names  of  George  Clin- 
ton and  Patrick  Henry.  The  conflict  of  opinions  was  carried 
on  in  public  meetings,  through  the  press,  and  in  the  repre- 
sentative assemblies,  and  all  these  in  thought  and  action 
were  unfettered.  This  constituted  another  great  period  in 
American  history.  It  has  been  thoroughly  explored  and 
ably  narrated.  In  advocating  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, James  Wilson  made  a  noble  record  in  the  Pennsylva- 
nia Convention  and  the  popular  forum.  Hamilton  and 
Madison  shone  in  the  State  conventions  and  in  the  press. 
Their  greatest  legacy  was  their  share  in  the  "  Eighty-five 
Essays,"  which  appeared  in  a  New-York  newspaper,  under 
the  signature  of  "  Publius."  In  this,  they  were  associated 
with  Jay,  who,  however,  on  account  of  illness,  contributed 
only  six  of  the  number.  These  "  Essays  "  were  collected  in. 
the  well-known  volume  entitled  "  The  Federalist.,"  which  ia 
a  classic  in  American  political  literature. 

The  local  legislatures  followed  the  example  of  Congress. 
Without  expressing  any  opinion  on  the  Constitution,  they 
called  upon  the  people  to  choose  delegates  in  the  manner  in 
which  they  chose  representatives,  to  meet  in  convention  and 
take  it  into  consideration,  and  report  the  result  to  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States.  These  conventions  accordingly 
were  held,  and  the  Constitution  and  accompanying  papers 
were  laid  before  them.  After  long  debates,  they  voted  to 
ratify  the  Constitution.  In  doing  this,  the  members  fol- 
lowed the  general  convention  in  signing  instruments  varying 
in  form,  —  some  of  them  embracing  recommendations  of 
amendments.  The  terms  used  in  the  main  act  were  similar. 
Thus :  "  We,  the  delegates  of  the  people  of  Virginia,  .  .  . 
assent  to  and  ratify  the  Constitution  ...  in  behalf  of  the 
people."  All  use  the  term  "  ratify,"  and  some  add  "  assent." 
The  Massachusetts  form  acknowledges  the  goodness  of  the 
Supreme  Ruler  in  affording  the  people  of  the  United  States 
the  opportunity  of  entering  into  a  solemn  compact  with  one 
another  by  assenting  to  a  new  Constitution. 


600  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

This  was  action,  not  by  the  local  governments,  but  by  the 
people,  as  the  sovereign  power.  As  has  been  related,1  the  peo- 
ple had  established  constitutions  to  meet  their  local  wants ; 
and  now  this  same  sovereign  power,  expressing  its  will,  in 
distinct  communities,  through  legal  channels,  ordained  a  con- 
stitution for  the  purposes  stated  in  its  preamble :  "  We,  the 
People  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect 
Union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide 
for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and 
secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  pos- 
terity, do  ordain  and  establish  this  CONSTITUTION  for  the 
United  States  of  America."  2  The  effect  of  this  concurrent 
action  was  to  constitute  the  people  legally  what  they  had 
long  been  in  sentiment,  —  one  people,  for  certain  purposes ; 
and  to  provide  a  government  for  the  political  unit  composed 
of  the  States  in  Union,  or  the  United  States,  in  order  to  meet 
their  wants  as  one  people  and  one  nation.  And  this  gov- 
ernment was  designed  to  operate,  like  the  State  govern- 
ments, immediately  and  individually  on  the  people,  by  the 
same  coercive  forms  and  means.3  These  creative  acts, 
local  and  general,  were  not  divisions  of  the  sovereignty, 
but  the  exercise  of  sovereign  power  limiting  the  people 
themselves,  as  well  as  their  agents,  in  the  discharge  of  polit- 
ical duties.  Their  results,  the  constitutions,  were  not  ends, 
but  means  of  preserving  the  public  life,  and  promoting  the 
public  good,  and,  as  such,  were  sacredly  obligatory  on  all.4 
But  they  were  valuable  only  as  they  contributed  to  this 
object;  and,  when  they  proved  inadequate  to  embody  the 
living  spirit,  the  people  who  created  them  could  alter  them. 
The  sovereignty,  though  quiescent,  remained  intact,  ready 

1  See  pp.  564-568. 

2  This  citation  is  from  the  copy  in  Hickey's  "Constitution  of  the  United  States 
of  America." 

3  Madison's  Works,  iv.  320. 

4  "  The  basis  of  our  political  system  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  make  and  to 
alter  their  constitutions  of  government.     But  the  constitution  which  at  any  time 
exists,  until  changed  by  an  explicit  and  authentic  act  of  the  whole  people,  is  sacredly 
obligatory  on  all."  —  Washington's  Farewell  Address. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OP  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.  601 

to  exercise  its  power  again  when  the  progress  of  society 
should  require  changes  in  the  organic  law. 

This  constitution  does  not  define  what  shall  be  consid- 
ered as  constituting  a  "  State,"  but  recognizes  the  existence 
of  the  States  as  separate  communities,  dwelling  in  definite 
boundaries,  and  in  possession  of  certain  functions  of  govern- 
ment. They  are  referred  to  in  a  geographical  sense,  as 
in  the  clauses  restricting  the  selection  of  representatives  and 
senators  to  inhabitants  of  the  States  for  which  they  should 
be  chosen ;  politically,  as  in  the  duties  required  of  their  gov- 
ernments ;  and  as  communities,  as  in  the  guaranty  to  every 
State, — i  e.j  people,  —  a  republican  form  of  government,  and 
in  the  provision  that  no  State  should  be  deprived  of  its  equal 
suffrage  in  the  Senate  without  its  consent.  As  the  powers 
vested  in  the  general  government  are  enumerated,  the  resi- 
due remained  in  the  State.  The  guaranty  adopted  in  the 
first  amendment  to  the  Constitution — "  that  the  powers  not 
delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  pro- 
hibited to  it  by  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respec- 
tively or  to  the  people  "  —  was  previously  unwritten  law. 
Thus  the  old  right  of  local  self-government  was  expressly 
recognized. 

Union  was  acknowledged  as  an  already  existing  fact ;  and 
the  object  of  the  Constitution  was  declared  to  be  to  make  a 
more  perfect  Union.  Government  is  provided  for  in  a  legis- 
lature consisting  of  two  branches  to  make  laws,  a  judiciary  to 
interpret  the  law,  and  an  executive  power  in  a  President,  "  to 
take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed."  The  Senate 
is  based  on  State  equality,  the  House  on  numbers.  The 
powers  enumerated  which  a  government,  under  this  Consti- 
tution, might  exercise,  were,  in  general,  those  which  through- 
out the  colonial  age  were  proposed  to  be  vested  in  a  Union, 
—  even  the  important  power  of  levying  taxes  and  collecting 
them,  while  leaving  the  local  governments  to  levy  and  col- 
lect taxes  for  local  purposes,  being  in  Franklin's  Albany 
plan.  They  provided  for  a  government  to  act  directly  on 


602  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

individuals,  instead  of  a  league  acting  on  States,  as  in  the 
Articles  of  Confederation ;  for  influence  thus  substituting 
public  authority.  The  Union  was  endowed  with  political 
power,  supreme  in  its  sphere ;  and  though  it  had  no  power 
to  make  or  to  abolish  the  State  governments,  "  yet,"  is  the 
great  comment  of  Madison,  "  if  they  were  abolished,  the 
General  Government  would  be  compelled,  by  the  principle 
of  self-preservation,  to  reinstate  them  in  their  proper  juris- 
diction." 1 

The  spheres  of  the  two  governments,  State  and  National, 
were  defined  with  much  exactness ;  but,  to  determine  con- 
troversies that  might  arise  between  the  boundaries  of  their 
powers,  it  was  provided  that  the  judicial  authority  should 
extend  to  all  cases  under  the  Constitution,  the  laws,  and 
treaties,  naming  in  the  list  controversies  between  two  or 
more  States ;  and  that  this  power  should  be  vested  in  a 
Supreme  Court,  to  be  established  by  Congress. 

The  laws  made  in  pursuance  of  these  powers,  and  all  the 
treaties,  were  "  to  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land,"  and  the 
judges  in  every  State  were  "  to  be  bound  thereby,  any  thing 
in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  not- 
withstanding ;  "  all  officers,  "  both  of  the  States  and  of  the 
United  States,"  were  to  bind  themselves  "  by  oath  or  affir- 
mation "  to  support  this  Constitution ;  and  it  was  to  stand 
until  amended  in  the  form  prescribed ;  the  final  stage 
being  that  new  articles  should  be  ratified  by  three-fourths 
of  the  several  States,  or  by  conventions  of  three-fourths  of 
the  States,  as  might  be  proposed  by  the  Congress  ;  with  the 
proviso  that  no  State,  without  its  consent,  should  be  de- 
prived of  its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate. 

It  was  provided  that  the  citizens  of  each  State  should  be 
entitled  to  all  the  rights  of  citizens  in  the  several  States. 
The  word  "  slave  "  is  not  in  the  Constitution  ;  and  so  peculiar 
and  wise  were  the  provisions,  that,  when  State  after  State 
abolished  slavery,  no  alteration  was  required  to  meet  the 

l  Federalist,  No.  XIV.,  Dawson's  ed.,  1787. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OP  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.  603 

great  social  change.  Nor  would  any  change  have  been 
required,  had  all  the  States  abolished  slavery.  Recent 
amendments  prohibit  its  establishment,  as  the  original 
instrument  prohibited  the  States  from  granting  an  order 
of  nobility. 

Article  seventh  and  last  is  :  "  The  ratification  of  the  con- 
ventions of  nine  States  shall  be  sufficient  for  the  establish- 
ment of  this  Constitution  between  the  States  so  ratifying  the 
same." 

On  the  2d  of  July,  1788,  the  President  of  Congress 
informed  that  body  that  he  had  laid  before  them  the  ratifi- 
cations of  the  Constitution  by  the  conventions  of  nine  States. 
On  that  day  a  committee  was  appointed  to  report  an  act 
"  for  putting  the  said  Constitution  into  operation."  It  was 
not,  however,  until  the  13th  of  September  that  Congress  agreed 
on  a  plan.  The  first  Wednesday  in  January  was  fixed  for 
the  appointment  of  electors ;  the  first  Wednesday  in  Feb- 
ruary for  their  meeting  to  vote  for  a  President ;  and  the. 
first  Wednesday  in  March  as  the  time,  and  New  York  as  the 
place,  for  commencing  proceedings  under  the  Constitution. 

Accordingly  the  representatives  and  senators  elect  as- 
sembled in  New  York ;  but  it  was  not  until  a  month  after 
the  time  appointed  that  there  was  a  quorum  to  transact 
business.  On  the  30th  of  April,  1789,  Washington  was  in- 
ducted into  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States  with 
imposing  ceremony ;  Chancellor  Livingston  administering 
the  oath  in  the  balcony  of  the  City  Hall,  and  before  a  great 
assembly  of  citizens  and  the  military.  The  President  de- 
livered his  inaugural  address  in  the  chamber,  in  the  presence 
of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  officers  of  the  old  government, 
and  as  many  as  could  be  accommodated.  His  first  official 
act  was  fervent  supplication  to  the  Almighty  "  that  his 
benediction  might  consecrate  to  the  liberties  and  happiness 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States  a  government  instituted 
by  themselves  for  these  essential  purposes."  He  said  :  — 

"  In  the  important  revolution  just  accomplished  in  the 


604  THE   RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

system  of  their  united  government,  the  tranquil  deliberations 
and  voluntary  consent  of  so  many  distinct  communities,  from 
which  the  event  has  resulted,  cannot  be  compared  with  the 
means  by  which  most  governments  have  been  established, 
without  some  return  of  pious  gratitude,  along  with  an  hum- 
ble anticipation  of  the  future  blessings  which  the  past  seem 
to  presage."  In  the  place  of  recommending  particular 
measures,  he  paid  a  tribute  "  to  the  talents,  the  rectitude, 
and  the  patriotism  which  adorned  the  characters  selected  to 
devise  and  adopt  them  ;  "  and  in  these  qualifications  he  be- 
held the  surest  pledges  that  the  foundations  of  "  the  national 
policy  would  be  laid  in  the  pure  and  immutable  principles  of 
private  morality,  and  the  pre-eminence  of  free  government  be 
exemplified  by  all  the  attributes  which  can  win  the  affections 
of  its  citizens  and  command  the  respect  of  the  world."  "  I 
dwell,"  he  said,  "  on  this  prospect  with  every  satisfaction 
which  an  ardent  love  of  my  country  can  inspire  :  since  there 
is  no  truth  more  thoroughly  established  than  that  there  exists 
in  the  economy  and  course  of  nature  an  indissoluble  union 
between  virtue  and  happiness,  between  duty  and  advan- 
tage, between  the  genuine  maxims  of  an  honest  and  mag- 
nanimous policy,  and  the  solid  rewards  of  public  prosperity 
and  felicity ;  since  we  ought  to  be  no  less  persuaded  that  the 
propitious  smiles  of  Heaven  can  never  be  expected  on  a  nation 
that  disregards  the  eternal  rules  of  order  and  right  which 
Heaven  itself  has  ordained  ;  and  since  the  preservation  of 
the  sacred  fire  of  liberty,  and  the  destiny  of  the  republican 
model  of  government,  are  justly  considered  as  deeply,  per- 
haps as  finally,  staked  on  the  experiment  intrusted  to  the 
hands  of  the  American  people." 

The  new  government  is  here  termed  an  experiment.  The 
tribute  of  Washington  to  the  characters  of  the  men  whom  the 
people  had  placed  round  him  indicated  how  intelligently  the 
people  had  acted  in  selecting  agents  te  give  this  experiment 
a  fair  trial.  The  work  before  them  was  full  of  difficulty. 
Statesmen  of  the  highest  order  of  intellect  —  some,  indeed, 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  EEPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.  605 

in  the  cabinet  of  Washington  —  lacked  faith  even  in  repub- 
licanism ;  others  trembled  for  the  success  of  the  new  plan. 
After  three  months  of  labor  in  meeting  the  questions  that 
came  up,  Madison,  still  a  member  of  Congress,  wrote : 
"  We  are  in  a  wilderness  without  a  single  footstep  to  guide 
us."  Washington,  a  republican,  from  the  deep  sincerity 
of  his  nature,  gave  to  the  plan  the  full  weight  of  his  in- 
fluence, and  was  a  tower  of  strength.  As  difficulties  were 
overcome,  doubts  were  dispelled.  The  government  in  a  few 
years  proved  adequate  to  meet  every  emergency.  It  was 
firmly  established.  The  third  President,  in  his  inaugural, 
pronounced  it  "  the  strongest  government  on  earth,"  and 
"  the  only  one  where  every  man,  at  the  call  of  the  law, 
would  fly  to  the  standard  of  the  law,  and  would  meet  in- 
vasions of  the  public  order  as  his  own  personal  concern." 

Thus  was  the  work  of  the  Revolution  at  length  accom- 
plished by  the  embodiment  of  the  ideas  of  local  self-gov- 
ernment and  of  national  union  in  the  Constitution  as  the 
organic  law,  and  the  establishment  of  a  republican  govern- 
ment that  met  the  wants  of  the  nation. 

This  result  was  hailed  with  joy  by  men  of  liberal  views  all 
over  the  world.  The  feeling  of  this  school  was  expressed  by 
Mackintosh  as  he  wrote :  "  America  has  emerged  from  her 
struggle  into  tranquillity  and  freedom,  into  affluence  and 
credit ;  and  the  authors  of  her  constitution  have  constructed 
a  great  permanent  experimental  answer  to  the  sophisms  and 
declarations  of  the  detractors  of  liberty."  1  Lord  Brougham 
wrote  in  1853,  of  the  effects  of  the  revolution,  with  the  estab- 
lishment of  this  government :  "  It  animated  freemen  all  over 
the  world  to  resist  oppression.  It  gave  an  example  of  a 
great  people  not  only  emancipating  themselves,  but  governing 
themselves  without  even  a  monarch  to  control  or  an  aris- 
tocracy to  restrain  them  ;  and  it  demonstrated  for  the  first 
time  in  the  history  of  the  world,  contrary  to  all  the  pre- 

l  Miscellaneous  Works  of  Sir  James  Mackintosh,  581. 


606  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

dictions  of  statesmen  and  the  theories  of  speculative  in- 
quirers, that  a  great  nation,  when  duly  prepared  for  the 
task,  is  capable  of  self-government  ;  or,  in  other  words,  that  a 
purely  republican  form  of  government  can  be  formed  and 
maintained  in  a  country  of  vast  extent,  peopled  by  millions 
of  inhabitants."  l 

The  republican  government  was  a  success,  because  in  its 
operation  it  met  the  needs  of  the  two  fundamental  con- 
ditions of  American  political  life,  diversity  and  union,  as 
correlative  forces  —  on  the  one  hand,  the  development 
of  the  commonwealth  or  the  State  ;  and,  on  the  other, 
of  the  union  or  the  nation.  Lord  Brougham  appreciated 
the  difficulty  of  framing  an  organic  law  prescribing  the 
degrees  of  power  which  independent  authorities,  acting  on 
the  same  people,  might  exercise  without  antagonism  ;  secur- 
ing efficiency  to  the  general  government,  while  leaving 
unimpaired  the  powers  of  the  States.  After  analyzing  the 
Constitution,  he  pronounced  the  "  means  devised  the  very 
greatest  refinement  in  social  policy  to  which  any  state  of 
circumstances  has  given  rise  or  to  which  any  age  has 
given  birth."2 

When  this  problem  was  solved,  the  Republic  attained 
a  firm  foundation.  It  has  been  said  that  "  no  greater  prob- 
lem in  statesmanship  remains  to  be  solved  and  no  greater 
contribution  to  civilization  to  be  made."  3  The  advance  in 
political  science,  however,  did  not  stop  with  the  achievement 
of  the  founders  of  the  Republic  ;  but  there  can  be  no  question 
respecting  the  value  of  this  division  of  power  as  a  conserva- 
tive force.  It  is  the  equilibrium  of  the  system.  It  is  the 
hope  and  guaranty  of  its  permanency.  It  is  the  mission  of 
the  Republic  to  present  the  example  of  a  polity,  as  an  instru- 
ment to  promote  the  common  good,  free  from  centralism  on 
the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other  from  the  checks  and  balan- 
ces, or  organized  antagonisms,  which  seek  to  preserve  liberty 
by  obstructing  the  exercise  of  power.4 


1  Political  Philosophy,  iii.  p.  329. 

8  Brownson's  American  Republic,  409.  *  Ibid.,  409. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT.  607 

The  operation  of  the  Constitution  equalled  the  most  san- 
guine expectations  of  its  friends.1  There  were  angry  contro- 
versies and  fierce  party  struggles:  it  was  interpreted  and 
applied  by  political  leaders  under  the  bias  of  their  several 
aims ;  but  all  the  differences  ended  under  its  authority. 
The  decisions  of  the  tribunals  appointed  to  settle  them 
were  acquiesced  in  as  those  of  the  majority.  Other  modes 
were  suggested  in  exciting  periods.  The  maxim,  however, 
was  acted  on,  that  the  power  which  made  the  government 
alone  could  unmake  it ;  that  the  hand  that  imparted  the  life- 
giving  principle  must  give  the  death-dealing  stroke.  It  was 
ordained  that  the  Constitution  should  be  the  supreme  law  of 
the  land  until  the  people  of  three-fourths  of  the  States 
should  alter  it.  This  was  accepted  as  public  law.3 

The  increase  of  population  and  wealth,  the  enterprise  in 
developing  the  boundless  resources  of  the  land  ;  educational 
institutions  in  every  quarter  ;  freedom  to  worship  God  estab- 
lished, almost  everywhere  on  the  voluntary  principle,  with 
the  result  of  a  general  maintenance  of  the  Christian  religion ; 
the  majestic  play  of  the  political  machine  in  every  exi- 
gency of  peace  or  war,  —  presented  a  wonderful  spectacle 
of  stability  and  progress.  An  eminent  British  historian, 
after  a  ten  years'  study  of  governments  from  the  earliest 
times,  wrote,  in  1861,  of  this  government,  that  it  "  actually 
secured,  for  what  is  really  a  long  period  of  time,  a  greater 
amount  of  combined  peace  and  freedom  than  was  ever 
before  enjoyed  by  so  large  a  portion  of  the  earth's  surface. 
There  have  been,  and  still  are,  vaster  despotic  empires ;  but 
never  before  has  so  large  an  inhabited  territory  remained 
for  more  than  seventy  years  in  the  enjoyment  of  internal 
freedom  and  of  exemption  from  the  scourge  of  internal 
war." 3 

At  the  close  of  the  period  here  named,  the  Republic  was 

1  This  remark  will  be  found  in  the  inaugural  address  of  John  Adams. 

2  This  view  was  taken  by  John  Taylor,  of  Caroline,  in  his  Works. 

*  History  of  Federal  Government  from  the  Foundation  of  the  Achaian  League  to 
the  Disruption  of  the  United  States,  by  Edward  A.  Freeman,  i.  112. 


608  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

called  to  meet  its  great  ordeal.  When  people  in  a  large 
section  of  the  country  refused  obedience  to  the  supreme 
law  of  the  Constitution,  the  public  authorities  under  it 
issued  a  call  for  its  maintenance  by  arms.  Millions  re- 
sponded to  this  call  as  "  their  own  personal  concern."  For 
four  years  the  world  looked  with  wonder  on  the  gigantic 
struggle.  The  verdict  rendered  in  the  tribunal  of  force 
was  in  favor  of  the  Constitution,  —  that  there  shall  be  but 
one  Republic,  with  one  law  for  all.  It  is  an  assurance  that 
this  republican  government,  based  on  the  ideas  of  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence,  will  be  transmitted  to  posterity. 
The  glaring  inconsistency  between  these  ideas,  everywhere 
on  the  lips  at  the  birth  of  the  nation,  and  the  fact  of  human 
bondage  everywhere  recognized  in  the  local  law,  was  swept 
entirely  away  by  this  awful  providence.  That  supreme  law 
now  recognizes  only  the  free  and  independent  man  as  the 
unit  of  free  and  independent  States,  while  all  are  associated 
in  an  indissoluble  union.1 

The  unnatural  struggle  being  over,  the  million  of  soldiers, 
following  the  example  of  the  armies  of  the  Revolution,  re- 
turned to  their  peaceful  vocations  as  citizens.  The  way 
was  opened  for  the  resumption  by  the  people  in  insurrec- 
tion of  their  relations  to  the  Union. 

The  tide  of  population  is  bearing  a  Christian  civiliza- 
tion, as  embodied  in  American  institutions,  over  the 
vast  region  between  the  Mississippi  and  the  Pacific  Coast. 
The  process  is  simple.  Individuals  purchase  land ;  they 
"  from  the  gift  of  God  were  in  actual  possession  of  the 
rights  of  man ;  "  2  the  law  protects  them ;  under  its  a3gis 
they  gather  into  neighborhoods ;  on  the  principle  of  con- 
tiguity, because  they  dwell  near  each  other,  they  form 
municipalities,  and  become  a  territory  with  a  government 
formed  by  Congress.  On  reaching  an  adequate  population, 

1  See  page  4. 

2  Ramsay,  History  of  the  United  States,  iii.  p.  8.,  where  are  comments  on  the 
difference  between  American  and  European  principles  in  colonizing. 


ESTABLISHMENT   OP  REPUBLICAN   GOVERNMENT.  609 

they  form  a  constitution,  become  a  State,  and  are  admitted 
into  the  Union  on  a  footing  of  equality  with  the  original 
States.  Every  new  State  is  an  additional  guaranty  for  the 
perpetuity  of  the  Union. 

In  this  manner  the  path  of  progress,  like  the  sun,  is  from 
the  east  to  the  west.  "  As,"  wrote  in  1758,  Nathaniel  Ames 
the  father  of  the  renowned  Fisher  Ames,  "  the  celestial  light 
of  the  gospel  was  directed  here  by  the  finger  of  God,  it 
will  doubtless  finally  drive  the  long,  long  night  of  heathenish 
darkness  from  America.  So  arts  and  sciences  will  change 
the  face  of  nature  in  their  tour  from  hence  over  the  Apalach- 
ian  Mountains  to  the  Western  Ocean ;  and,  as  they  march 
through  the  vast  desert,  the  residence  of  wild  beasts  will  be 
broken  up,  and  their  obscene  howl  cease  for  ever.  Instead 
of  which,  the  stones  and  trees  will  dance  together  at  the 
music  of  Orpheus,  the  rocks  will  disclose  their  hidden 
gems,  and  the  inestimable  treasures  of  gold  and  silver  be 
broken  up.  Huge  mountains  of  iron  ore  are  already  dis- 
covered, and  vast  stores  are  reserved  for  future  generations : 
This  metal,  more  useful  than  gold  and  silver,  will  employ 
millions  of  hands,  not  only  to  form  the  martial  sword  and 
peaceful  share,  alternately,  but  an  infinity  of  utensils  im- 
proved in  the  exercise  of  art  and  handicraft  amongst  men. 
Nature  through  all  her  works  has  stamped  authority  on 
this  law ;  namely  that  all  fit  matter  shall  be  improved  to  its 
best  purposes.  Shall  not,  then,  those  vast  quarries  that 
teem  with  mechanic  stone,  those  for  structure  be  piled  into 
great  cities,  and  those  for  sculpture  to  perpetuate  the  honor 
of  renowned  heroes,  even  those  who  shall  now  save  their 
country  ?  0  ye  unborn  inhabitants  of  America !  should 
this  page  escape  the  destined  conflagration  at  the  year's  end, 
and  these  alphabetical  letters  remain  legible,  —  when  your 
eyes  behold  the  sun  after  he  has  rolled  the  season  round 
for  two  or  three  centuries  more,  you  will  know  that  in 
Anno  Domini,  1758,  we  dreamed  of  your  times."2 

l  Ames's  Almanac,  1758,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  prophecies  relating  to 
America. 


610  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

The  founders  of  the  Eepublic  left  it  as  their  dying  injunc- 
tion to  cherish  the  Union.  Washington  embodied  their 
spirit  in  his  farewell  address,  in  which  he  presents  it  as  the 
palladium  of  political  safety  and  prosperity.  Andrew  Jack- 
son gave  expression  to  the  determined  will  of  the  nation, 
in  the  terse  sentiment  spoken  at  the  right  time,  "  The  Fed- 
eral Union,  it  must  be  preserved."  Abraham  Lincoln,  the 
martyr-president,  said  that  the  thousands  who  died  for  their 
country  on  the  late  battle-fields  gave  their  lives  "  that  the 
nation  might  live,"  and  "  that  governments  of  the  people,  by 
the  people,  and  for  the  people,  should  not  perish  from  the 
earth." 

In  the  language  of  one  of  these  Presidents :  "  It  is 
not  in  a  splendid  government  supported  by  aristocratic 
establishments  that  the  people  will  find  happiness  or  their 
liberties  protection  ;  but  in  a  plain  system,  void  of  pomp,  — 
protecting  all  and  granting  favors  to  none,  —  dispensing  its 
blessings  like  the  dews  of  heaven  unseen  and  unfelt,  save 
in  the  freshness  and  beauty  they  contribute  to  produce.  It 
is  such  a  government  that  the  genius  of  our  people  requires, 
—  such  a  one  only  under  which  our  States  may  remain  fcv 
ages  to  come,  united,  prosperous,  and  free." 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX. 


PLAN  OF  UNION,  IN  THE  HANDWRITING  OF  THOMAS 
HUTCHINSON. 

FROM  MASSACHUSETTS  ARCHIVES,  VOL.  vi.  pp.  171-176. 

A  PLAN  of  Union  of  His  Majesty's  Colonies  on  the  continent 
for  their  mutual  defence  and  security. 

It  is  humbly  proposed  that  by  act  of  Parliament  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  each  colony  be  enjoined,  within  a  limited  tune 
after  the  passing  of  such  act,  to  choose  members  to  represent  them 
in  a  grand  council,  in  the  following  proportion ;  viz. :  — 


Massachusetts  Bay 7 

Connecticut 6 

New  York 4 

Pennsylvania 6 

Virginia 7 

South  Carolina 4 

New  Hampshire 2 


Rhode  Island    .......  2 

New  Jersey  ........  3 

Maryland     .....    ...  4 

North  Carolina      ......  4 


In  the  whole  . 


48 


That  the  President  for  said  Grand  Council  be  appointed  by  and 
receive  his  salary  from  the  Crown,  and  that,  as  soon  as  conveniently 
may  be  after  such  appointment,  he  call  a  meeting  of  the  Council,  to 
be  held  first  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 

That  the  assent  of  the  President  be  made  necessary  to  all  acts  of 
the  Council,  saving  the  choice  of  a  speaker. 

That  the  Council  without  their  own  consent  shall  neither  be  dis 
solved,  nor  prorogued,  nor  continued  sitting  longer  than  six  weeks 
at  any  one  time. 

That  the  Council  shall  meet  once  in  every  year,  and  at  such  other 
times  as  they  shall  adjourn  to  as  occasion  shall  require ;  the  place 


614  THE  RISE   OP  THE  REPUBLIC. 

for  the  next  meeting  always  to  be  determined  before  such  adjourn- 
ment and  upon  an  emergency.  The  President,  having  obtained  in 
writing  the  consent  of  seven  of  the  members,  may  call  a  special 
meeting  of  the  Council  at  any  time  or  place,  provided  due  and 
timely  notice  be  given. 

That  the  members  of  the  Council  be  paid  ten  shillings  sterling  for 
every  day's  journeying  and  attendance,  twenty  miles  to  be  accounted 
a  day's  travel. 

That  upon  the  expiration  of  three  years  there  shall  be  a  new  eleo 
tion  of  members  for  the  Council,  and  always  upon  the  death  or  resig- 
nation of  any  member  shall  be  supplied  by  a  new  choice  at  the  next 
sitting  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  colony  to  which  the 
deceased  or  resigning  member  belonged. 

That  no  member  of  the  Council  shall  be  chosen  or  appointed  to 
any  office,  civil  or  military,  by  the  President  or  Council. 

That  twenty -five  members  shall  be  a  quorum,  provided  there  be 
among  them  one  or  more  members  from  a  major  part  of  the  colonies. 

That  in  case  of  the  death  or  other  incapacity  of  the  President,  the 
speaker  of  the  Council  for  the  time  being  shall  be  vested  with  the 
powers  and  authorities  of  a  President,  to  continue  until  there  be  an 
appointment  by  the  Crown. 

That  the  President,  by  the  advice  of  the  Council,  may  hold  and 
manage  all  Indian  treaties  in  which  the  general  interest  or  welfare 
of  the  colonies  may  be  concerned ;  and  shall  have  the  sole  power 
of  making  peace  with  or  declaring  war  against  the  Indian  nations,  of 
restraining  and  regulating  all  Indian  trade  by  laws  and  orders,  with 
penalties  annexed  not  extending  to  life  and  limb,  all  offences  against 
such  laws  or  orders  to  be  tried  and  determined  within  the  govern- 
ment where  the  offence  shall  be  committed,  according  to  the  course 
of  judicial  proceeding  in  such  government,  in  like  manner  as  if  such 
offence  had  been  committed  against  the  laws  of  such  colony,  and  any 
offence  that  may  be  committed  in  any  parts  that  shall  not  be  within 
the  certain  bounds  of  any  colony  shall  and  may  be  tried  and  deter- 
mined in  the  colony  where  the  offender  shall  be  taken. 

That  the  President  and  Council  shall  have  power  to  raise  and  pay 
soldiers,  and  build  forts  for  the  defence  of  any  of  the  colonies,  and 
for  removing  all  encroachments  upon  His  Majesty's  territories,  and 
for  the  annoyance  of  His  Majesty's  enemies,  but  not  to  impress  men 
in  any  colony  without  the  consent  of  its  legislature. 

And  m  order  to  raise  moneys  sufficient  for  these  purposes. 


APPENDIX.  615 

That  the  said  President  and  Council  be  empowered  to  lay  some  gen- 
eral duty  on  wines  and  spirituous  liquors  or  other  luxurious  consump- 
tions as  shall  appear  to  them  just  and  equal  on  the  several  colonies, 
each  colony  to  pay  in  proportion  to  their  members ;  and  if  it  shall  ap- 
pear that  the  sum  raised  by  any  colony  falls  short  of  such  proportion, 
and  the  deficiency  shall  not  forthwith  be  paid  by  such  colony,  then, 
and  as  oft  as  it  shall  so  happen,  the  said  President  and  Council  shall 
have  power  to  lay  additional  duty  on  such  colony  until  the  deficiency 
be  made  good ;  and  if  the  sum  raised  from  any  colony  shall  exceed 
its  proportions,  the  surplus  shall  remain  or  be  paid  into  the  general 
treasury  of  such  colony.  And  the  accounts  of  the  deposition  of 
all  moneys  raised  shall  be  annually  settled,  that  the  members  of  the 
council  may  make  report  of  the  same  to  the  respective  assemblies. 

That  the  President  and  Council  shall  appoint  officers  for  collect- 
ing all  such  duties  as  .shall  be  agreed  on ;  and  all  laws  and  orders  for 
enforcing  the  payment  thereof  in  any  and  every  colony,  and  also  all 
laws  and  orders  for  restraining  supplies  to  and  communication  with 
any  of  His  Majesty's  enemies,  whether  by  flags  of  truce  or  in  any 
other  manner,  shall  be  as  fully  and  effectively  observed  and  executed 
as  if  they  had  been  the  laws  of  that  particular  colony  where  any 
offence  shall  be  committed,  and  all  offences  against  such  laws  and 
orders  shall  be  tried  and  determined  accordingly. 

That  the  President  and  Council  may  appoint  a  general  treasurer, 
to  reside  in  such  colony  as  they  shall  judge  most  convenient,  and  also  a 
particular  treasurer  for  each  colony,  and  from  tune  to  time  may  order 
the  sums  in  each  treasury  into  the  general  treasury,  or  draw  on  any 
particular  treasurer  as  they  shall  think  proper ;  but  no  money  shall 
issue  out  of  any  treasury  without  the  special  order  of  the  President 
by  the  advice  of  the  Council,  except  where  sums  have  been  appro- 
priated to  particular  purposes,  and  the  President  shall  be  specially 
empowered  to  draw  for  such  sums. 

That  the  supreme  command  of  all  the  military  force  employed  by 
the  President  and  Council  be  in  the  President,  and  that  all  subordi- 
nate military  officers  be  appointed  and  commissioned  by  the  President, 
with  the  advice  of  the  Council ;  and  all  civil  officers,  as  treasurers,  col- 
lectors, clerks,  &c.,  shall  be  chosen  by  the  Council  and  approved  by 
the  President ;  and  in  case  of  vacancy  in  any  civil  or  military  office, 
the  Governor  of  the  colony  where  the  vacancy  shall  happen  may 
appoint  some  person  to  supply  the  same  until  the  pleasure  of  the 
Governor  and  Council  shall  be  known. 


616  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

That  notwithstanding  the  powers  granted  to  the  President  and 
Council  for  the  general  defence  of  the  colonies,  yet  any  colony  shall 
be  at  liberty  upon  an  emergency  to  come  into  any  measures  for  their 
particular  defence,  or  for  the  defence  of  any  neighboring  colony  when 
attacked,  the  reasonable  charge  whereof  to  be  allowed  by  the  Presi- 
dent and  Council,  and  paid  out  of  the  general  stock  ;  but  no  colony 
shall  be  at  liberty  to  declare  war  against  any  enemy,  or  to  begin  any 
hostilities,  except  they  have  the  direction  and  allowance  of  the  Presi- 
dent and  Council. 

That  the  continuation  of  the  powers  granted  to  the  President  and 
Council  be  limited  to  the  term  of  six  years  from  their  first  meeting, 
unless  at  the  expiration  of  said  six  years  there  should  be  war  between 
Great  Britain  and  France,  in  which  case  the  said  powers  shall  con- 
tinue until  the  end  of  said  war  and  then  expire ;  and,  in  case  any  stock 
shall  then  remain  in  the  general  treasury,  the  same  shall  be  restored 
to  the  several  governments  in  proportion  to  their  respective  contri- 
butions. 

Which  is  humbly  submitted. 

P.  SAML.  WATTS,  PER  ORDER. 
In  Council,  Dec.  26,  1754.     Read  and  sent  down 


II. 
JOHN  ADAMS  TO  MERCY  WARREN. 

FROM  ORIGINAL  MANUSCRIPTS  IN  THE  POSSESSION  OF  HON.  CHARLES 
H.  WARREN. 

QUINCY,  1807. 

DEAR  MADAM,  —  In  the  306  page  of  your  first  volume,  there 
are  certain  traits  that  I  had  overlooked :  "  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Esq.,  was  the  first  who  dared  explicitly  to  propose  a  Declaration  of 
Independence.  The  proposal  spread  a  sudden  dismay,  —  a  silent 
astonishment  seemed  to  pervade  the  assembly,"  &c.  These  ex- 
pressions, Madam,  could  only  have  arisen  from  misinformation ;  or 
perhaps  I  shall  express  myself  more  properly,  by  calling  it  a  want 


APPENDIX.  617 

of  more  accurate  and  particular  information  of  the  proceedings  in 
Congress.  The  truth  is,  the  subject  had  long  been  perfectly  familiar 
to  the  contemplation  of  all  the  members  of  Congress.  The  three 
great  subjects,  a  Declaration  of  Independence,  a  Confederation  of 
the  States,  and  Treaties  with  Foreign  Powers,  had  been  held  up  by 
me  to  the  view  of  Congress  for  more  than  a  year  before  this  motion 
was  made  bj  Mi.  Lee  in  concert  with  me.  I  had  myself,  for  more 
than  a  year,  scarcely  suffered  a  day  to  pass  without  publicly  advert- 
ing to  these  as  measures  of  indispensable  necessity,  and  earnestly 
urging  Congress,  by  various  arguments,  to  prepare  themselves  and 
the  States  and  people  to  adopt  them.  It  appeared  to  me  that  those 
gentlemen  who  still  nattered  themselves  with  hopes  of  reconciliation 
were  extremely  deficient  in  their  knowledge  of  the  haughty  temper 
of  the  British  Government  and  Nation,  and  of  their  sovereign  con- 
tempt of  us.  It  was  very  well  known  that  some  of  the  members 
would  never  consent.  For  a  whole  year  I  had  earnestly  contended 
for  the  first  step,  which  appeared  to  me  to  be  necessary,  which  was  a 
recommendation  to  all  the  States  to  take  the  whole  power  of  the 
.Nation  into  their  own  hands,  by  instituting  governments  by  the 
original  authority  of  the  people.  It  was  not  till  the  fifteenth  day  of 
May,  1776,  that  we  carried  the  resolution. 

This  measure,  also,  was  concerted  between  Mr.  Lee  and  myself, 
and  supported  by  us,  and  carried  after  a  long  debate.  Mr.  Lee  and 
myself  were  appointed  to  draw  up  the  resolution :  it  was  drawn  by 
my  own  hand,  agreed  to  by  Mr.  Lee,  and  reported  by  me  as  Chair- 
man of  the  Committee.  If  you  will  please  to  read  that  resolution  in 
the  Journal  of  Congress,  you  will  find  that  it  amounted  to  a  complete 
Declaration  of  Independence.  What  was  it  else  ?  It  was  a  com- 
plete dissolution  of  all  allegiance  to  the  king.  It  was  a  complete 
assumption  of  all  authority  as  well  as  powers.  It  was  considered  in 
this  light  by  those  who  opposed  it.  Mr.  Duane  called  it  "  a  Machine 
to  make  independence."  But  in  fact  it  was  an  assumption  of  Inde- 
pendence itself.  There  could  be.  therefore,  no  real  astonishment  hi 
anybody  when  the  motion  was  made  by  Mr.  Lee.  If  there  was  any 
affectation  of  astonishment,  it  was  only  by  those  who  determined  to 
oppose  it  to  the  last,  the  greatest  part  of  whom  left  us  upon  that 
occasion,  some  recalled  by  their  constituents,  and  others  went  over 
to  the  enemy. 

"  The  measure  was  advocated  by  John  Adams."  So  it  was,  and 
so  it  had  been  for  a  year  before ;  and  so  many  arguments  used,  and 


618  THE   RISE   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

so  many  counter  arguments  used  against  it,  that  neither  Mr.  Adams 
nor  Mr.  Dickinson,  produced  a  single  new  idea,  or  suggested  a  new 
thought.  Mr.  Adams  "  invoked  the  God  of  Eloquence."  It  is 
amazing  to  me  whence  this  ridiculous  story  could  have  originated. 
I  think  I  have  read  it  in  some  of  the  former  historians,  from  whom 
probably  you  received  it.  But  you  may  depend  upon  it,  Madam,  it 
is  totally  false.  The  Supreme  Being,  it  is  true,  is  the  God  of  Elo- 
quence, and  of  every  other  good;  but  I  should  never  have  invoked 
him  under  that  title.  I  remember  very  well  what  I  did  say ;  but  I 
will  previously  state  a  fact  as  it  lies  in  my  memory,  which  may  be 
somewhat  explanatory  of  it.  In  the  previous  multiplied  debates 
which  we  had  upon  the  subject  of  independence,  the  delegates  from 
New  Jersey  had  voted  against  us  :  their  constituents  were  informed 
of  it,  and  recalled  them,  and  sent  us  a  new  set  on  purpose  to  vote  for 
independence.  Among  these  were  Chief  Justice  Stockton  and  Dr. 
Witherspoon.  In  a  morning  when  Congress  met,  we  expected  the 
question  would  be  put  and  carried  without  any  further  debate ; 
because  we  knew  we  had  a  majority,  and  thought  that  argument 
had  been  exhausted  on  both  sides,  as  indeed  it  was,  for  nothing  new 
was  ever  afterwards  advanced  on  either  side.  But  the  Jersey  dele- 
gates, appearing  for  the  first  time,  desired  that  the  question  might  be 
discussed.  We  observed  to  them  that  the  question  was  so  public, 
and  had  been  so  long  discussed  in  pamphlets,  newspapers,  and  at 
every  fireside,  that  they  could  not  be  uninformed,  and  must  have 
made  up  their  minds.  They  said  it  was  true  they  had  not  been 
inattentive  to  what  had  been  passing  abroad,  but  they  had  not 
heard  the  arguments  in  Congress,  and  did  not  incline  to  give  their 
opinions  until  they  should  hear  the  sentiments  of  members  there. 
Judge  Stockton  was  most  particularly  importunate,  till  the  members 
began  to  say,  "  Let  the  gentleman  be  gratified,"  and  the  eyes  of  the 
assembly  were  turned  upon  me,  and  several  of  them  said,  "  Come,  Mr. 
Adams,  you  have  had  the  subject  longer  at  heart  than  any  of  us,  and 
you  must  recapitulate  the  arguments."  I  was  somewhat  confused  at 
this  personal  application  to  me,  and  would  have  been  very  glad  to  be 
excused  ;  but  as  no  other  person  arose,  after  some  time  I  said,  "  This 
is  the  first  time  of  my  life  when  I  seriously  wished  for  the  genius 
and  eloquence  of  the  celebrated  Orators  of  Athens  and  Rome  :  called 
in  this  unexpected  and  unprepared  manner  to  exhibit  all  the  argu- 
ments in  favor  of  a  measure  the  most  important  in  my  judgment 
that  had  ever  been  discussed  in  civil  or  political  society,  I  had  no 


APPENDIX.  619 

art  or  oratory  to  exhibit,  and  could  produce  nothing  but  simple 
reason  and  plain  common  sense.  I  felt  myself  oppressed  by  the 
weight  of  the  subject;  and  I  believed  if  Demosthenes  or  Cicero 
had  ever  been  called  to  deliberate  on  so  great  a  question,  neither 
would  have  relied  on  his  own  talents  without  a  supplication  to 
Minerva,  and  a  sacrifice  to  Mercury  or  the  God  of  Eloquence." 
All  this,  to  be  sure,  was  but  a  flourish,  and  not,  as  I  conceive,  a  very 
bright  exordium  ;  but  I  felt  awkwardly.  But  nothing  that  I  said 
had  the  most  remote  resemblance  to  "  an  invocation  of  the  God  of 
Eloquence."  I  did  not  think  it  necessary  in  that  assembly  to  make 
an  ostentation  of  piety  by  a  solemn  prayer ;  but  I  believe  I  can  safely 
say  I  had  supplicated  the  Great  Governor  of  the  universe  in  relation 
to  the  independence  of  my  country  as  often  and  as  devoutly  as  Mr. 
Dickinson  had  done. 

Whether  this  crude  idea  was  vented  by  any  members  of  Congress 
from  ill-will  to  me  or  merely  from  misunderstanding  or  misrecollec- 
tion,  I  know  not.  I  wish  some  one  had  remembered  the  speech,  for 
it  is  almost  the  only  one  I  ever  made  that  I  wish  was  literally 
preserved.  The  delegates  from  New  Jersey  declared  themselves 
perfectly  satisfied  ;  and  the  question  prevailed,  notwithstanding  Mr. 
Dickinson's  superior  "  brilliancy  of  epithet."  And  now,  Madam, 
I  will  relate  an  anecdote.  Some  of  these  expressions  of  mine  have 
got  into  a  work  of  the  Abbe  Raynal,  and  I  will  tell  you  in  what 
manner.  The  Abbe  was  very  inquisitive  with  me  after  my  speeches 
in  Congress  ;  said  he  had  read  some  speeches  in  some  of  the  publi- 
cations in  Europe,  which  were  attributed  to  me,  and  he  wished  I 
would  furnish  him  with  any  that  I  had  published  or  delivered.  I 
said  if  he  had  seen  any  such  speeches  they  were  forgeries,  for  I  never 
had  published  nor  written  a  speech  in  my  life  made  in  any  public 
assembly.  Nor  did  I  wish  that  any  one  I  had  ever  delivered  should 
be  preserved  in  form,  excepting  one,  and  that  was  upon  the  question 
of  independence.  That  had  appeared  to  me  the  greatest  question  that 
ever  was  agitated,  that  the  consequences  of  it  would  be  felt  over  the 
whole  globe ;  and,  therefore,  when  I  was  called  to  discuss  it,  I  owned 
I  had  wished  for  the  "  genius  and  eloquence  of  the  celebrated  Orators 
of  Athens  and  Rbme,"  &c. ;  but  that  I  had  made  no  minutes  of  what 
I  said,  and  no  part  of  it  had  been  published.  I  thought  no  more  of 
the  conversation  till  the  Abbe  Pamphlet  came  out,  and  then  I  read, 
u  Que  n'ai-je  re$u  le  genie  et  1'eloquence  des  celebres  Orateurs 


620  THE  RISE   OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

d' Athene  et  de  Rome,"  &c.,  and  these  are  all  the  true  words  of  my 
speech  that  have  ever  appeared  in  print.  I  have  mentioned  this, 
because  even  this  passage  of  Raynal  has  been  belied  in  Africa 
to  my  disadvantage. 

I  am,  Madam,  as  usual, 
i 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
MRS.  MERCY  WARREN. 


INDEX. 


Aborigines,  character  of,  4.  Not  of  the 
Society  of  Nations,  10. 

Acton,  Mass.,  vote  of,  fora  republic,  507. 

Acts  of  trade,  instructions  respecting, 
162. 

Adams,  Abigail,  305.  Urges  a  separa- 
tion, 453. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  335.  Paper  by, 
431. 

Adams,  John,  on  towns,  26.  On  the 
affection  for  England,  68.  On  the  aim 
of  the  ministry,  198.  Canon  and  Feudal 
Law  of,  198.  On  the  non-importation 
agreement,  259.  On  the  destruction 
of  the  tea,  309.  On  committees  of  cor- 
respondence, 327.  Character  of,  334. 
Entrance  of,  into  public  life,  335.  On 
the  congress  of  1774,  361.  On  inde- 
pendence, 428,  491,  500,  514,  534,  535. 
Speech  of,  536.  Letter  of,  538,  616. 
Service  of,  in  promoting  independence, 
546.  Jefferson's  tribute  to,  547.  On 
the  appointment  of  Washington,  430. 
On  the  Union,  442.  On  a  general 
government,  482.  Proclamation  writ- 
ten by,  491.  On  revolution,  491.  Old 
age  of,  533.  On  the  confederation, 
569.  On  the  establishment  of  govern- 
ment, 578.  On  the  necessity  of  taxa- 
tion, 579.  155,  316,  330,  332,  359,  361, 
364,  365,  370,  372,  376,  393,  402,  413, 
434,  444. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  562. 

Adams,  Samuel,  on  the  affection  for 
England,  68.  Character  of,  167.  In- 
structions of  Boston  written  by,  167. 
On  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  197. 
On  the  future  of  America,  245.  On 
royal  instructions,  261.  On  Union, 
263,  287,  400.  Motion  of,  for  com- 
mittees of  correspondence,  265.  Faith 
of,  270.  Advice  of,  to  Rhode  Island, 
277.  On  a  congress,  285,  331.  On 
the  American  cause,  292.  On  loyalty, 
349.  On  prayers  in  congress,  364. 
Deprecates  independence  in  1775,  400. 
On  the  second  petition,  442.  Jeffer- 
son on,  448.  Letter  of,  on  revolution, 
449.  When  independence  urged  by, 
453,  464.  Caucuses  held  by,  469. 


On  confederation,  470.  On  indepen- 
dence, 471.  On  a  general  govern- 
ment, 482.  On  disarming  the  Tories, 
485.  On  local  government,  497.  D. 
Webster  on,  546.  209,  210,  211,  212, 
218,  219,  220,  244,  260,  266,  267,  274, 
305,  306,  308,  309,  314,  321,  323,  328, 
329,  330,  348,  359,  361,  362,  368,  372, 
389,  392,  406,  444,  447,  464,  472,  476, 
489,  490,  533,  537. 

African  race,  22, 103. 

Alaska,  purchase  of,  3. 

Albany,  conference  at,  in  1685,  87. 
View  of,  136. 

Albany  Congress,  meeting  of,  136.  See 
Convention  of  1754. 

Albemarle  County,  Va .  action  of,  338, 
340. 

Alexander,  James,  120,  126,  141. 

Allen,  John,  118. 

Alsop,  John,  364. 

America,  maps  of,  34,  73,  102.  Prophe- 
cies respecting,  68,  100, 154,  199,  248, 
290,  343,  401,  462,  554,  609.  Descrip- 
tion of,  156.  Verses  on,  157.  In- 
structing her  children,  195.  Term 
used  to  signify  one  country,  192. 

American  asylum,  colonies  termed,  106. 

American  Constitution,  idea  of,  for  all  the 
colonies  kept  in  view,  30.  Chief  thing 
wanted  in  the  colonial  age,  110.  Pre- 
dicted, 244.  The  common  talk,  399. 
Not  known  by  Galloway,  399.  The 
foundations  of,  401.  Idea  respecting, 
439.  Vagueness  respecting  details  of, 
562.  Interest  felt  in,  569.  Method  of 
maturing,  586.  See  Constitution  of 
the  United  States. 

American  race,  how  constituted,  10. 
Characteristics  of,  106,  404.  Gadsden 
on,  188.  Creed  of,  404.  Name  of, 
519.  P.  Henry  on,  188,  400.  Title 
of,  583.  Regarded  as  inferiors  in  Eng- 
land, 250. 

American  Republic,  ideal  of,  462.  Re- 
commended, 507. 

American  Revolution,  character  of,  158. 

Ames,  Nathaniel,  prediction  by,  of  Amer- 
ica, 609. 

Andrews,  John,  cited,  305,  482. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  on  local  govern- 
ment, 76.  Imprisonment  of,  32. 

Anglo-Saxons,  polity  of,  14. 


622 


INDEX. 


Anne  Arundel  County,  Md.,  on  inde- 
pendence, 526. 

Appleton,  Nathaniel,  267. 

Arizona,  purchase  of,  3. 

Arnold,  Samuel  Green,  19,  20. 

Articles  of  Confederation.  See  United 
States. 

Ash,  312. 

Assemblies,  American,  origin  of,  17. 
Abrogation  of,  by  James  II.,  80.  Re- 
sistance of,  to  arbitrary  practices,  125. 
Views  of  government  by,  127.  Peti- 
tions of,  against  the  Stamp  Act,  173. 
Spirit  of,  in  1768,  230. 

Association  of  1774  agreed  upon,  372. 
Signed,  373,  441.  Virtually  law,  373. 
Hildreth  on,  373.  John  Adams  on, 
373.  Approval  of,  395.  Action  against, 
by  the  Tories,  395.  Approval  of  gen- 
eral, 398.  Ramsay  on,  898.  How 
viewed,  436,  459. 

Atkinson,  Theodore,  notice  of,  137,  140. 

Atkinson,  Thomas,  119. 

Augusta  County,  on  a  constitution, 
510. 

Auchmuty,  Robert,  278. 

B. 

Bacon,  Nathaniel,  notice  of,  82.  On  a 
congress,  91. 

Bancroft,  George,  on  popular  assemblies, 
18.  On  the  New  England  Confeder- 
acy, 67.  On  the  population  of  the 
colonies,  75,  87,  105.  On  the  Bute 
policy,  162.  On  the  congress  of  1774, 
362.  50,  72,  125,  131,  151,  155,  166, 
175,  180,  188,  190,  203,  241,  242,  245, 
246,  252,  413,  452,  471,  484,  485,  486. 

Barber,  Nathaniel,  267. 

Barnes,  Albert,  137. 

Barre,  Isaac,  speech  of,  against  the  Stamp 
Act,  175,  318. 

Barrett, ,  219. 

Barrington,  Lord,  215. 

Barrons,  Benjamin,  162. 

Bartlett,  Josiah,  383,  545,  569. 

Bayard,  John,  notice  of,  520. 

Bayard,  William,  185. 

Beale,  Josias,  312. 

Beaufort,  assembly  called  at,  253. 

Behring,  expeditions  of,  102. 

Belcher,  Andrew,  94,  119. 

Belcher,  Jonathan,  message  of,  135. 

Belknap,  Jeremy,  20,  126.  On  inde- 
pendence, 468. 

Bell,  Robert,  publication  by,  of  "Com- 
mon Sense,"  476. 

Bellamont,  Lord,  on  the  sentence  of 
Liesler,  94.  Captain-general,  115.  On 
independence,  124. 

Bellingham,  Richard,  notice  of,  57. 

Benedict's  Historical  Discourse  cited,  16. 

Berkely,  Bishop,  lines  of,  155. 

Bernard,   Francis,  on  Union,  117,  210, 


213.  Message  of,  216,  218.  Dissolu- 
tion of  the  Assembly  by,  220. 

Biddle,  Edward,  363,  372. 

Bigelow, ,  219. 

Bishop,  Samuel,  284. 

Blackstone,  Sir  William,  on  the  preroga- 
tive, 127. 

Bland,  Richard,  179.  On  Union,  199. 
280,  361,  510. 

Blome,  Richard,  geography  of  America, 
73. 

Boerum,  Simon,  313,  364. 

Boetie,  Stephen  de  la,  republican  ideas 
of,  8. 

Bollan,  William,  409,  420. 

Boone,  Daniel,  444. 

Borden,  Joseph,  185,  189. 

Boston,  instructions  of,  on  the  Stamp 
Act,  167,  168.  Meeting  of,  Oct.  28, 
1767,  208.  Effect  of,  in  England,  209. 
Tea  shipped  to,  298.  Action  in,  302, 
303,  304.  Arrival  of  tea  at,  305. 
Circular  of,  321.  Spectacle  of,  324. 
Contributions  for  the  poor  of,  325. 
Meeting  in,  332.  Instructions  of,  on 
independence,  513.  See  Committees 
of  Correspondence. 

Boston  Committee  of  Correspondence. 
See  Committee  of  Correspondence, 
Boston. 

Boston  Port  Act,  origin  of,  319.  Pas- 
sage of,  320.  Effect  of,  321,  324.  Ac- 
tion elicited  by,  323.  Mission  of,  340. 
See  Union. 

Boston  Tea  Party,  numbers  of,  309. 

Botetourt,  Lord,  notice  of,  233.  Ball  in 
honor  of,  240,  280. 

Bouvouloir,  M.  de,  notice  of,  488. 

Bowdoin,  James,  274,  330.  On  Union, 
406,  568.  Recommends  a  convention, 
586,  588. 

Bowers,  Jerathmiel,  210,  218,  284. 

Bowler,  Metcalf,  185,  284. 

Boynton,  Richard,  267. 

Bradford,  John,  267. 

Bradford,  William,  36. 

Bradstreet,  Simon,  40,  60.  At  the  head 
of  the  revolution,  82.  Governor  of 
Massachusetts,  82.  Notice  of,  85.  On 
the  New  England  Confederacy,  87. 
Urges  Union,  88.  Advises  action,  89, 
90.  Career  and  death  of,  95. 

Braxton,  Carter,  546. 

Breeden,  Thomas,  notice  of,  51,  54. 

Brevard,  Ephraim,  422 

Brice,  Thomas,  312. 

British  troops  in  Boston  in  1774,  355. 

Broadhead, ,  145. 

Brodhead,    John  Romeyn,  24,  35. 

Brodie,  George,  on  popular  movements, 
311. 

Brother  Jonathan,  572. 

Brougham,  Lord,  on  the  American  Rev- 
olution, 159,  605.  On  the  govern- 
ment, 606. 

Brown,  Moses,  284. 


INDEX. 


623 


Brown,  Nicholas,  171. 

Browne,  Sir  Thomas,  prophecy  of,  99. 

Brownson,  O.  A.,  cited,  606. 

Bryan,  George,  185. 

Buchanan,  George,  character  of,  7. 

Buckingham  County,  Va.,  on  a  consti- 
tution, 510. 

Bull,  Henry,  82.    Letter  of,  91. 

Bull,  William,  Jr.,  120. 

Bullock,  Archibald,  254,  448. 

Bunker  Hill,  a  lad  at,  452. 

Bunker  Hill  Battle,  441. 

Burghs  of  Scotland,  15. 

Burgoyne,  General,  surrender  of,  572. 

Burke,  Edmund,  on  the  colonies,  405. 
Speech  of,  409. 

Burnaby  on  disunion,  152. 

Burnett, ,  119. 

Bury,  Viscount,  remark  of,  on  James  II., 
81.  On  independence,  98, 154,  299. 

Bute,  Lord,  character  of,  161.  Policy 
of,  162. 


c. 


Cadiane,  speech  of,  86. 

California,  acquisition  of,  3. 

Campbell,  Governor,  440. 

Canada,  conquest  oi^  152,  161.  Invita- 
tion to,  485. 

Cape  Fear,  letter  of,  351. 

Carey,  Archibald,  280,  389,  510. 

Carleton,  General,  operations  of,  460, 
517. 

Carpenter's  Hall,  360. 

Carr,  Dabney,  280,  281. 

Carr,  Sir  Robert,  notice  of,  54. 

Carroll,  Charles,  254,  388,  526. 

Carroll,  Charles,  of  Carrolton,  485,  526, 
527,  546. 

Castle  William,  order  to  garrison,  252. 

Caswell,  Richard,  312,  363,  503,  568, 
590. 

Caucus,  notice  of,  167. 

Chalmers,  George,  on  the  aborigines,  10. 
On  local  rights,  76.  On  the  aim  of 
independence,  98,  154.  On  the  oppo- 
sition to  the  Stamp  Act,  301.  Manu- 
script of,  cited,  378. 

Chamberlaine,  James  Lloyd,  312. 

Chambers,  John,  137. 

Champagny,  M.  de,  on  centralization, 

Chandler,  John,  137. 

Charles  I.,  arbitrary  course  of,  35. 

Charles  II.,  restoration  of,  49.  Death 
of,  79. 

Charles  County,  Md.,  on  independence, 
527. 

Charleston  in  1755,  156.  On  the  non- 
importation agreement,  257.  Tea 
shipped  to,  298.  Action  in,  302,  313. 
Feeling  in,  on  the  Port  Act,  323.  Re- 
pulse of  the  British  at,  460. 

Charlestown,  government  by  selectmen 


formed  by,  17.  Petition  of,  27.  Re- 
moval of  powder  from,  365. 

Charlotte  County,  Va.,  on  independence. 
507,  509. 

Chase,  Samuel,  254,  361,  362,  448,  469, 
485,  526,  527,  546. 

Chase,  Thomas,  388. 

Chase,  William,  312. 

Chatelet  on  the  future  of  America,  245. 

Chatham,  Earl,  on  De  Jure  Regni,  8. 
On  the  Declaratory  Act,  250.  On  the 
government  of  America,  250-252  On 
the  Tea  Act,  297,  318.  On  the  Port 
Act,  320.  Eulogy  on  the  congress,  381. 
Motion  of,  for  withdrawal  of  troops, 
409.  196,  201,  202. 

Chenevix,  Richard,  on  the  congress  of 
1774,  381. 

Chester  County,  Va.,  committee  of,  dis- 
claim independence,  443. 

Chester,  John,  120. 

Chicago,  first  steamboat  at,  2. 

Choate,  John,  119. 

Choiseul,  Duke  du,  cited,  199.  On  the 
future  of  America,  245.  Prediction  of, 
402,  488. 

"  Christian  Commonwealth,"  condemna- 
tion of,  by  Massachusetts,  53. 

Christian  idea  of  man,  6, 165,  462,  558. 

Christianity,  basis  of  modern  civiliza- 
tion, 6.  Transformation  of  civil  so- 
ciety by,  6. 

Church,  Benjamin,  notice  of,  267,  268, 
285. 

Church  membership,  qualification  of,  for 
voters,  26. 

Circular  Letter  of  Massachusetts  in  1768. 
origin  of,  211.  Object  of,  212.  Royal 
order  respecting,  215,  219.  Replies 
to,  from  New  Hampshire,  213;  Vir- 
ginia, 213;  New  Jersey,  214;  Con- 
necticut, 214;  Maryland,  223;  South 
Carolina,  224;  Georgia,  224;  Rhode 
Island,  225.  Action  on,  by  Pennsyl- 
vania, 225;  by  Delaware,  226.  Reply 
to,  by  New  'York,  226;  by  North 
Carolina,  227.  How  regarded  in  Eng- 
land, 231. 

Civil  war,  verdict  of  the,  608. 

Clair,  A.  St.,  588. 

Clarendon,  Earl  of,  views  of  the  colonies, 
49. 

Clark,  Abram,  545. 

Clarkson,  A.,  185. 

Clay,  Joseph,  312. 

Cleaveland,  Captain,  365. 

Clinton,  George,  Governor,  119.  Speech 
of,  120.  Letter  of,  126. 

Clinton,  George,  313,  419,  528,  568,  599. 

Clinton,  Sir  Henry,  invasion  of  North 
Carolina  by,  460,  502,  503. 

Clymer,  George,  545,  590. 

Golden,  Cadwallader,  on  New  England 
maps,  102,  119.  Plan  of  union  of, 
151,  172,  191.  On  the  congress  of 
1765,  185,  368. 


624 


INDEX. 


Cole,  John,  284- 

Colepepper,  Lord,  on  the  Virginia  assem- 
bly, 19. 

Collier,  William.  39. 

Collins,  Edward,  60- 

Colonies,  the  original  thirteen,  area  of, 
2  Settlement  of,  9,  11.  Formation 
of  popular  assemblies  in,  18.  On 
municipalities  in,  22.  The  elective 
franchise  in,  25.  On  the  union  of,  28. 
Slow  progress  of  population  in,  34. 
Confederation  in,  39.  Charge  against, 
of  aiming  at  sovereignty,  45.  Attain 
geographical  unity,  55.  View  of,  in 
1688,  73.  Jealousy  of  the  republican- 
ism of,  77.  Fidelity  of,  to  their  rights, 
81.  Earliest  conference  of,  between 
the  North  and  the  South,  86.  Con- 
gress of,  in  1690,  90.  Political  situa- 
tion of,  in  1690,  98.  Prophecy  con- 
cerning, in  1684,  99.  Population  of, 
in  17tiO,  103-105.  A  great  American 
asylum,  106.  Treated  by  Great  Brit- 
ain as  rivals,  107.  Uncertainty  of 
the  law  in,  108.  Consolidation  o£  114. 
Union  of,  urged,  109.  Congresses  held 
in,  118.  Regard  of,  for  the  English 
constitution,  123.  Fidelity  of  the  as- 
semblies of,  to  self-government,  125. 
Encroachments  of  France  on,  333. 
Convention  of,  1754,  135.  Plan  of 
Union  of,  140.  Loyalty  of,  in  1760, 
153,  159.  Policy  for,  of  the  Bute 
ministry,  161.  Alarm  of,  in  relation  to 
acts  of  trade,  162.  Declaratory  Re- 
solves respecting.  164.  Formation  of 
parties  in,  164.  The  press  on,  in  1765, 
174.  Resistance  in,  to  the  Stamp  Act, 
176.  Congress  of  the,  in  1765,  185. 
Union  of,  how  viewed,  191.  Joy 
of,  on  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act, 
197.  Prediction  of  the  population  otj 
200.  Design  of  the  Townshend  Acts  • 
on,  203.  Political  unity  developed  in, 
227.  Fate  of  the  petitions  of,  231 
Progress  of  political  science  in.  241 
Union  of,  255.  Confusion  in,  on  the  ! 
breaking  up  of  the  non-importation 
agreement,  256-260.  Union  of,  pro- 
posed through  committees  of  corre- 
spondence, 266,  279.  Union  of,  devel- 
oped by  the  Tea  Act,  301,  313.  Union 
of,  elicited  by  the  Port  Act,  322.  342. 
Congress  of,"  in  1<"74,  359  Embodi- 
ment of  the  Union  of.  in  the  Associa- 
tion, 373  Record  of  the  brotherhood 
of  the,  in  1774,  391.  Vast  importance 
of  the  Union  of,  399.  See  United 
Colonies. 

Colvill.  Admiral,  letter  of,  cited,  162. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  reference  to,  69. 

Commander  in-chief,     appointment    of, 
429. 

Commerce  of  the  West,  beginnings  of,  2. 

Commission  relative  to  the  destroyers  of 
the    Gaspee,    276.     Session    of,    278. 


Final  session  of,  286.  Report  of,  286. 
Probably  the  king's  measure,  296. 

Commissioners  of  Charles  II.,  powers  of, 
54,  56,  62.  Arrival  of,  in  Boston,  54. 
News  of,  56  Controversy  with  Mas- 
sachusetts. 58,  59.  Chalmers  on,  62. 
Hutchinson  on,  63. 

Commissioners  of  Foreign  Plantations, 
creation  of,  35.  Designs  of,  37. 

Committees  of  Correspondence,  sugges- 
tion of,  in  1763,  163.  Creation  of, 
169  The  Sons  of  Liberty  form,  183. 
Ancient  use  of,  264  Controversy 
relative  to,  288.  Samuel  Adams  on, 
314.  Tory  view  of,  328. 

Committees  of  Correspondence,  Munici- 
pal, proposition  for  the  formation  of, 
by  S.  Adams,  263;  and  extension  to 
all  the  colonies,  282.  Creation  of,  by 
Boston,  266.  Extension  of,  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 273.  Hutchinson' s  condem- 
nation of,  274.  Increase  of,  313,  327. 
Efficiency  of,  300.  John  Adams  on, 

Committee  of  Correspondence,  Boston, 
263.  Formation  of,  266.  Report  by, 
288,  270,  276.  Response  to,  271. 
Efficiency  of,  289.  Journals  of,  289. 
Circular  of,  303.  Action  of,  on  the  tea 
issue,  304.  On  the  Port  Act,  321. 
Eulogy  on,  328. 

Committees  of  Correspondence,  Legisla- 
tive, proposition  for,  and  choice  of,  by 
Virginia,  279.  Choice  of,  by  Massa- 
chusetts, 281.  By  Rhode  Island,  283. 
By  Connecticut,  283.  By  New  Hamp- 
shire, 283.  By  South  Carolina,  283. 
Members  of,  284.  Commendation  of, 
285.  Remarks  on,  288.  Hutchinson 
on,  289.  Inaction  of,  300,  312.  Cir- 
culars of  Massachusetts,  303,  317,  322, 
348.  Circular  of  Connecticut,  303. 
Increase  of,  311. 

"Common  Sense,"  publication  of,  472. 
Citations  from,  472-476.  Editions  of, 
476,  477.  Effect  of,  476,  477,  479, 
586. 

Commonwealth,  an  American,  urged, 
314. 

Concord,  expedition  to,  414.  Hostilities 
at,  415. 

Confederation.  Articles  of.  See  United 
States. 

Congress  of  1690,  call  of,  90.  Meeting 
of,  91.  Result  of,  92,  93. 

Congress  of  1754.  See  Convention,  Al- 
bany. 

Congress  of  1765,  proposed,  177.  Call 
of,  178.  Town  of  Providence  on,  181. 
South  Carolina  on,  182.  Meeting  of, 
184.  Members  of,  185  Journals  of, 
186-189.  Papers  of,  187.  Declara- 
tion of  rights  of,  186  Debates  in, 
188.  Petition  to  the  king  of,  187, 188. 
Signing  of  the  petition  of,  188,  189, 
192.  Adjournment  of,  189.  Approval 


INDEX. 


625 


of,  190,  191.  Tory  view  of,  191. 
Whig  view  of,  192.  * 

Congress,  demand  for,  in  1773,  285.  In 
1774,  314,  323,  329.  Parties  in  favor 
of,  328. 

Congress  of  1774,  call  for,  331.  Pledges 
to  abide  by  the  decisions  of,  330-340. 
Expectations  relative  to,  358.  Meet- 
ing of,  360.  Character  of,  360-362. 
Organization  of,  364.  Proceedings  of, 
364-377.  Association  of,  373.  Aver- 
sion of,  to  revolution,  370.  Dissolu- 
tion of,  377.  Eulogy  of,  by  the  Whigs, 

377.  Denunciation  of,  by  the  Tories, 

378.  Modern    judgment    on,     380. 
Lord  Chatham's  eulogy  on,  381.    Dan- 
iel Webster  on,  381.      Chenevix  on, 
381.      Reflection  of  public  sentiment 
by,  381.     British  eul  >gy  on,  408,  409. 

Congress  of  1775-76,  election  of  the  mem- 
bers of,  413.  Meeting  of,  419.  Char- 
acter of,  419.  Credentials  of  the  mem- 
bers of,  420.  Aim  of,  432.  Papers  of, 
432-437.  Temporary  adjournment  of, 

437.  Petition  of,  to  the  king,  called 
the  second  petition,  437.     Charge  of 
dissimulation  against,  examined,  437, 

438.  Reassembling  of,  441.     Hesita- 
tion of,   444.     Answer  to  the   second 
petition   received    by,  446.       Recom- 
mendation of,  to  form  local  govern- 
ments independent  of  the  crown.  448. 
Samuel  Adams  on  the  action  of,  449. 
Decision  and  boldness  of,   450.     Ap- 
pointment by,  of  a  committee  of  cor- 
respondence,   451.      Work    of,    458. 
Powers  of,   484,  486.    Mission  of,  to 
Canada,   485.     Tories  disarmed    by, 
485.     Privateers  authorized  by,  486. 
Opening  of  the  ports  by,  486.     Deal- 
ing   of,    with    foreign    powers,    487. 
Proclamation  of,  489.      Character  of, 
532.    Declaration  by,  of  independence, 
539.     (See  Independence. 

Congress  of  the  United  States,  recogni- 
tion of,  as  the  political  power,  562. 
James  Monroe  on,  562.  Recognition 
by,  of  the  local  governments  as  formed 
on  the  power  of  the  people,  563 ;  and 
based  on  the  rights  of  human  nature, 
568.  Action  of,  on  the  Articles  of 
Confederation,  569,  570.  Circular  of, 
571,  572.  Action  of,  on  the  western 
lands,  574.  Ratification  in,  of  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  575,  576. 
Proclamation  by,  of  the  completion  of 
the  Confederation,  577. 

Congress,  under  the  Confederation,  con- 
clusion of  peace  by,  580.  Reception 
by,  of  Washington's  commission.  581. 
Announcement  of  peace  by,  582.  Dec- 
laration by,  that  in  forming  treaties  the 
United  States  should  be  considered  as 
one  nation,  583.  Recommendation  by, 
of  a  convention  to  revise  the  Articles 
of  Confederation,  589.  Order  of,  trans- 


mitting the  Constitution  to  the  people, 
597.  Action  of,  in  carrying  the  Con- 
stitution into  effect,  603. 

Congresses,  from  1684  to  1751,  118. 

Connecticut,  origin  of  the  legislature  of, 
19.  Formation  of  municipalities  in, 
25  Foundation  of,  36.  Charter  of, 
52.  Reply  of,  to  Liesler,  84.  On  the 
Albany  plan  of  union,  144, 147.  Dele- 
gates of,  to  the  Congress  of  1765,  185. 
Circular  of,  303.  On  a  congress,  333. 
On  the  Port  Act,  322.  Delegates  of, 
in  the  Congress  of  1774,  362.  Letters 
from,  in  1774,  383.  Approval  by,  of 
the  Association,  395,  396.  On  inde- 
pendence, 530  Government  of,  566. 

Consolidation,  resolved  on  by  the  min- 
istry of  1688,  79.  Remark  of  Hutch- 
inson,  80.  Carried  out  by  James  II., 
80  Petitions  for,  114. 

Constitution,  American,  the  chief  thing 
wanted,  110,  114,  117.  See  United 
States. 

Constitutions,  State,  nature  of,  567. 

Convention  of  the  colonies,  termed  mu- 
tinous, 121. 

Convention  at  Albany,  29.  Character 
of,  138.  Commissions  of  the  members 
of,  138.  Treaties  of,  with  the  Indians, 
139.  Journal  of,  145.  The  press  on, 
145. 

Convention  at  Annapolis,  meeting  of, 
587.  Recommendation  of,  587. 

Convention  of  1787,  suggestion  of,  586. 
Proposition  for,  587.  Delegates  of, 
chosen,  589.  Recommendation  of,  by- 
congress,  589.  Meeting  of,  589.  Ob- 
ject of,  589.  Members  of,  590.  Labors 
of,  590.  Journals  of,  590.  Plans  sub- 
mitted in.  591.  Debates  in,  592. 
Adoption  by,  of  a  constitution,  596. 
Letter  of,  597. 

Cooke,  Nicholas,  505. 

Coolidge,  Joseph,  Jr  ,  548 

Cooper,  Grey,  paper  by,  434. 

Cooper,  Samuel,  cited,  243.  On  inde- 
pendence, 506. 

Cooper,  William.  260,  268 

Coplev,  John  Singleton,  427. 

Corbin,  Richard,  488. 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  580. 

Correspondence,  Intercolonial,  in  1689,84. 

Cotton,  John,  186,  189. 

Council  for  Foreign  Plantations,  forma- 
tion of,  50. 

Council  for  New  England,  grant  to,  35. 

Cortlandt,    Stephanus  Van,  86. 

Coutts,  William,  312. 

Cowley,  Abraham,  verses  on  America, 
71,  401. 

Coxe,  Daniel,  plan  of  union  by,  113. 

Crane,  Stephen,  313,  363. 

Crevecceur,  on  American  character,  103, 
105. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  notice  of,  47.  View 
of  the  colonies  by,  48. 


40 


626 


INDEX. 


Cruger,  John,  185,  312. 
Cummins,  Francis,  429. 
dishing,  Thomas,  178,  209,  218,  219, 

276,  284,  330,  334,  361.  362,  371,  372, 

375,  506. 

D. 

Dana,  Francis,  on  committees  of  corre- 
spondence, 266. 

D'Anville,  maps  of,  102 

Danforth,  Thomas,  notice  of,  57,  60.  On 
the  loyalty  of  the  colonies,  98. 

Dartmouth,  Lord,  notice  of,  264.  De- 
spatch of,  on  the  destroyers  of  the  Gas- 
pee,  276.  On  the  Rhode  Island  com- 
mission, 286,  318,  344.  Instructions 
on  the  Regulating  Act,  354.  On  open 
war,  409,  446. 

Davenant,  Charles,  plan  of  union  by, 
111,  112. 

Davenport,  Addington,  119. 

Davis,  Caleb,  267. 

Dawson,  Henrv  B.,  184,  506. 

Deane,  Charles,  16,  38,  46. 

Deane,  Silas,  284,  362.  Cited,  365.  On 
Washington.  431.  Notice  of,  488. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  committee 
to  prepare  a,  517.  Draft  of,  reported, 
532.  Debate  on,  539.  Adoption  of, 
539.  Authentication  of,  544.  Fac- 
simile of  the  original  draft  of,  544. 
Engrossment  of,  545.  Signing  of,  545. 
Manuscript  of,  545  Fac-simile  of,  545. 
Signers  of,  545.  Eulogies  on,  547. 
Welcome  of,  548.  Official  transmis 
sion  of,  551.  Characteristics  of,  555- 
560.  See  Independence. 

Declaratory  Act,  201,  202,  241.  Nature 
of,  250. 

Dehart,  John,  363,  372 

"De  Jure  Regni  "  cited,  7.  Editions 
of,  8.  Mackintosh  on,  8.  Lord  Chat- 
ham on,  8. 

De  Kalb,  Baron,  245. 

Delancy,  James,  119.  Notice  of,  137. 
Speech  of,  128,  139.  Opposes  the  Al- 
bany plan,  144,  147,  312. 

Delaware,  origin  of  the  assembly  of,  21. 
In  1643,  34.  Delegates  of,  in  the  con- 
gress of  1765,  185;  in  the  congress  of 
1774,  363.  Chooses  a  committee  of 
correspondence,  312.  Letters  from,  in 
1774,  387.  Approves  the  Association, 
396.  On  independence,  467,  523,  537. 
Formation  of  government  in,  564. 

De  Lisle,  map  of,  73.     Maps  of,  102. 

Derby,  Richard,  Jr.,  284. 

De  Tocqueville,  on  physical  character- 
istics, 2.  On  the  aborigines,  5.  On 
society  in  America,  12, 13.  On  munic- 
ipalities, 15.  On  newspapers,  129. 

Dexter,  210. 

Dickinson,  John,  member  of  the  1765 
congress,  185,  186.  Letter  of,  on  the 


American  cause,  207.  "  The  Farmer*' 
Letters"  by,  208.  On  taking  up  arms, 
400.  Opposition  of,  to  independence, 
465,  483,  515,  535,  537,  538.  Letter 
of,  cited,  465.  On  a  general  govern- 
ment, 482.  237,  329,  338,  360,  361, 
375,  376,  435,  481,  488,  523,  524,  546 
569,  574,  587,  590,  591,  618. 

Digges,  Dudley,  280. 

Dinwiddie,  Governor,  scheme  of,  117. 

Discover}',  rights  of,  9. 

Dobbs,  Governor,  on  Albany  plan  of 
Union,  146. 

Domestic  manufactures,  encouragement 
of,  193,  240. 

Donation  Committee  of  Boston,  re- 
plies of,  382.  Reply  to  New  Hamp- 
shire, 383.  To  Connecticut,  384.  To 
Rhode  Island,  385.  To  New  York, 
386.  To  New  Jersey,  386.  To  Penn- 
sylvania, 387.  To  Delaware,  387.  To 
Maryland,  388.  To  Virginia,  389.  To 
North  Carolina,  390. 

Donations  for  the  poor  of  Boston,  con- 
tinuation of,  for  ten  months,  382.  Ac- 
companying correspondence,  382.  Re- 
marks on  the  record,  381. 

Dongan,  Thomas,  proposes  a  conference 
at  Albany,  86.  Views  of,  as  to  France, 
87. 

Donne,  cited,  346. 

Dorchester,  trial  of  municipal  form  in, 
17. 

Draper,  John  William,  on  national  life,  4. 
On  man  in  the  Roman  world,  6. 

Dravton,  William  Henry,  413.  On  in- 
dependence, 461,  462/494,530. 

Duane,  James,  361,  364.  368,  369,  372. 
On  local  government,  497,  617. 

Duche",  Jacob,  364,  365,  419. 

Dudley,  Joseph,  condemnation  of,  94. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  40. 

Duer, ,  565. 

Duke  of  York,  grant  to,  53. 

Dulany,  Daniel,  on  American  industry, 
194,  196 

Dumas,  Charles,  letter  of  congress  to, 
487. 

Dummer,  Jeremiah,  on  Union,  151,  153, 
155. 

Dunmore,  Earl,  281,  440.  Burns  Nor. 
folk,  460,  488.  508. 

Durand,  on  the  future  of  America,  245. 

Dutch,  settlements  of,  10. 

Dwight,  Joseph,  120. 

Dwight,  Timothy,  on  independence,  453 

Dyer,  Eliphalet/185,  360,  362,  372. 


E. 


Eaton,  Theophilus,  39. 

Eden,  Robert,  440.   Letter  of,  cited,  525 

527. 

Edward,  Prince  Charles,  502. 
Edwards,  Jonathan,  405. 


INDEX. 


627 


Eliot,   John,    Christian  Commonwealth 

of,  49. 

Eliot,  John,  on  independence,  469. 
Ellery,  William,  504,  545. 
Ellsworth,  Oliver,  590. 
Emigrants,  character  of,  10.   Motives  of, 

England,  indifference  of,  to  colonization, 
35.  Affection  for,  67,  68.  Love  for 
the  flag,  124.  Spirit  of,  towards  the 
colonies,  107.  Policy  of,  161. 

English  colonies,  Blome  on,  in  1687,  75. 

English  constitution,  colonial  respect  for, 
124. 

"K  Pluribus  Unum,"  11,  578. 

Erie,  Lake,  first  government  vessel  in,  2. 

"Essai  Historique,"  on  the  transforma- 
tion of  society,  account  of,  6. 

Eutaw,  victory  at,  580. 

F. 

Fairfax  County,  Va.,  action  of,  338,  340. 
Condemnation  by,  of  the  Regulating 
Acts,  350. 

Farmer's  Letters,  208. 

Fauquier,  Governor,  192. 

Federalist,  publication  of  the,  599. 

Fenwick,  George,  39. 

Fisher,  Hendrick,  185,  189,  313. 

Fitch,  Thomas,  185. 

Five  Nations,  desire  of,  for  peace,  86. 
Condolence  of,  88.  Conferences  with, 
118-120. 

Flag  of  the  United  Colonies,  unfurling 
of,  468. 

Flag  of  the  United  States,  description 
of,  578. 

Fletcher,  Governor,  118. 

Florida,  purchase  of,  3.  Boundary  of, 
103. 

Floyd,  William,  364,  545. 

Flucker,  Thomas,  331. 

Folsom,  Nathaniel,  363,  372. 

"Fortv-five,"  origin  of  the  political  use 
of,  229. 

Foster,  Hopestill,  60. 

Foster,  Jedediah,  284. 

"Fourteenth  of  August,"  uprising  of 
the,  183 

Fox,  Charles  James,  on  American  ques- 
tions, 79. 

Fox,  George,  journey  of,  in  1671,  98. 

France,  territory  of,  in  America,  1688, 
72.  Population  of,  73.  Designs  of, 
85,  130.  Claims  of,  87,  102.  Menace 
of,  108.  Sack  of  Schenectady  by,  88. 
Alliance  with,  572,  573. 

*»  Franco-Gall ia,"  cited,  8. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  prediction  of,  2. 
Plan  of  union  of,  141-144,  149,  433. 
Conception  by,  of  a  general  govern- 
ment, 149.  On  disunion,  152.  On 
liberty,  157.  On  royal  instructions, 
251.  On  the  Boston  Report,  270.  On 


the  feeling  for  the  nation,  295.  On  the 
Tea  Act,  297.  On  paying  for  the  tea, 
334  Last  message  of,  to  Lord  North, 
413.  On  the  second  petition,  439. 
On  the  Confederation,  481.  On  pri- 
vateers, 486.  On  independence,  489. 
Speech  of,  on  the  Constitution,  592, 
594.  137,  138,  140,  153,  155,  250,  298, 
405,  409,  419,  420,  434,  443,  453,  469, 
471,  472,  485,  488,  517,  533,  538,  544, 
545,  565,  585,  590,  596. 

Franklin,  William,  191,  368,  418,  440. 
Against  independence,  466,  524,  525. 

Frederick  County.  Md.,  527. 

Freeman,  E.  A.,  cited,  on  republican  gov- 
ernment, 607. 

Freeman,  Samuel,  491,  507. 

Frelinghuysen,  Frederick,  525. 

Fry,  220. 

G. 

Gadsden,  Christopher,  character  of,  182, 
185.  In  the  congress  of  1765,  188. 
On  Union,  190, 193,  314,329.  Against 
paying  for  the  tea,  334,  338,  360,  361, 
363.  Urges  independence,  494,  546. 

Gage,  Thomas,  cited,  318.  Reception 
of,  in  1774,  329.  Action  of,  330 
Proclamation  of,  337,  350,  351,  354. 
Receives  the  Regulating  Acts,  355. 
Executes  the  Regulating  Acts,  355. 
Disarms  the  people,  365,  368.  Letter 
of  congress  to,  368.  Orders  an  expe- 
dition to  Concord,  414.  Recall  of,  444. 
446. 

Gallagher,  address  of,  cited,  2. 

Galloway,  Joseph,  329.  Views  of,  361 , 
363,  367,  368,  369,  372.  Declared 
Union  impossible,  399.  Views  of, 
458. 

Gardiner,  Thomas,  284.    Letter  of,  356. 

Gaspee,  seizures  by,  253.  Destruction 
of,  254.  See  Commission. 

George  III.,  character  of;  161.  Speech 
of,  in  1764,  cited,  164.  Orders  of, 
respecting  the  Circular  Letter,  215. 
Order  of,  to  the  Massachusetts  As- 
sembly, 215.  Orders  of,  to  the  assem- 
blies, 221.  On  America,  295.  On  the 
Rhode-Island  Commission,  296.  On 
the  Tea  Act,  296,  297,  317.  On  the 
destruction  of  the  tea,  319.  Views  of, 
in  1774,  344,  346.  Conversation  of, 
with  Hutchinson,  353.  Motives  of, 

407.  On  Americans,  407.     Speech  of, 

408.  Urges    force,    410.      On    Lord 
North's  plan,  410       Recalls  General 
Gage,  444.    Directs  a  proclamation  to 
be  framed,  445.    Gayety  of,  446.     De- 
clares the  war  for  an  American  em- 
pire, 456.     On  North  Carolina,  502. 

Georgia  founded,  104.  Settlers  of,  11. 
Origin  of  the  Assembly  of,  21 .  Muni- 
cipalities in,  23.  Delegates  of,  in  the 


628 


INDEX. 


congress  of  1775,  441.  Assembly  of, 
254.  Denunciation  of,  257.  Chooses 
committee  of  correspondence,  311. 
Letters  from,  in  1774,  390.  Action  of, 
on  the  Association,  395,  398.  In  the 
congress  of  1775,  419.  On  indepen- 
dence, 528.  Constitution  of,  566. 

Gerard,  M.,  573. 

Germain,  Lord  George,  296.  Speech  of, 
345,  346.  Head  of  the  American  de- 
partment, 457.  Aim  of,  457.  De- 
spatches of,  458,  502,  509. 

Germanic  race,  10. 

Germans,  emigration  of.  103. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  enters  congress,  484. 
Aslvs  instructions  in  favor  of  inde- 
pendence, 501.  On  independence,  505. 
On  instructions,  514.  234,  284,  322, 
430,  469,  545,  546,590,  596.  _ 

Gervinus,  cited  on  municipalities,  15,  31. 

Gibbon,  Edward,  on  the  Roman  Empire, 
3.  Cited,  457. 

Giddinge,  John,  284. 

Gold,  Nathaniel,  91,  92. 

Goldsborough,  Robert,  362.  372. 

Gookin,    Daniel,  notice  of,  57,  60. 

Gordon,  Thomas,  20.  On  the  growth  of 
the  nation,  564. 

Gordon,  William,  on  the  destruction  of 
the  tea,  310.  On  the  Association,  436. 

Gorges,  Ferdinando,  notice  of,  37. 

Gorham,  Nathaniel,  590.  Motion  of,  595. 

Goths,  polity  of,  14. 

Government,  in  the  United  States,  ele- 
ments of.  31.  Early  defence  of  the 
fundamentals  of,  61-64.  Aim  to  estab- 
lish, 479.  482.  Effect  of  the  establish- 
ment of,  578.  See  Constitution. 

Great  Harrington,  uprising  at,  356. 

Great  Bridge,  battle  of,  460,  509. 

Green,  James,  Jr.,  504. 

Greene,  Nathaniel,  469.  On  indepen- 
dence, 470  Campaign  of,  580. 

Greenleaf,  Jonathan,  284. 

Greenleaf,  Thomas,  252. 

Greenleaf,  William,  267. 

Gre:iville,  George,  proposes  the  Stamp 
Act.  164  On  the  king's  order,  220- 

Greyson,  Thomas,  39. 

Gridley,  Jeremiah,  335. 

Grigsby,  Hugh  Blair,  424.  501,  508,  510. 

Guj'ot,  on  the  aborigines,  5. 

Guizot,  cited,15.     On  revolutions,  165. 
On  sovereignty,  424. 

Gwinnett,  Button,  546,  569. 

H. 

Haldimand,  General,  on  the  Americans, 

445. 
Halifax,  Lord,  notice  of,  131.    On  Union, 

151. 
Halifax,  Marquis  of,  views  on  America, 

78.    Dismissed  from  office,  79. 
Hall,  John,  312. 


Hall,  Lyman,  546. 

Hallam,  Henry,  on  La  Boetie,  8.  On 
Locke,  9. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  338,  528.  On  the 
necessity  of  reform,  579.  Character 
of,  584."  Suggests  a  convention.  586, 
587.  On  the  defects  of  the  Confeder- 
acy, 588.  590,  591.  On  signing  the 
Constitution,  595.  Remark  of,  596. 
Motion  of,  597.  Service  of,  599.  Es- 
says in  the  Federalist  by,  599. 

Hamilton,  Governor,  118. 

Hammond,  Lawrence,  journal  of,  cited, 
94. 

Hammond,  Matthias,  312. 

Hancock,  John,  notice  of,  210.  Presi- 
dent of  congress,  429.  219,  220,  284, 
305,  309,  317,  392,  435,  498,  514,  533, 
538,  544,  545,  546,  568. 

Hanover  County,  Va.,  committee  of,  on 
independence,  443. 

Hanoverians,  enlistment  of,  447. 

Harnett,  Cornelius,  312,  469,  503. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  letter  of,  on  com- 
mittees of  correspondence,  280,  282, 
443.  448,  487,  514,  534,  538,  539,  546. 

Harrison,  Robert,  340. 

Hart,  John,  545. 

Hartley,  David,  on  England,  439. 

Harvey,  John,  312,  363. 

Haslett,  Richard   554. 

Hawley,  Joseph,  notice  of,  210.  On 
Union,  359.  Suggests  a  parliament 
of  two  houses,  453,  469.  On  a  gen- 
eral government,  482.  On  indepen- 
dence, 504,  506.  On  the  instructions 
of  the  towns,  508. 

Hay,  Anthony,  238. 

Haynes,  John,  notice  of,  37.  On  Union, 
39. 

Hazard,  Ebenezer,  on  the  congress  of 
1775,  420. 

Heath,  William,  284,  317. 

Hendricks,    speech  of,  140. 

Henry,  Patrick,  character  of,  179.  Re- 
solves of,  179,  180.  Remark  on  being 
an  American,  400,  469.  On  a  con- 
federation, 482,  510.  Advocates  in- 
dependence, 510,  512.  234,  279,  280, 
359,  361,  364,  371,  372,  376,  568,  590, 
599. 

Herbert,  George,  verses  of,  cited,  70, 
401. 

Herring,  John,  364. 

Hewes,  Joseph,  312,  363,  546,  569. 

Heyward,  Thomas,  Jr.,  546. 

Higginson,  Francis,  farewell  of,  to  Eng- 
land, 67. 

Highland  settlers,  action  of,  502. 

Hill,  Alexander,  267. 

Hillsborough,  Lord,  notice  of,  206.  On 
the  Circular  Letter,  215,  216.  Circular 
of,  221.  The  press  on,  222.  On  re- 
publicanism, 250,  260. 

Hinchman,  John,  313. 

Hinckley,  Josiah,  favors  a  congress,  91. 


INDEX. 


629 


Hinckley,  Thomas,  on  loyalty,  81.  Gov- 
ernor of  Plymouth,  82. 

History,  American,  source  of  error  in,  67. 
Springs  of,  129.  Character  of,  342. 

Hogg,  James,  memorial  of,  cited,  444. 

Holdernesse,  Earl,  circular  of  1753,  131. 

Holland,  Edward,  120. 

Hondius,  map  by,  of  America,  34. 

Hooker,  John,  on  Union,  39.  On  the 
New  England  Confederacy,  40. 

Hooker,  William,  eulogy  of,  on  England, 

Hooper,  William,  312,  363,  448,  481, 
503,  546. 

Hopkins,  Edward,  39. 

Hopkins,  Stephen,  notice  of,  137.  Pam- 
phlet by,  172.  Asks  instructions  on  in- 
dependence. 501,  504.  Cited  on  inde- 
pendence, 505.  140.  138,  171,  284, 
360,  362,  372,  545,  569. 

Hopkinson,  Francis,  532,  569. 

Horsemanden,  Daniel,  278. 

Howard,  Lord  Francis,  speech  of,  86. 

Howard,  Martin,  Jr.,  137. 

Howe,  ,  312. 

Howe,  Robert,  504. 

Howe,  Sir  William,  446. 

Huguenots,  settlements  of,  the,  10. 

Humboldt,  Alexander,  on  the  reforma- 
tion, 5. 

Huntington,  Samuel,  545. 

Huske,  map  of;  103. 

Humphries,  Charles,  363 

Humphries, ,  537,  538. 

Hutchinson,  Thomas,  on  consolidation, 
80,  119.  Notice  of,  137,  144,  145. 
Plan  of  a  Union  by,  147,  613.  On 
independence,  154  On  parties,  166, 
205.  On  the  future  of  America,  244. 
On  Union,  259,  263,  270,  276.  On 
committees  of  correspondence,  274, 
275.  On  the  tea  issue.  305,  308,  309, 
318.  On  a  congress,  332.  Interview 
of,  with  the  king,  353. 


Independence,  charge  of  aiming  at,  made 
to  Laud,  37 ;  in  1646,  45 ;  in  1661,  51, 
52,  54,  59,  66;  in  1689,  97.  By  the 
Lords  of  Trade,  124,  126.  Kept  up 
for  seventy  years,  153.  During  the 
period  of  the  Stamp  Act,  197.  During 
the  Townshend  Acts,  232.  Made  by 
the  king,  456. 

Independence  disclaimed,  38,  46,  52,  56, 
66,  97,  153,  197,  232,  290;  in  1768, 
220,  242;  in  1771,  290;  in  1774,  315; 
in  1775,  443,  465. 

Independence,  predicted,  99,  100,  153, 
174, 198,  199;  by  S.  Adams,  245,  400; 
by  French  statesmen,  245;  by  the 
colonial  press,  291,  292.  To  take  place 
in  fifteen  years,  292,  401,  402.  Pro- 


posed by  the  New  Hampshire  conven- 
tion in  May,  1775,  421.  Determined 
on,  448,  453.  Advocated  by  the  press, 
452.  Urged  by  the  popular  leaders, 
460.  Argument  for.  460.  Opposed 
by  Tories,  463.  By  Whigs,  463.  Some 
of  the  arguments"  against,  464  Pro- 
nounced premature,  465.  Instructions 
against,  465.  Growth  of  the  idea  of, 
468.  Urged  in  Virginia,  468.  In  Mas- 
sachusetts, 468-  Party  for,  in  January, 
1776,468.  Caucuses  on,  469.  General 
discussion  of,  477.  Formation  of  parties 
on,  478.  Pressure  on  congress  to  de- 
clare, 483.  Opposition  to,  483.  Party 
for,  in  congress,  484.  Contemplated,  488. 
Franklin  on,  489.  Samuel  Adams  on, 
489.  John  Adams  on,  490.  Elaborate 
piece  against,  493.  Urged  in  South 
Carolina,  494.  Duane  against,  497.  Ori- 
gin of  a  popular  movement  for,  499, 500. 
"  A  Lover  of  Order  "  on,  499.  Effort 
to  repeal  instructions  against,  500. 
North  Carolina  on,  502-504.  Rhode 
Island  on,  504.  Massachusetts  on, 
505,  529.  Virginia  on,  508.  Four 
colonies  on,  512.  Popular  party  aglow 
for,  512.  Boston  on,  513.  Motion 
for,  in  congress,  513.  First  debate  on, 
515,  516.  Vote  on,  postponed,  516. 
Activity  of  the  movement  for,  517. 
Opposition  to,  518.  Pennsylvania  on, 
519-523.  Delaware  on,  523.  New 
Jersey  on,  524.  Maryland  on,  525. 
Georgia  on,  528.  South  Carolina  on, 
528.  New  York  on,  528.  Ripeness 
of  New  England  for,  529.  Unanim- 
ity of  Massachusetts  for,  529.  Con- 
necticut on,  530.  New  Hampshire 
on,  530.  Vote  on,  537.  Postponed 
one  day,  538.  Resolution  for,  adopted, 
538.  Twelve  colonies  empowered 
their  representatives  to  act  on,  530. 
Drayton  on,  530.  Public  opinion  on, 
in  June,  1776,  531.  Motion  for,  con- 
sidered, 533.  Action  of  New  York  on, 
544.  A  joint  act,  554.  Letter  of  John 
Adams  on,  554,  616.  Haslett  on,  554. 
The  press  on,  554. 

Independence  Hall,  meeting  of  conven- 
tion in,  589. 

Independent  nation,  idea  of,  in  1772-73, 
290,  292. 

Indians,  assaults  by,  in  1643,  36. 

Ingersoll,  Jared,  notice  of,  175,  590. 

Innis,  on  the  name  of  America,  400. 

Intercolonial  correspondence  in  1697  and 
1723,  121. 


J. 


Jack,  James,  429. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  proclamation  of,  cited) 

554.     On  the  Union,  610. 
Jackson,  Edward,  60. 


630 


INDEX. 


James  II.,  accession  o^  79.   Tyranny  of, 

general,  81. 
James  City,   Va.,  House  of  Burgesses 

meet  at,  17.     On  independence,  509. 
Janney,  James,  312. 
Jay,  John,  361,  364,  368,  372,  374,  386, 

435,  453,  483,  485,  488,  524,  528,  544, 

546,  566. 

Jay,  William,  Life  of  John  Jay,  cited,  436. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  character  of,  234. 
Action  of  on  personal  liberty,  235.  On 
committees  of  correspondence,  279. 
On  the  Port  Act,  324  On  abiding  by 
the  acts  of  congress,  340.  Summary  of 
the  rights  of  America  by,  431.  On  Lord 
North's  plan  in  Virginia,  418.  Notes 
on  Virginia,  428.  Enters  congress, 
431,  434.  On  Lord  North's  plan  in 
congress,  434.  On  independence,  469. 
Debates  of,  on  independence,  516,  539. 
Draft  of  the  Declaration  by,  532. 
Merit  of,  in  preparing  the  Declaration, 

547.  On  the  idea  of  a  nation,  563, 
586.     On  the  strength  of  the  govern- 
ment, 605.     On  Joseph  Warren,  268. 
On  J.   Adams,  533.       160,    179,  279, 
280,  281,  316,  323,  338,  479,  514,  544, 
546,  568,  582,  585. 

Jenckes,  Daniel,  171. 

Johnson,  Edward,  60. 

Johnson, ,  plan  of  union  by,  151. 

Johnson,  Thomas,  254,  312,  361.  362, 
372,  376.  Nomination  by,  of  Wash- 
ington, 430.  Un  the  action  of  con- 
gress, 442,  527,  568. 

Johnson,   William,  notice  of,  137. 

Johnson,  William  Samuel,  185, 187, 188. 

Johnston,  Samuel,  312. 

Johnstone,  Governor,  318. 

"  Join  or  Die,"  cited,  135. 

Jonathan,  name  of,  572.  Americans 
called,  572. 

Jones,  Noble  Wimberly,  254,  312,  441. 

Jones,  Paul,  577. 

41  Journal  of  the  Times,"  cited,  237. 

K. 

Kalm,  155. 

Kamtchatka,  when  known,  102. 

Keith,  William,    119.     On  Union,  151. 

Suggests  stamp  duties,  151. 
Kennedy,     Archibald,     119.      Plan    of 

union'of,  116,  141. 
Kentucky.     See  Transylvania. 
King's  Proclamation,  answer  to,    451. 

Verses  elicited  by,   451.     Effect  of, 

454. 

King,  Rufus,  590. 
Kinsey,  James,  313,  363. 
Kissam,  Daniel,  313. 
Knowles,  John,  80. 
Knox,  Andrew,  364. 
Knox,  William,  on  the  aim  of  England, 

161. 


L. 

Lamb,  John,  313. 

Landor,  Walter  Savage,  cited,  518. 

Lands,  title  of,  10. 

Langdon,  John,  568,  590. 

Lanquet,  Hubert,  on  popular  rights,  8. 

Lanoy,  P.  D.,  91,  92. 

Laud,  Archbishop,  jealous  of  the  colo- 
nies, 37. 

Lauren?,  Henry,  440,  570.  On  public 
sentiment  in  1778,  572. 

Lawrence,  John,  185. 

Lebanon,  Conn.,  letter  of,  352. 

Lee,  Arthur,  cited  on  royal  instructions, 
255.  On  non-importation,  257.  On 
the  action  of  New  York,  257.  On 
the  Gaspee  commission,  278.  On  the 
Tea  Act,  298,  409, 420.  Letter  of  con- 
gress to,  487- 

Lee,  Charles,  cited  on  the  public  spirit, 
394. 

Lee,  Francis  L.,  279,  546. 

Lee,  Richard  Henry,  notice  of,  172.  On 
America,  198.  On  independence,  469, 
501.  Motion  in  congress  by,  513,  514. 
Suggestion  bv,  of  a  convention.  586. 
166,  234.  276,"  279,  280,  282,  329,  361, 
363,  364,  372.  374,  375  376,  434,  444, 
496,  544.  546,  585,  616,  617. 

Lee,  William,  cited,  286. 

Leisler,  Jacob,  82.  Character  of,  83. 
Opposers  of,  84.  Invites  correspond- 
ence, 84.  Eulogy  on,  84.  Reply  of, 
to  Maryland,  85.  To  Massachusetts, 
85.  Lack  of  administrative  ability  by, 
88.  On  a  congress,  90,  91,  92,  93.  Ex- 
ecution of,  94. 

Leonard,  Daniel,  284,  393. 

Lespinward,  Leonard,  185. 

Leverett,  John,  notice  of,  51.  On  alle- 
giance, 52,  57,  64. 

Lewis  Francis,  545. 

Lexington,  hostilities  at,  415.  Effect  of, 
415. 

Liberty  Tree,  in  Boston,  183. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  on  government,  610. 

Lincoln,  Benjamin,  392,  588. 

Livingston,  Philip,  119,  172,  185,  187, 
360.  361.  364. 

Livingston,  Robert,  scheme  of,  115, 119. 

Livingston,  Robert  R  ,  on  independence, 
515.  On  settling  disputes  578.  172, 
185,  188,  483.  515,  517,  528,  569,  590. 

Livingston,  William,  on  the  future  of 
America,  244.  361,  363,  372,  374,  483, 
568. 

Lloyd,  Edward,  312. 

Lloyd,  Robert,  185. 

Local  self-government,  definition  of,  14. 
Theory  of.  20.  Among  the  Goths,  14; 
the  Saxons,  15.  In  England,  15.  An- 
cient freedom  of,  undermined,  15.  Ap- 
plied in  America,  15.  In  the  covenant 
at  Cape  Cod,  16.  In  the  towns  of  New 


INDEX. 


631 


England,  16-  In  the  House  of  Burgesses 
in  Virginia,  17  In  the  formation  of 
free  assemblies.  18-27.  Base  of  thir- 
teen communities,  28.  Reed  on  the 
spread  of,  32-  Jealousy  of,  in  England, 
37.  Recognition  of,  in  the  New  Eng- 
land Confederacy,  41,  42.  Acquies- 
cence in,  by  the  Long  Parliament,  47. 
Misrepresentation  of,  51.  Commis- 
sion to  interfere  with,  55.  Fidelity 
of  Massachusetts  to,  59,  60.  Applied 
under  general  powers  from  the  crown, 
76,  104,  123.  Regarded  as  a  growth 
of  republicanism,  77-  Debate  in  the 
Privy  Council  on,  78.  Decision  to 
interfere  with.  79.  Gross  violation 
of,  by  James  II.,  80.  Fidelity  of  the 
colonies  to,  81  The  individual  free- 
dom developed  by,  122  Fidelity  of 
colonists  to,  from  1690  to  1760,  123. 
Misrepresentations  by  royal  governors 
of.  124.  Abridgment  of,  designed  bv 
the  ministry,  125,  131, 161, 170.  Rec- 
ognition of,  in  the  Albany  plan  of 
union,  142.  148.  150.  Abridgment 
of,  in  the  plan  of  the  Bute  ministry, 
161.  Rumors  respecting,  163.  De- 
clared the  source  of  all  evils,  170.  As- 
sertion of  the  right  of,  by  Virginia, 
173;  by  the  press,  174.  The  aggres- 
sion on,  by  the  Stamp  Act,  175.  Right 
of,  assertecl  in  Henry's  Resolves,  186; 
and  by  the  Stamp-act  congress,  187. 
Denied  in  the  Declaratory  Act,  201. 
Aggression  on,  by  the  Townshend 
Acts,  203.  204,  205.  Right  of,  asserted 
by  the  colonies,  210-229.  Character 
of  the  defence  of,  230.  Interference 
with,  postponed,  240.  Aggression 
on,  by  Royal  Instructions.  251.  De- 
fence of,  by  the  Philadelphia  mer- 
chants, 255  Violation  of,  by  the 
Massachusetts  Regulating  Acts,  347. 
Assertion  of  the  right  of,  by  the  colo- 
nies, 350,  352.  Recognition  of,  in  the 
plan  of  union  by  Galloway,  367. 
Right  of,  claimed  "by  the  congress  of 
1774,  371.  Principles  of,  involved  in 
Lord  North's  ultimatum,  412.  Mes- 
sage of  Franklin  relative  to,  413.  Re- 
quest of  Massachusetts  to  form,  inde- 
pendent of  the  crown.  421.  Of  Meck- 
lenburg County,  422  Advice  of 
congress  as  to  Massachusetts,  428. 
Right  of,  recognized  in  Franklin's 
plan  of  union  of  1775,  433  By  con 
gress  in  its  reply  to  Lord  North's 
plan,  434.  In  the  instructions  on  in- 
dependence, 512,  531.  In  the  Articles 
of  Confederation,  576  Unwritten  law, 
593  In  the  Constitution  of  the  Unit- 
ed States,  605.  See  Local  Govern- 
ments. 

Local  governments,  requests  to  congress 
to  form,  independent  of  the  crown, 
421,  422,  443,  495,  496.  New  Hamp- 


shire, South  Carolina,  and  Virginia 
advised  to  form,  448,  451.  Formation 
of,  equivalent  to  revolution,  449,  465. 
Formation  of,  opposed,  466.  Views 
respecting  the  formation  of,  480.  Ac- 
tion on.  by  Massachusetts,  491.  By 
New  Hampshire,  492.  By  South  Caro- 
lina, 493.  Formation  of,  welcomed, 
495.  Resolution  of  John  Adams  on, 
497,  498.  Opposition  to  the  formation 
of,  497.  Right  of  forming,  reserved  to 
each  colony,  512,  531.  Pennsylvania 
on,  518.  Delaware  on,  523.  New- 
Jersey  on,  524.  Maryland  on,  526. 
New  York  on,  529.  On  the  establish- 
ment of,  563.  Formation  of,  in  a 
period  of  war,  565.  Sphere  of,  pre- 
scribed by  the  sovereignty,  567,  588. 
Effect  in  Europe  of  the  establishment 
of,  568.  John  Adams  on  the  forma- 
tion of,  568,  617.  Usurpation  of  na- 
tional functions  by,  588.  See  Resolu- 
tion of  May  Fifteenth. 

Locke,  John,  on  government,  8. 

London  Chronicle,  on  disunion,  152. 

Lords  of  Trade  and  Plantations,  forma- 
tion of,  45,  108.  Indifference  of,  to 
French  aggression,  130.  Call  of  a 
convention  bv,  131.  Accusation  by, 
of  the  New  York  Assembly,  134. 

Louis  XIV.,  dissolution  by,  of  the  French 
Parliament,  230. 

Louisiana,  purchase  of,  3. 

Low,  Isaac,  364 

Lowndes,  Rawlins,  494,  568. 

Ludeman,  prophecy  of,  155. 

Luther,  Martin,  on  the  Reformation,  5. 

Lynch,  Thomas  Jr.,  185, 186, 187, 360, 363, 
368,  372,  443,  546. 


M. 

Macaulay,  Lord,  on  the  revolution  of 
1688,  107. 

Mackay,  William,  267. 

Mackintosh,  Sir  James,  eulogy  of,  on 
"De  Jure  Regni,"  8,  124.  On  the 
American  Constitution,  605. 

Madison,  James,  character  of,  585.  On 
nationality,  406,  415,  512.  On  inde- 
pendence, 514.  On  John  Adams,  547. 
On  clothing  congress  with  coercive 
power,  579.  On  the  vices  of  the  Con- 
federation, 588,  590.  On  representa- 
tion, 592.  On  State  rights,  593  On 
the  convention  of  1787,  589,  592,  596. 
Share  of,  in  the  Federalist,  599.  On 
the  Constitution,  600.  On  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  State  governments, 
602.  On  the  operation  of  the  Consti- 
tution, 605.  453,  51C,  544,  554,  555, 
575,  585,  587. 

Magna  Charta  cited  by  Massachusetts, 
46. 


632 


INDEX. 


Mahon.  Lord,  on  the  colonies,  159.  On 
the  Regulating  Acts,  348. 

Maine,  settlements  in,  37.  Excluded 
from  the  New  England  Confederacy, 
43. 

Maiden,  Mass.,  on  a  republic,  507. 

Man,  idea  of,  in  the  Pagan  world,  6. 
Christian  idea  of,  6,  9,  165,  188. 

Manly,  -lohn,  triumphs  of,  460. 

Mansfield,  Lord,  on  American  assem- 
blies, 231,  296,  346. 

Maps  of  America,  33,  34,  73,  102. 

Maque.se  Sachems,  speech  of,  86. 

Marblehead,  on  the  Port  Act,  322. 

Marchant,  Henry,  284. 

Marshall,  Christopher,  521. 

Marshall,  John,  on  the  Confederation, 
579. 

Martin,  Governor,  representations  of, 
502. 

Martin,  Luther,  590.     Cited,  592. 

Maryland,  motives  of  settlers  of,  11. 
Origin  of  the  legislature  of,  19.  Muni- 
cipalities in,  22.  Invitation  of,  to 
settlers,  74.  On  correspondence  with 
the  northern  colonies,  85.  Reply  of, 
on  a  congress,  91.  Delegates  of,  to 
the  congress  of  1765,  185;  of  1774, 
362.  Proclamation  Act  in,  253,  254. 
Chooses  a  committee  of  correspondence, 
312.  Pledges  in,  to  abide  by  the  deci- 
sions of  congress,  339.  Condemnation 
by,  of  the  Regulating  Acts,  350.  Let- 
ters from,  in  1774,  387.  Approval  by, 
of  the  Association,  397.  On  inde- 
pendence, 442,  466,  525.  On  Union, 
527.  Constitution  of,  adopted,  564. 
On  the  Confederation  574,  575. 

Mason,  George,  510.  On  the  king's 
proclamation,  453,  590.  On  State 
government,  593.  On  republican  gov- 
ernment, 593,  596. 

Massachusetts,  "Liberties,"  cited,  12. 
The  Legislature  of,  19.  Patent  of,  36. 
On  taxation,  21.  Municipalities  in,  24. 
Public  meeting  in,  27.  Writ  against, 
37.  Address  of,  to  the  Lords  Com- 
missioners, 38.  Disclaims  aiming  at 
sovereignty,  46,  60.  Appeal  in  1651 
to  Long  Parliament,  47.  On  the  com- 
mission of  Charles  II.,  55.  Reply  of, 
to  the  king's  commissioners,  57.  An- 
dros  on  the  influence  of,  77.  Call  by, 
of  a  congress,  89.  Charter  to,  104. 
On  the  governor's  salary,  126.  On  a 
plan  of  Union,  147.  Chooses  com- 
mittee of  correspondence  in,  169.  Cir- 
cular of,  171.  On  the  Stamp  Act,  172. 
Call  of  a  congress  by,  1765,  178.  Dele- 
gates of,  to  the  congress  of  1765,  185 ; 
of  1774,  362  Proceedings  of,  in  1767, 
209,  210.  Circular  Letter  of,  211.  Or- 
dered to  rescind  the  Circular  Letter, 
216.  Refusal  of,  219.  Approbation 
of,  221.  Condemnation  of,  in  Eng- 
land, 231.  On  royal  instructions,  254. 


Call  of  a  congress,  331.  Assembly  of, 
dissolved,  332.  Resolve  of,  333.  Acta 
regulating  charter  of,  346.  Enjoined 
to  resist  the  Regulating  Acts,  351,  352. 
Approval  of,  by  congress,  369,  370. 
Military  preparations  in,  392.  Pro- 
vincial congress  in,  392.  Committee 
of  Safety  of.  392.  Approval  by,  of 
the  Association,  396.  Application  of, 
on  local  government,  421,  427.  On 
loyalty  in  1775,  428.  Advice  of  con- 
gress to,  428,  491.  Establishment  of 
government  by,  441,  492,  567.  Proc- 
lamation of,  492.  On  independence, 
505,  507,  529.  Act  of,  relating  to  civil 
processes  in,  506.  Shays's  rebellion 
in,  588. 

Mather,  Increase,  views  of,  on  Leisler, 
94.  Testimony  to  the  loyalty  of  New- 
England,  96. 

Maverick,  Samuel,  notice  of,  52,  54. 

Mayhew,  Jonathan,  on  Union,  207. 

McDonald,  Allan,  502. 

McDonald,  Donald,  502,  503. 

McDonald,  Flora,  502. 

McHenry,  James,  590. 

McKean,  Thomas.  185,  186,  187,  188, 
312,  360,  361,  363,  387,  469,  522,  523, 
537,  538.  On  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, 545,  546,  569. 

McKinley,  John,  312- 

Mecklenburgh  County,  N.  C.,  resolves 
of,  in  1775,  422.  Note  on,  422.  Ad- 
vice to,  429. 

Mecklenburgh  Declaration,  440. 

Mehelm,  John.  313. 

Mercator,  map  of  America  by,  in  Hon- 
dius's  edition  of  1606,  34. 

Michigan,  first  steamboat  on,  2. 

Middlesex  County,  resolves  of,  366. 

Middleton,  Arthur,  546. 

Middleton,  Henry,  363. 

Mifflin,  Thomas,  338,  363,  371,  372,  590. 

Milborne.  Jacob,  93.    Execution  of,  94. 

Mill,  J.  S  ,  on  nationality,  3. 

Milton,  John,  on  freedom,  8.  Notice  of, 
48.  On  liberty,  157. 

Minot,  George  Richards,  cited  on  the  ori- 
gin of  parties,  126. 

Mississippi  Valley,  features  of,  2. 

Molineaux,  William,  260.  Notice  of, 
267,  305. 

Monroe,  James,  on  sovereignty,  561. 
On  the  powers  of  congress,  562. 

Montagu,  Admiral,  277,  278. 

Montesquieu,  on  the  Indians,  4. 

Montgomery,  fall  of,  460. 

Moore,  Charles,  185. 

Moore,  Colone],  503. 

Moore's  Creek  Bridge,  battle  of,  460,  503. 

Morris,  Lewis,  545. 

Morris,  Robert,  126,  483,  523,  537,  538, 
545.  On  the  necessity  of  government, 
580,  583,  590. 

Morton,  John,  185,  363,  545. 

Morton,  Perez,  on  independeace,  477. 


INDEX. 


633 


Municipalities,  American,  theory  of,  22. 

In  Europe,  15. 
Murdock,  William,  185, 187. 
Murray,  Joseph,  137. 

N. 

Nation,  idea  of,  in  the  press,  291.  Defi- 
nition of,  563.  Mackintosh  on  ele- 
ments of  the  growth  of,  124.  See 
United  States. 

Nationalitj',  sentiment  of,  1.  Basis  of,  3. 
Dawnings  of,  291.  Development  of, 
406,  452,  456,  479.  Political  utter- 
ances imbued  with,  461  The  passion 
of  the  popular  party,  462.  Correlative 
in  development  with  the  idea  of  repub- 
lican government,  483.  Inspiration 
of,  to  the  popular  party,  553  Em- 
bodied in  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, 556.  See  Nation. 

Neckar,  cited,  427. 

Nelson,  Thomas,  Jr.,  510,  546,  569. 

Newburyport,  on  the  Port  Act,  322. 

New  England,  motives  of  settlers  of,  11. 
Growth  of,  36.  State  of,  in  1643,  37. 
Favored  by  the  Long  Parliament,  44. 
Complaints  against,  51.  Loyalty  of, 
in  1662,  65.  Described,  in  1688.  75. 
Population  of,  in  1754,  104.  Tribute 
to,  by  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  105.  Ho- 
mogeneity of,  106.  Condition  of,  in 
1774,  393. 

New  England  Confederacy,  idea  of,  29. 
Formation  of,  39.  Articles  of,  40. 
Benefits  of,  44.  Called  a  war  combi- 
nation, 51.  Justified,  61.  Fall  of, 

63.  Meetings  of  the  commissioners 
of,  63.      Service  of,  63.     Records  of, 

64.  Views    of,    by    historians,    66. 
Cited  in  1772,  292. 

New  Hampshire,  origin  of  the  legisla- 
ture of,  20.  Formation  of  municipali- 
ties in,  25.  A  separate  province,  104. 
Controversy  in,  on  representation,  126. 
On  the  congress  of  1765,  185.  Non- 
intercourse  with,  258  Delegates  of, 
in  the  congress  of  1774,  363.  Letters 
from,  in  1774,  382.  Approval  of  the 
Association,  396.  Independence  sug- 
gested by.  421.  Asks  permission  to 
form  a  government,  443.  Advised  to 
form  a  government,  448.  Formation 
of  government  in,  492.  Action  of,  on 
independence,  421,  530.  Constitution 
of,  567. 

New  Haven,  37,  39,  44,  52,  53,  63,  64. 

New  Jersey,  origin  of  legislature  of,  20. 
Formation  of  municipalities  in,  23. 
Description  of,  74.  Effort  of,  against  an 
illegal  tax  in  1680,  81,  104.  Delegates 
of,  to  the  congress  of  1765,  185. 
Chooses  a  committee  of  correspond- 
ence, 312.  Pledges  of,  340  Dele- 
gates of,  in  the  congress  of  1774,  363. 


Letters  from,  in  1774,  386.  Approves 
the  Association,  396.  On  Lord  North's 
plan,  417.  On  independence,  466, 524. 
Constitution  of,  adopted,  564.  Denies 
the  requisitions  of  congress,  587. 

New  Netherland,  grant  of,  12.  Muni- 
cipalities of,  24.  Reduction  of,  55. 

New  York,  motives  of  settlers  of,  11. 
Origin  of,  12.  Formation  of  the  as- 
sembly of,  21.  State  of,  in  1643,  34. 
Population  of,  in  1688,  74.  Factions 
of,  in  1690,  88.  On  the  prerogative. 
128.  In  1755,  156.  Committee  of 
correspondence  of,  in  1764, 171.  On 
the  Stamp  Act,  172.  Delegates  of,  to 
the  congress  of  1765,  185.  Sons  of 
Liberty  of,  184.  Address  of  the  as- 
sembly of,  189.  Proposal  of,  for  a 
congress,  243.  Proposal  of,  to  limit 
the  non-importation  agreement,  256, 
257.  Non-intercourse  with,  258.  Tea, 
in  1773,  shipped  to,  298.  Action  in,  302, 
313.  Committee  of  correspondence  of, 
312.  On  a  congress,  332,  333.  Dele- 
gates of,  to  the  congress  of  1774,  364. 
Letters  from,  in  1774,  386.  On  the 
Association,  395,  398.  Circular  of,  on 
North's  plan,  418.  Application  of, 
respecting  British  troops,  421,  428. 
Provincial  congress  of,  440.  On  inde- 
pendence, 466,  528,  554.  Constitu- 
tion of,  adopted,  566. 

Newspapers,  influence  of,  128, 129. 

Nicholas,  Robert  Carter,  280. 

Nichols,  Richard,  notice  of,  54.  Action 
of,  55,  58,  60. 

Nicholson,  General,  arrival  of,  at  Boston. 
118,  119. 

"  Ninety-two,"  origin  of,  219. 

"Ninetv-two"  and  "Forty-five,"  use 
of,  229. 

Nobility,  order  of,  recommended,  117. 
Suggested,  151. 

Non-importation  agreement,  renewal  of, 
in  1767,  208.  Violation  of,  256.  Ac- 
tion in  favor  of,  in  Virginia,  1769,  239. 
In  the  thirteen  colonies,  239.  Revived 
in  1774,  336.  Decided  upon,  372. 
Significance  of,  373. 

Norfolk,  burning  of,  509. 

North  Carolina,  origin  of  legislature  of, 
20.  Municipalities  in,  22.  Action  of, 
in  1764, 171.  Chooses  a  committee  of 
correspondence,  312.  Delegates  of,  in 
the  congress  of  1774,  363.  Letters 
from,  in  1774,  389  Approves  the  Asso- 
ciation, 397.  Associations  in,  416. 
Congress  of,  disclaim  independence, 
440,  467.  For  reconciliation,  443.  In- 
structions of,  in  favor  of  independence, 
504, 514.  Constitution  of.  adopted,  565. 
See  Mecklenburgh. 

North,  Lord,  notice  of,  206.  Character 
of,  249.  Moves  the  Tea  Act.  296. 
Moves  the  bill  to  alter  the  charter  of 
Massachusetts,  344, 345, 346.  Message 


634 


INDEX. 


of,  to  Franklin,  412.  297,  317,  319, 
446,  573,  575. 

North,  Lord,  plan  of  conciliation  of,  411. 
George  III.  on,  411.  Barre  on,  411. 
Chatham  on,  412.  Reception  of,  in 
the  colonies.  417.  Submitted  of,  to 
assemblies,  417.  Congress  on,  434. 

Noyelles,  John  De,  313. 

0. 

Ogden,  Robert,  185,  189, 192. 

Oliver,  Andrew,  119,  183.  On  Union, 
243,  252. 

Oliver,  Peter,  278. 

Oregon  Territory,  acquisition  of,  3. 

Orrery,  Earl  of,  prophecy  respecting 
America.  401. 

Osnaburgh,  Bishop  of,  598. 

Otis,  Colonel,  220. 

Otis,  James,  on  the  peace  of  1763,  160. 
On  writs  of  assistance,  162.  Notice 
of,  168,  177.  Memorial  of,  on  the  pro- 
posed Stamp  Act,  169.  Rights  of  the 
British  colonies  by,  169.  Proposes  a 
congress,  177.  On  American  manu- 
factures, 194.  On  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act,  197.  Speech  of,  against  mobs, 
206.  In  the  Massachusetts  assembly, 
209.  On  the  royal  order,  217,  219, 
267, 268  On  resisting  unconstitutional 
acts,  299,  503. 

Oxeustiern,  on  American  colonization, 
70. 


P. 

Paca,  William,  254,  312,  362,  388,  527, 
537,  546. 

Paganism,  political  influence  of,  7. 

Paine,  Robert  Treat,  362,  545. 

Paine,  Thomas,  notice  of,  471.  Pub- 
lishes "Common  Sense,"  476.  Dia- 
logue by,  476,  477.  Commendation 
off  480.  On  the  peace  582. 

Palmer,  Mass.,  on  independence,  507. 

Parker,  Joel,  paper  of,  on  the  towns  of 
New  England,  17,  26. 

Parker,  William,  284. 

Parker,  Sir  Peter,  approach  of,  to  Charles- 
ton, 517. 

Parks,  William.  60. 

Parsons,  S.  Holden,  276,  284. 

Parties  of  the  Revolution,  formation  of, 
164. 

Partridge,  Oliver,  120,  137,  177,  178, 
185. 

Patterson,  William,  591,  594. 

Payne,  Benjamin,  284. 

Peace  of  Paris,  exultation  at,  160. 

Peace  Commissioners,  S.  Adams  on,  490. 
J.  Adams  on,  490.  In  1778,  573. 

Peace,  provisional  articles  signed,  580. 


Pendleton,  Edmund,  179,  280,  361,  o72. 

'    488,  510. 

Penhallow,  Samuel,  119. 

Penn,  Governor,  417. 

Penn,  John,  137,  440,  546. 

Penn,  Richard,  436.  Cited,  137,  444, 
446. 

Penn,  William,  plan  of  union  by,  110, 
112.  Grant  of  charter  by,  23. 

Pennsylvania,  origin  of  the  legislature 
of,  20.  Formation  of  municipalities 
in,  23.  Increase  of,  74.  Rejects  the 
Albany  plan,  147.  On  the  Stamp  Act, 
171.  Delegates  of,  to  the  congress  of 
1765, 185.  Pledges  of,  340.  Condem- 
nation in,  of  the  Regulating  Acts,  349. 
Letters  from,  in  1774,  387.  Approves 
the  Association,  396.  On  Lord  North's 
plan,  417.  On  independence,  465, 
466,  519,  523,  537.  On  changing  the 
local  government,  519.  Constitution 
of,  adopted,  565.  End  of  charter  in, 
565. 

Peters,  Richard,  137. 

Petition  of  the  congress  of  1774  to  the 
king  376.  Manuscript  of,  377  How- 
received  in  England,  409.  Letter  of 
agents  concerning,  420. 

Petition  of  the  congress  of  1775,  origin 
of,  435.  View  of,  439  Anxiety  re- 
specting, 441.  Reception  of, '  446. 
Effect  of  the  news  of  the  neglect  of, 
447. 

Philadelphia  increase  of,  74.  In  1755, 
156.  Merchants  of,  on  local  govern- 
ment, 255.  On  the  importation  agree- 
ment, 257.  Tea  shipped  to,  in  1773, 
298.  Action  in,  302,  313.  Committee 
of,  on  a  congress,  332. 

Phillips,  Frederick,  313. 

Phillips,  William,  284,  317. 

Phips,   Sir  William,  notice  of,  89,  93. 

Pickering,  John,  284. 

Pickering,  Timothy,  322,  544. 

Pierpont,  Robert,  267. 

Pinckney,  Charles  Cotesworth,  314,  590. 

Pinckney,  Charles,  257,  314,  590,  591, 
594. 

Pitkin,  William,  91,  92,  120,  140. 

Pitt,  William.     See  Earl  Chatham. 

Pittsburgh,  first  steamboat  at,  2. 

Pittsfield,  Masg  ,  on  a  republic,  508. 

"Plan  of  the  American  compact,"  499. 

Plato,  Atlantis  of,  68. 

Plymouth,  covenant  of,  16.  Origin  of 
the  legislature  of,  19.  Formation  of 
municipalities  in,  25.  Patent  of,  36, 
People  of,  ratify  the  New  England 
Confederacy,  39.  Disclaims  the  aim 
of  independence,  56. 

Pomfret,  Conn.,  letter  of,  352. 

Population  of  the  original  thirteen  States. 
3, 10.  Number  of,  in  1643.  34;  in  1688, 
75;  in  1754, 105.  Calculation  respect- 
ing, in  1765,  200.  Predictions  of,  463. 
Table  of,  in  1774,  404. 


INDEX. 


635 


Ports,  opening  of,  486. 

Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  on  the  Port  Act, 
322  Disavows  independence,  467. 

Powell,  William,  267. 

Pownall,  Thomas,  on  sovereignty,  479, 
144,  145.  On  Union,  242. 

Pratt,  Lord  Camden,  153. 

Preble,  Jeddediah,  219,  220. 

Presbyterians,  aims  of,  for  a  Union,  243. 

Prescott, ,  219. 

Prescott,  James,  284. 

Preston,  letter  of,  352. 

Price,  Robert  Friend,  313. 

Privateers,  authorized,  486. 

Proclamation  declaring  rebellion,  agreed 
upon,  409.  Culmination  of  the  aggres- 
sive acts,  410.  Framing  of,  445.  Issue 
of,  in  London,  446.  Printing  of,  in 
America,  447.  Effect  of,  448,  451,  453, 
454. 

Prophecies  respecting  America,  in  an- 
cient times,  68;  in  the  colonial  age, 
70,  99,  153,  157,  199,  200,  244,  248, 
290,  343,  401. 

Providence,  town  of,  action  of,  on  the 
Stamp  Act,  181 ;  on  the  Port  Act,  322. 
Resolves  of,  in  1774,  330,  332. 

Public  meetings,  origin  of,  27. 

Public  opinion,  during  the  period  of  the 
Stamp  Act,  190.  Embodiment  of, 
228.  On  the  Tea  Act,  301. 

Publicity,  custom  of,  217. 

Pulci,  verses  on  America,  70. 

Pulsifer,  David,  64. 

Putnam,  Israel,  352,  365,  385,  415. 

Pynchon,  John,  118. 


Q- 

Quakers,  address  of,  465. 

Quarry,  Robert,  on  the  colonies,   115. 

On  the  Virginians,  126. 
Quincy,  Josiah,  267. 
Quincy,  Josiah,  Jr.,  speech  of,  306,  334. 

On  Union,  341,  400. 
Quincy,  Josiah,  remark  of,  on  sovereigns, 

427. 

R. 

Races  in  America,  account  of,  103. 

Ramsay,  David,  20,  22.  On  political 
agitation.  259.  On  the  destruction  of 
the  tea,  311.  On  the  Regulating  Acts, 
357.  On  the  Association,  398.  On 
Washington,  431,  443.  On  independ- 
ence, 453.  On  "Common  Sense," 
476.  On  the  South  Carolina  consti- 
tution, 494,  608. 

Randall,  Henry  S.,  288,  424,  544. 

Randolph,  Edmund,  179,  590,  591,  596. 

Randolph,  Edward,  character  of,  79, 
80. 


Randolph,  Peyton,  234,  237,  280,  281, 
282,  361,  363,  366,  419,  429.  [544. 

Randolph,  T.  Jefferson,  memoirs  &c.  of, 

Rapalse,  John,  313. 

Rawlins,  Edward,  185. 

Raynal,  Abbe",  619. 

Read,  George,  312,  363,  387,  396,  523, 
537,  545,  568,  590. 

Redfield,  Isaac  F.,  on  the  civil  war,  4. 

Reed,Henry,on  local  self-government, 32. 

Reed,  Joseph,  301,  316,  338,  568. 

Reformation  essence  of  the,  5. 

Regulating  Acts,  passage  ot;  346.  Char- 
acter of,  347  Aim  of,  347.  Recep- 
tion of,  348  Condemnation  of,  349. 
Resistance  to,  356.  Lord  North  on, 
412. 

Representation,  introduction  of,  in  Am- 
erica, 17.  In  the  convention  of  1787. 

592,  595.     See  Assemblies. 
Republic,  rise  of  the,  31.     Urged,  452, 

455  468.  480,  481.    Votes  in  favor  of 
a,  507,  508. 

Republican  government,  development  of 
the  idea  of,  483.  George  Mason  on, 

593.  Why  a  success,   606.    Tribute 
to,   by  Freeman,  607.     Last  word  iu 
political  institutions,  4.    Jefferson  on, 

Republicanism,  advocated  by  La  Boetie, 
8.  Applied  in  England,  9.  Fears  of, 
50.  Attempts  to  check,  77,  241,  251. 
Obloquy  of,  463.  Silence  of  congress 
on,  499. 

Resolution  of  May  Fifteenth,  nature  of, 
498.  Platform  of  the  popular  party, 
498.  Issues  raised  by,  518.  Adopted 
in  Pennsylvania,  520.  Resolve  against, 
burned,  521.  Effect  of,  in  Delaware, 
523;  in  New  Jersey,  525,  564;  in 
Maryland,  525;  in  Georgia,  566;  in 
New  York,  529.  See  Local  Govern- 
ment. 

Reuchlm,  character  of,  5. 

Revere,  Paul,  366,.  368. 

Revolution  of  1640,  35. 

Revolution  of  1688,  in  the  colonies,  82. 
Effect  of,  107.  Macaulay  on,  107. 

Revolution,  how  to  understand  a,  165. 
Acceptance  of,  448,  450,  498. 

Rhoades,  Samuel,  363. 

Rhode  Island,  grant  of,  12.  Origin  of 
the  legislature  of,  19.  Formation  of 
municipalities  in,  25.  Settlement  of, 
37.  Excluded  from  New  England 
Confederacy,  43.  Charter  of,  52. 
Chooses,  in  1764,  a  committee  of  cor- 
respondence, 171  Letter  of,  to  Penn- 
sylvania, 171.  Delegates  of,  to  the 
congress  of  1765,  185.  Non-intercourse 
with,  239,  258.  On  Union,  333. 
Delegates  of,  in  the  congress  of  1774, 
362.  Letters  from,  in  1774,  385.  Ap- 
proval of  the  Association,  396.  On 
independence,  504.  Government  of, 
566. 


636 


INDEX. 


Richmond,  Duke  of,  on  independence, 
573. 

Ringgold,  Thomas,  185. 

"Rising  Glory  of  America,"  cited,  248. 

Koberdeau,  Daniel,  notice  of,  520. 

Robertson,  William,  on  America,  197. 

Robeson,  Thomas,  312. 

Rochambeau,  Count,  580. 

Rodney,  Caesar,  185,  186,  189,  312,  387, 
360,  361,  363,  372,  523,  537,  538,  545. 

Ross,  George,  363,  458,  545. 

Rotch,  Francis,  306,  308. 

Rowland,  David,  185. 

Royal  Governors,  aim  to  check  self- 
government,  124.  Use  of  the  preroga- 
tives. 125.  Arbitrary  views  of,  127. 
Commendation  of  a  congress  by,  135. 

Royal  Instructions,  251,  253.  Beginning 
of  their  mission,  252.  Opposition  to, 
254.  Relative  to  the  Gaspee,  277. 

Royal  Prerogative,  nature  of,  127. 
Blackstone  on,  127.  New  York  As- 
sembly on,  128.  Lords  of  Trade  on, 
134. 

Ruggles,  Timothy,  177,  178,  185,  186, 
188.  189,  192,  239. 

Runnymede  in  America,  prediction  of  a, 
343.  Realized,  417.  Aim  of  the  barons 
at,  438. 

Rush,  Benjamin,  469,  471,  472,  545,  546. 

Russell,  Earl,  on  the  Regulating  Act, 
348,  411. 

Russians,  discoveries  of.  in  America,  102. 

Rutledge,  Edward,  361,  363,  368,  496, 
515,  534,  538,  546,  569. 

Rutledge,  John,  185,  186,  187,  360,  361, 
363, '372,  494,  495,  568,  590. 


S. 


Sabine,  Lorenzo,  cited,  502. 

Salem,  action  of,  on  the  Port  Act,  322. 

Saltonstall, ,  119. 

SaltonstalL,  Colonel,  178,  220. 

Sandwich,  Lord  296. 

Sanson,  maps  of,  33.     Career  of,  34. 

Schenectady,  sack  of,  88.     Effect  of,  89. 

Schlegel,  Frederick,  on  the  reforma- 
tion, 5. 

Schmidt,  C.,  on  the  transformation  of 
society,  6,  31. 

Schuyler,  119. 

Scollay,  John,  on  the  destruction  of  the 
tea,  310.  On  independence,  315. 

Scotch  Irish,  emigration  of,  103. 

Scotch,  settlements  of,  10. 

beaman,  Benjamin,  312. 

Seaman,  Zeb'ulon,  313. 

Second  Petition  to  the  king,  429.  Agreed 
to,  435.  The  press  on,  436.  Feeling 
as  to,  441.  Presentation  of,  445,  446. 
Effect  of  the  neglect  of,  448. 

Sedgwick,  Robert,  notice  of;  48,  64. 

Seneca,  venient  annis  of,  68. 


Sergeant,  Jonathan  Dickinson,  525,  546t 

Sewall,  Samuel,  91,  92,  118. 

Shays's  Rebellion,  588. 

Sheafe,  Captain,  178,  210. 

Sheafe,  Jacob,  284. 

Sherburn,  Henry,  Jr.,  137. 

Sherman,  Roger,  361,  362,  372,  444,  485, 
517,  545,  569,  590. 

Shirley,  William,  119,  126.  On  French 
aggression,  135,  136.  On  Union,  146 
150. 

Sidney,  Algernon,  9. 

Silliman,  Ebenezer,  284. 

Sim,  Joseph,  312. 

Slavery,  recognized  in  the  colonies,  22. 
Silence  of  the  popular  leaders  on,  570. 
Jefferson's  denunciation  of,  570.  Not 
the  difficulty  of  the  revolutionary 
period,  570.  Question  of,  in  the  con- 
vention of  1787,  592,  594. 

Slaves,  agreement  not  to  import,  239, 
240,  487. 

Slave-trade,  efforts  to  check  the,  103. 
Denounced,  539. 

Smith,  James,  545. 

Smith,  J.  Toumlin,  on  local  self-govern- 
ment, 15,  150. 

Smith,  Richard,  363. 

Smith,  William,  137,  140. 

bmith,  Dr.  William,  on  the  future  of 
America,  290,  484. 

Smythe,  Frederick,  278. 

Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  origin  of, 
336.  Proclamation  against,  337. 

Somers,  Lord,  108. 

Sons  of  Liberty,  notice  of,  166,  176,  183. 
Form  committees  of  correspondence, 
183.  Paper  on.  184.  Urge  a  conti- 
nental union,  190.  Associations  of, 
dissolved,  202. 

Sothel,  Seth,  82. 

South  Carolina,  origin  of  legislature  of, 
20.  Municipalities  in,  22.  First  rep- 
resented in  a  congress,  120.  On  the 
Stamp  Act,  171.  On  the  congress 
of  1765,  182.  Delegates  of,  to  the  con- 
gress of  1765,  185.  Pledges  of,  340. 
Condemnation  of  the  Regulating  Acts 
by,  350,  351.  Delegates  of,  in  the 
congress  of  1774,  363.  Sympathy  of 
patriots  of,  with  Boston, '390.  Ap- 
proval of  the  Association,  395,  397. 
Associations  in,  416.  On  Union,  418, 
440.  On  confederation,  443,  537,  538. 
Formation  of  government  by,  448. 
Establishment  of  a  constitution  in,  493, 
495,  566. 

Sovereignt}7",  American,  never  offered  to 
any  power,  479. 

Sovereignty,  in  international  law,  begin- 
ning of,  in  America,  419.  The  United 
States  declared  a  sovereignty,  557, 
571,  581. 

Sovereignty,  charge  of  aiming  at,  37,  46, 
65,  66.  Errors  in  history  connected 
with,  67.  Course  of  the  colonies  re- 


INDEX. 


637 


specting,  38,  47,  51,  53,  59,  60,  62,  65, 
96,  98,  J23,  154,  187,  230,  232,  242, 
295,  315,  405.  New  England  Con- 
federacy and,  66.  Early  plans  of 
union  consistent  with  allegiance  to 
the,  117.  Lord  North  on,  250.  The 
American  solution  of,  424-427.  Gui- 
zot  on,  424.  Congress  hesitate  to  deal 
with,  428,  437,  444.  Action  of  congress 
affecting,  448,  485-489,  498.  Passed 
from  the  crown  to  the  people,  424  498, 
561.  Sphere  of  the  local  and  general 
governments  prescribed  by  the,  427, 
567.  National  functions  not  intrusted 
to  local  officials  by  the,  588.  Estab- 
lishment of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  by  the,  600.  No  divi- 
sion of  the,  600. 

Sparks,  Jared,  133,  154,  270,  439,  453, 
564. 

Spooner,  218. 

Spottswood,  119. 

Sprague,  Richard,  94. 

Stamp  Act,  suggested,  163.  Passage 
of  the.  175.  Character  of,  176.  Asso- 
ciations to  resist  the,  183.  Uprising 
r'nst,  in  Boston,  183;  in  other 
es,  184.  Repeal  of  the,  196. 

Stamps,  tax  on,  proposed,  151. 

Stanley,  Caleb,  118. 

Staples,  William  R.,  279. 

St.  Asaph,  Bishop  of,  tribute  to  New 
England,  105. 

Stark,  John,  415. 

State,  use  of  the  term,  59,  209,  255.  In 
the  Constitution,  577,  601. 

State  Governments.  See  Local  Govern- 
ments. 

State  Rights.  See  Local  Self-govern- 
ment. 

States,  colonies  transformed  into,  563. 
Basis  of  the  governments  of,  568.  Re- 
fuse to  treat  separately  with  Great 
Britain,  573.  Multiplication  of,  609. 

Stephen,  Adam,  on  the  congress  of  1774, 
359. 

Stevens,  Henry,  377. 

Stiles,  Ezra,  predicts  a  congress,  285. 
Cited,  290.  Cited  on  Union,  341.  Pre- 
dicts a  Runnymede,  343. 

St.  John,  J.  Hector  (Crevecoeur),  letters 
of,  103. 

Stockton,  Richard,  cited,  400,  534,  545, 
618. 

Stone,  Thomas,  546,  569. 

Stoughton,  William,  91,  92. 

Story,  Joseph,  on  domestic  parliaments, 
18. 

Story,  William,  507. 

Strong,  C.,  590. 

Suffolk  County  resolves,  366.  Approval 
of,  by  congress,  366. 

Sugar  Act,  action  on,  162,  163. 

Sullivan,  James,  449,  469,  471. 

Sullivan,  John,  861,  363,  372,  383,  493, 
568. 


Synod,  termed  an  invasion  of  supremacy, 

Swedes,  settlements  of,  10. 
Sweet  ser,  John,  267. 

T. 

Tanachaha,  119. 

Tappan,  Christopher.  284. 

Tasker,  Benjamin,  137, 138, 140. 

Taylor,  Edward,  313. 

Taylor,  George,  545. 

Tea  Act,  origin  of.  296.     Design  of,  297. 

Execution  of,  298.    Effect  of,  298,  811. 

The  resistance  to.  contemplated,  299. 

Opposition  to,  general,  301.    Mission 

of  the,  340. 
Tea  shipped  to  Boston,  public  meeting 

relative  to,  306.     Destruction  of,  308. 
Tea,  destruction  of,  309.    Approval  of, 

310.  Gordon  on,  311.     Ramsay  on, 

311.  Effect    of,    in    England,"  317. 
George  III.  on,  319. 

Texas,  annexation  of,  3. 

Thacher,  Oxenbridge,  173,  181. 

Theocracy,  in  New  England,  43. 

Thomson,  Charles.  364,  419,  447,  514, 
519,  544. 

Thornton,  Matthew,  422,  443,  469,  545, 
546. 

Thurloe,  296. 

Thurloe,  Lord,  cited,  319. 

Tilghman,  Matthew,  312,  338,  362,  527. 

Tilghman,  Edward,  185, 186.  187. 

Tories,  principles  of,  165,  170.  Oppose 
the  non-importation  agreements,  239. 
Views  of,  in  1773,  287.  Action  of, 
against  the  Association,  395.  On 
Union,  399.  Spirit  of  the,  459.  Dis- 
arming of  the,  485. 

Tory  party  in  England,  attain  power, 
249.  Character  of,  249. 

Town  meetings,  laws  relating  to,  26 
Prohibited,  80. 

Townsend,  Penn.,  118,  119. 

Townshend,  Charles,  131,  163.  On  the 
Stamp  Act,  175.  Character  of,  203. 
Death  of,  206. 

Townshend  Revenue  Acts,  passage  of, 
204.  Nature  of,  205.  Partial  repeal 
of,  240. 

Transylvania,  asks  admission  to  the 
Union,  444. 

Treat,  Robert.  32. 83.  On  the  New  Eng- 
land Confederation,  87. 

Trumbull,  J.  Hammond,  64. 

Trumbull,  John,  359. 

Trumbull,  Jonathan,  568,  573, 

Trumbull,  Joseph,  284. 

Tryon,  Governor,  440,  573 

Tucker,  St.  George,  on  the  Virginia 
convention,  508.  On  the  alarm  in 
1776,  517.  On  the  term  nation,  563. 

Tucker,  George,  on  slavery,  22.  On  the 
birth  of  the  nation,  563 


638 


INDEX. 


Tucker,  Samuel,  313. 
Turgot,   155.     On  the  future  of  Amer- 
ica, 245. 

u. 

Union,  one  of  the  elements  of  national 
life,  11,  13.  Early  conception  of,  28. 
Growth,  a  feature  of,  28, 114.  Progress 
of,  29.  Providential  nature  of,  32, 327, 
386,  397,  405,  555.  Hubbard's  pre- 
diction of,  39.  Efforts,  from  1637  to 
1642,  to  form  a.  39.  Hooker  on  the, 
40.  Embodiment  of,  in  the  New  Eng- 
land Confederacy,  43  Defence  of,  47, 
161.  Geographical  preparation  for,  55. 
Imperfect  conception  of,  64.  Ten- 
dencies to,  in  1688,  72,  84,  87,  89. 
State  of  the  colonies  when  called  to 
consider.  104.  Common  danger  sug- 
gested, 109.  Penn's  plan  of,  110; 
Davenant's  plan  of,  111;  Coxe's  plan 
of,  113.  Loyalty  to  the  crown  a  fea- 
ture of,  114.  Prerogative  party  on, 
114.  Livingston's  plan  of.  115;  Ken- 
nedy's plan  of,  116;  Dinwiddie's  plan 
of,  116.  Bernard  on,  117.  How  par- 
ties in  the  colonial  age  viewed,  117. 
Clinton's  speech  on.  120.  Connection 
of  congresses  from  1684  to  1754  with, 
118-121.  Jealousy  of  the  crown  at  an 
American,  121.  Call  of  a  convention  to 
forma,  132  Royal  governors  on,  134, 
146  Device  "Join  or  Die,"  of  135, 182. 
Albany  plan  of,  141,  145,  148,  150. 
The  press  on,  145,  284,  327.  Colonial 
assemblies  on,  146,  147.  The  Privy 
Council  on,  147.  Hutchinson's  plan 
of,  147,  613.  Lords  of  Trade  on,  148. 
Shirley's  plan  of,  150;  Halifax's  plan 
of,  151;  Colden's  plan  of,  151  Pre- 
dictions of  the  impossibility  of,  151, 
152.  Promotion  of,  by  committees  of 
correspondence,  162.  264.  The  salva- 
tion of  the  colonies  dependent  on,  167, 

241,  342.     The  colonies  nothing  with- 
out, 174     Invocation  of,  by  the  Stamp 
Act,  177, 182,  183,  190,  195,  201,  261. 
Otis    on,    177;     Gadsden    on,    190. 
Pledges  of  the   Sons  of  Liberty  on, 

190.  Views  of  the  Tories  in  1765  on, 

191.  Views  of  the  Whigs  in  1765  on, 

192.  Moral   power  of,  193.     Value 
of,  193.     Richard  Bland  on,  199.     The 
Whigs  aim  at,  207.     Jonathan  May- 
hew  on,  207.     The  Massachusetts  Cir- 
cular Letter  on,  211,  231.    Joy  at  the 
growth  of,  228.   Urged  as  the  American 
political  creed,  233.    Protection  of  per- 
sonal liberty  by,  238      Complete  in 
adopting  the  non-importation  policy, 
239.     Pownal  and  others  on,  in  1768, 

242,  318.   Presbyterians  on,  243.   Pro- 
nounced to  be  broken.  259.     The  great 
theme  of  S.  Adams,  263.    Injunction 


in  behalf  of,  272.  Jefferson  on,  279. 
Virginia  plan  of,  280,  282,  284,  311. 
Importance  of.  284,  362,  399.  Not 
reached  in  1773,  287.  Demand  for, 
292.  Development  of,  by  the  Port 
Act,  294,  318,  327.  How  saved,  311. 
Bond  of,  indissoluble,  4,  314,  341,  459. 
The  country,  341.  Galloway's  plan 
of,  367.  Embodiment  of,  in  an  Asso- 
ciation, 373,  395  Manifestation  of  the 
brotherhood  of  the,  391,  396  A  power, 
399,413.  Inner  springs  of.  405.  Penn- 
sylvania Assembly  on,  417.  Virginia 
Assembtyon,  418.  Plan  of  a  perpetual, 
433.  The  action  of  parties  ruled  by, 
442.  Design  of.  to  form  an  independ- 
ent American,  450,  454,  460.  Nature 
of,  458  555.  Independence  wise  be- 
cause of  the,  475.  Issue  of  independ- 
ence strengthened  the,  479.  Effort  to 
enlarge  the,  485.  Flag  of  the,  511. 
Paramount  influence  of,  520,  521,  523, 
524,  526,  531.  The  key  of  American 
politics  for  ten  years,  554.  The  Dec- 
laration of  Independence  on,  555.  An 
institution,  563.  Embodiment  of,  in 
the  Articles  of  Confederation,  576. 
Adequate  political  form  of,  urged,  580. 
A  sovereignty,  581.  The  palladium  of 
safety,  and  most  sacred  thing  in  the 
Constitution  of  America,  582.  Wash- 
ington on  the  requirements  of,  586. 
The  evil  influence  of  local  legislatures 
on,  588.  Unwritten  law,  593.  Con- 
solidation of  the  aim  of  the  framers  of 
the  Constitution,  597.  Embodiment 
of,  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  600,  601,  606,  609  Injunction 
to  cherish,  of  the  founders  of  the  Re- 
public, 610 

United  Colonies,  ratification  of  the  As- 
sociation of  the,  395.  Description  of 
the,  405.  Their  relation  of  Union, 

405.  Their  tendency  to  independent 
States  in  Union,   406.      The  forma- 
tive process  of  law  in,  institutional, 

406.  Congress  of  the,  intrusted  with 
matters  of  peace  and  war,  418      Con- 
gress of  the.  of  1775,  419,  459.     Army 
of  the,  429.     Object  of  the,  432,  435. 
Plan  for  a  Constitution  of  the,  433. 
Flag  of  the,  459,  468,   511.    Idea  of 
forming  one  nation  of  the,  478,  480, 
488.    Description  of,  on  the  verge  of 
revolution,  513.    Motion  to  declare  the 
independence  of  the.  514.     Transfor- 
mation  of,   into   independent   States, 
538.     See  United  States 

United  States,  territory  of,  designed  for 
a  nation,  2.  Area  of,  3.  Population 
of,  3.  Polity  of,  11,  30.  Maxim  of 
the  base  of  society  in,  13.  Name  of, 
suggested,  532.  Political  ideal  of 
the  people  of,  when  decreeing  them- 
selves a  nation,  30,  462.  464,  479, 
512,  530,  531,  553,  561,  569.  Form 


INDEX. 


639 


one  nation,  538,  554,  562,  563,  564, 
600.  Seal  of  the,  544.  Will  of  the 
people  of,  as  a  nation,  426,  455.  De- 
velopment of  the.  as  a  nation  provi- 
dential, 159,  530,  554.  Sovereignty  in, 
561.  "  Common  Sense  "  on  taking 
rank  as  a  nation,  476.  Government 
established  for.  as  a  nation,  600,  605. 
Termed  a  nation  by  Congress,  563, 
581;  by  Washington,  159,  579,  586; 
by  Jefferson,  479,  582,  586;  by  the 
Adamses,  563 ;  by  Monroe,  562. 
United  States,  Articles  of  Confederation, 
pi  in  of,  submitted  in  Congress,  481. 
Committee  on,  517,  569.  Agreed  upon, 

570.  Submitted  to  the  legislatures, 

571.  On  the  delay  in  ratifying,  573. 
Ratification  of,   575,   577     Analyza- 
tion  of,  576,  578.    Beneficial  effect  of, 
578.    Flag  of,  578.    Defects  of,  579, 
584. 

United  States,  Constitution  of  the.  drafts- 
man of,  594.  Signing  of,  595.  '  Attes- 
tation of,  596.  Transmission  of,  to 
the  people,  597.  Debate  on,  in  Con- 
gress, 597.  Reception  of,  597.  Fea- 
tures of,  598.  Opposition  to.  598.  For- 
mation of  parties  on,  599.  Submission 
of,  bv  the  local  legislatures  to  the  peo- 
ple, 599.  Ratification  of,  599.  Estab- 
lished by  the  sovereign  power,  600. 
Recognition  by,  of  the  States,  601. 
Government  provided  for  in,  601. 
Laws  under,  supreme,  602.  Ratifica- 
tion of,  laid  before  Congress,  603.  How 
to  be  put  in  operation,  603.  Inaugu- 
ration of  officers  under,  603.  An  ex- 
periment, 604.  Operation  of,  607. 

"Universal  Asylum,  The,"  cited,  554. 

Upshur,  Abel  P.,  cited,  555. 


V. 

Vail, ,  312. 

Venn,  words  of,  cited,  318. 

Vergennes,  Count,  488,  573. 

Vermont,  bloodshed  in,  258. 

Vetch,  Samuel,  118,  119. 

Virginia,  settlers  of,  11.  Representation 
established  in,  17.  Origin  of  the 
legislature  of,  18  On  taxation,  21. 
Municipalities  in,  22,  23.  Voters  in, 
26.  In  1643,  34.  Population  of,  in 
1688,  74.  Description  of,  in  1696,  74. 
Memorials  of,  172.  Action  of,  cited, 
173.  Resolves  of,  on  the  Stamp  Act, 
180.  Effect  of,  181,  183.  On  the 
Circular  Let-er,  213.  Resolves  of,  in 
1769,  235,  237,  238.  On  the  Port  Act, 
324.  On  a  congress,  333.  On  non- 
importation, 337.  Pledges  of,  340. 
On  the  Regulating  Acts,  350.  Dele- 
gates of,  in  the  congress  of  1774,  363. 
Letters  from,  in  1774,  388.  Volunteer 
companies  of,  394.  Approval  of  the 


Association,  395,  397.  On  Lord 
North's  plan,  418.  On  reconciliation, 
427.  Declines  to  treat  separately  with 
England,  488  Advice  to,  respecting 
government,  508.  Convention  of,  508. 
Proposes  independence,  508,  510,  514. 
Declaration  of  rights  by,  511.  For- 
mation of  government  by,  512.  Amend- 
ment of  the  Constitution  of,  566.  Ac- 
tion of,  on  the  western  lands,  574,  575. 
Proposes  the  convention  of  1787,  586, 
589.  Adoption  of  the  Constitution  by, 

Voltaire,  remark  of,  103. 

w. 

Wadsworth,  Benjamin,  118. 

Waldren,  Richard,  60. 

Wales,  Nathaniel,  284. 

Walley,  John,  91,  92. 

Walpole,  Horace,  134. 

Walpole,  Robert,  107. 

Walton,  George,  546. 

Walton,  Jacob,  312. 

Wanton,  Joseph,  278,  362. 

Ward,  Artemas.  219. 

Ward,  Henry,  185,  284. 

Ward,  Samuel,  185,  362,  372,  442,  444, 

447,  450,  469. 
Warren,  James,  210,  218,  219,  270,  284, 

430,  441,  449,  452,  469,  491. 
Warren,  Joseph,  27,  267,  301,  305,  309, 

314,  321,  328,  333,  334,  336,  352,  357, 
358,  366,  392,  414,  430,  441. 

Warren,  Mercy,  letter  to,  616. 

Washington,  George,  in  1756,  133. 
Skirmish  of,  with  the  French,  136. 
Letter  of,  in  1754, 137.  On  the  growth 
of  the  nation,  159.  Submits  a  non- 
importation agreement  to  the  bur- 
gesses, 239.  Desire  for  reconciliation, 

315.  One  of  the  burgesses  that  called 
a  convention,  323.     Subscription  of, 
for  the  poor  of  Boston,  during  the  Port 
Act,  326.      Chairman   of  a   meeting 
which  agreed  to  abide  by  the  decisions 
of  congress,  338,  340 ;  and  resist  the 
Regulating  Acts,  350.     Speech  of,  in 
the  Virginia  convention  of  1774,  358. 
Patrick  Henry  on,  361.    In  the  con- 
gress of  1774,  361-363.     Letter  of,  dis- 
claiming independence,  369.    At  the 
head  of  volunteers,  389.      Chairman 
of  a  meeting  in   February,   1775,  to 
enrol  the  inhabitants,   394.     On  the 
commencement  of  hostilities,  416,  421. 
Service  of,  that  designated  him  as  the 
commander-in-chief,  429.  Letter  of,  on 
his  own  nomination,  431.    Pledge  of, 
to  labor  for  reconciliation,  438.     First 
triumph  of,  460.     Unfurls  the  Flag  of 
Thirteen    Stripes,    468.     Counsels    a 
declaration  of  independence,  471.     On 
independence,  469,  478,  553     Order 


INDEX. 


of.  announcing  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence to  the  army,  552.  Water- 
mark on  letter  paper,  used  by,  572. 
On  the  necessity  of  government,  579, 

580.  Proclamation  of,  on  peace,  580. 
Farewell  address  of,  to  the  army,  581. 
Resignation    by,   of  his    commission, 

581.  On  the  necessity  of  a  government. 
586,   589,   590.      On  the  divisions  in 
the  convention,  592.    President,  603. 
Inaugural  address  of,  603.     Support 
of    the    Constitution,    605.     On    the 
Union,  610. 

Washington,  John  Augustine,  389. 

Watson, ,  199. 

Watts,  P.  S.,  616. 

Wayne,  Anthony,  338. 

Webster,  Daniel,  on  the  congress  of  1775, 
381,  486.  On  revolution,  498  On  J. 
Adams's  speeches,  534.  On  S.  Adams, 
546,  547.  On  Jefferson,  548. 

Webster,  Pelatiah,  586. 

Wedderburne,  296. 

Welles,  Samuel,  137. 

Wells,  Samuel  Adams,  449. 

Wells,  William  V.,  263. 

Wendell,  Jacob,  120. 

Wendell,  Oliver,  267. 

Wentworth,  John,  284. 

West,  Benjamin,  156. 

Western  lands,  question  of,  574. 

Wetherell,  John,  313. 

Whigs,  .ideas  of,  164,  175,  192.  Why  a 
national  party,  165.  On  taxation,  204. 
Against  mobs,  206.  Aim  at  Union, 
207,  399,  400.  Charged  with  treason, 
232.  Apathy  of,  in  1773,  287.  Aims 
of,  288.  Objects  of,  315.  Spirit  of, 
518.  For  organization  of,  see  Com- 
mittees of  Correspondence. 

Whipple,  William,  545. 

Whitcomb,  219. 

White,  Benjamin,  219. 

White,  Samuel,  178, 185. 

Wibird,  Richard,  137. 

Wilkins,  Isaac.  313. 

William  and  Mary,  advent  of,  81.  Proc- 
lamation of,  83.  Enthusiasm  for, 
96.  Colonial  administration  of,  107. 
George  Chalmers  on,  107. 

Williams,  Elisha,  137. 

Williams,  Roger,  banishment  of,  37. 
Notice  of,  48.  Remark  of,  on  Crom- 


well, 48.     On  the  conversion  of  the 

Indians,  48. 
Williams,  William,  284,  352,  385,  545. 

Williamson, ,  582. 

Willing,  William,  537,  538. 
Willoughby,  Francis,  notice  of,  57. 
Wilson.  James,  338,  424,  425,  472,  483, 

515,  537,  538,  545,  590,  594. 
Winslow,  Edward,  38,  39,  46,  47,  48. 
Winslow,  General,  178. 
Winthrop,    John,    governor,    36.      On 

Winslow' s    petition,    38.      Hooker's 

letter  to,  40. 
Winthrop,  John,  330. 
Wmthrop,  Fitz  John,  93. 
Wisner,  Henry,  364. 
Witherspoon,  John,  525,  545,  618. 
Wolcott,  Oliver,  545. 
Wolcott,  Roger,  -Ir  ,  137. 
Woolcott,  Erastus,  284. 
Wooster,  General.  440. 
Worthington,  Colonel,  178. 
Worthington,  Beale,  312. 
Worthington,  John,  137. 
Wraxall,  Peter,  l&  . 
Weare,  Mesheck,  137,  155,  568. 
Wrentham.  Mass.,  on  reconciliation,  507. 
Wright,  Governor,  192,  312. 
Writs  of  assistance,  issue  of,  162.    Otis's 

speech  on.  162,  168. 
Wyoming,  bloodshed  at,  258. 
Wylly,  Alexander,  186. 
Wythe,  George,  172,  179,  234,  469,485 

487,  524,  544,  546,  590. 


Y. 


Yates,  Robert,  590. 

Yonge,  Sir  William,  on  independence, 

153. 
York,  Duke  of,  notice  of,  49, 53.    Against 

assemblies,  78. 
Yorktown,  surrender  at,  580. 
Young,  Thomas,  267,  305,  307,  308,  334. 
Young,  William,  312. 


z. 

Zubley,  D.,  Jr.,  312,  441. 


Cambridge:  Press  of  John  Wilson  and  Son. 


